Wikipedia

Authoritarianism

This article is about authoritarianism in political science and organizational studies. For authoritarianism in psychology, seeAuthoritarian personality.For a form of government where power is held by a single individual, seeAutocracy.

Authoritarianismis apolitical systemcharacterized by the rejection ofpolitical plurality,the use of strong central power to preserve the politicalstatus quo,and reductions indemocracy,separation of powers,and therule of law.[1][2]Political scientists have created many typologies describing variations of authoritarian forms of government.[2]Authoritarian regimes may be eitherautocraticoroligarchicand may be based upon the rule of apartyor themilitary.[3][4]States that have a blurred boundary between democracy and authoritarianism have some times been characterized as "hybrid democracies", "hybrid regimes"or" competitive authoritarian "states.[5][6][7]

The political scientistJuan Linz,in an influential[8]1964 work,An Authoritarian Regime: Spain,defined authoritarianism as possessing four qualities:

  1. Limitedpolitical pluralism,which is achieved with constraints on thelegislature,political partiesandinterest groups.
  2. Political legitimacybased on appeals to emotion and identification of the regime as a necessary evil to combat "easily recognizable societal problems, such asunderdevelopmentorinsurgency."
  3. Minimalpolitical mobilization,and suppression of anti-regime activities.
  4. Ill-defined executive powers, often vague and shifting, used to extend the power of the executive.[9][10]

Minimally defined, an authoritarian government lacks free and competitivedirect electionstolegislatures,free and competitive direct orindirect electionsforexecutives,or both.[11][12][13][14]Broadly defined, authoritarian states include countries that lackhuman rightssuch asfreedom of religion,or countries in which the government and theoppositiondo not alternate in power at least once following free elections.[15]Authoritarian states might contain nominally democratic institutions such as political parties, legislatures and elections which are managed to entrench authoritarian rule and can feature fraudulent, non-competitive elections.[16]

Since 1946, the share of authoritarian states in the international political system increased until the mid-1970s but declined from then until the year 2000.[17]Prior to 2000, dictatorships typically began with acoupand replaced a pre-existing authoritarian regime.[18]Since 2000, dictatorships are most likely to begin through democratic backsliding whereby a democratically elected leader established an authoritarian regime.[18]

Characteristics

Authoritarianism is characterized by highly concentrated andcentralized governmentpower maintained bypolitical repressionand the exclusion of potential or supposed challengers by armed force. It usespolitical partiesand mass organizations to mobilize people around the goals of the regime.[19]Adam Przeworskihas theorized that "authoritarian equilibrium rests mainly on lies, fear and economic prosperity."[20]

Authoritarianism also tends to embrace the informal and unregulated exercise ofpolitical power,a leadership that is "self-appointed and even if elected cannot be displaced by citizens' free choice among competitors", the arbitrary deprivation ofcivil libertiesand little tolerance for meaningfulopposition.[19]A range ofsocial controlsalso attempt to stiflecivil societywhile political stability is maintained by control over and support of thearmed forces,a bureaucracy staffed by the regime and creation ofallegiancethrough various means ofsocializationand indoctrination.[19]Pippa NorrisandRonald Inglehartidentify authoritarianism in politicians and political parties by looking for values of security, conformity, and obedience.[21]

Authoritarianism is marked by "indefinite political tenure" of the ruler orruling party(often in aone-party state) or other authority.[19]The transition from an authoritarian system to a moredemocraticform of government is referred to asdemocratization.[19]

Constitutions in authoritarian regimes

Authoritarian regimes often adopt "the institutional trappings" of democracies such asconstitutions.[22]Constitutions in authoritarian states may serve a variety of roles, including "operating manual" (describing how the government is to function); "billboard" (signal of regime's intent), "blueprint" (outline of future regime plans), and "window dressing" (material designed to obfuscate, such as provisions setting forth freedoms that are not honored in practice).[23]Authoritarian constitutions may help legitimize, strengthen, and consolidate regimes.[24]An authoritarian constitution "that successfully coordinates government action and defines popular expectations can also help consolidate the regime's grip on power by inhibiting re coordination on a different set of arrangements."[25]Unlike democratic constitutions, authoritarian constitutions do not set direct limits on executive authority; however, in some cases such documents may function as ways for elites to protect their own property rights or constrain autocrats' behavior.[26]

TheSoviet Russia Constitution of 1918,the first charter of the newRussian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic(RSFSR), was described byVladimir Leninas a "revolutionary" document. It was, he said, unlike any constitution drafted by a nation-state.[27]The concept of "authoritarian constitutionalism" has been developed by legal scholarMark Tushnet.[28]Tushnet distinguishes authoritarian constitutionalist regimes from "liberal constitutionalist" regimes ( "the sort familiar in the modern West, with core commitments to human rights and self-governance implemented by means of varying institutional devices" ) and from purely authoritarian regimes (which reject the idea of human rights or constraints on leaders' power).[28]He describes authoritarian constitutionalist regimes as (1) authoritariandominant-partystates that (2) impose sanctions (such as libel judgments) against, but do notarbitrarily arrest,political dissidents; (3) permit "reasonably open discussion and criticism of its policies"; (4) hold "reasonably free and fair elections", without systemic intimidation, but "with close attention to such matters as the drawing of election districts and the creation of party lists to ensure as best it can that it will prevail – and by a substantial margin"; (5) reflect at least occasional responsiveness to public opinion; and (6) create "mechanisms to ensure that the amount of dissent does not exceed the level it regards as desirable." Tushnet citesSingaporeas an example of an authoritarian constitutionalist state, and connects the concept to that ofhybrid regimes.[28]

Economy

Scholars such asSeymour Lipset,[29]Carles Boix,Susan Stokes,[30]Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Stephens and John Stephens[31]argue that economic development increases the likelihood of democratization.Adam PrzeworskiandFernando Limongiargue that while economic development makes democracies less likely to turn authoritarian, there is insufficient evidence to conclude that development causes democratization (turning an authoritarian state into a democracy).[32]

Eva Bellin argues that under certain circumstances thebourgeoiseandlaborare more likely to favor democratization, but less so under other circumstances.[33]Economic development can boost public support for authoritarian regimes in the short-to-medium term.[34]

According to Michael Albertus, mostland reform programstend to be implemented by authoritarian regimes that subsequently withholdproperty rightsfrom the beneficiaries of the land reform. Authoritarian regimes do so to gain coercive leverage over rural populations.[35]

Institutions

Authoritarian regimes typically incorporate similar political institutions to that of democratic regimes, such as legislatures and judiciaries, although they may serve different purposes. Democratic regimes are marked by institutions that are essential to economic development and individual freedom, including representative legislatures and competitive political parties.[36][37]Most authoritarian regimes embrace these political structures, but use it in a way that reinforces their power.[36]Authoritarian legislatures, for example, are forums through which leaders may enhance their bases of support, share power, and monitor elites.[38]Additionally, authoritarian party systems are extremely unstable and unconducive to party development, largely due to monopolistic patterns of authority.[39]Judiciaries may be present in authoritarian states where they serve to repress political challengers, institutionalize punishment, and undermine the rule of law.[40]

Democratic and authoritarian arguably differ most prominently in their elections. Democratic elections are generally inclusive, competitive, and fair.[41]In most instances, the elected leader is appointed to act on behalf of the general will. Authoritarian elections, on the other hand, are frequently subject tofraudand extreme constraints on the participation of opposing parties.[39]Autocratic leaders employ tactics like murdering political opposition and paying election monitors to ensure victory.[36][42]Despite this, the proportion of authoritarian regimes with elections and support parties has risen in recent years.[36]This is largely due to the increasing popularity of democracies and electoral autocracies, leading authoritarian regimes to imitate democratic regimes in hopes of receivingforeign aidand dodging criticism.[36][43]

According to a 2018 study, most party-led dictatorships regularly hold popular elections. Prior to the 1990s, most of these elections had no alternative parties or candidates for voters to choose. Since the end of the Cold War, about two-thirds of elections in authoritarian systems allow for some opposition, but the elections are structured in a way to heavily favor the incumbent authoritarian regime.[44]In 2020, almost half of all authoritarian systems had multi-party governments.[45]Cabinet appointments by an authoritarian regime to outsiders can consolidate their rule by dividing the opposition and co-opting outsiders.[45]

Hindrances to free and fair elections in authoritarian systems may include:[44]

  • Control of the media by the authoritarian incumbents.
  • Interference with opposition campaigning.
  • Electoral fraud.
  • Violence against opposition.
  • Large-scale spending by the state in favor of the incumbents.
  • Permitting of some parties, but not others.
  • Prohibitions on opposition parties, but not independent candidates.
  • Allowing competition between candidates within the incumbent party, but not those who are not in the incumbent party.

Interactions with other elites and the masses

The foundations of stable authoritarian rule are that the authoritarian prevents contestation from the masses and other elites. The authoritarian regime may use co-optation orrepression(or carrots and sticks) to prevent revolts.[46][47]Authoritarian rule entails a balancing act whereby the ruler has to maintain the support of other elites (frequently through the distribution of state and societal resources) and the support of the public (through distribution of the same resources): the authoritarian rule is at risk if the balancing act is lopsided, as it risks a coup by the elites or an uprising by the mass public.[48][49]

Manipulation of information

Main articles:Political censorshipandPropaganda

According to a 2019 study bySergei GurievandDaniel Treisman,authoritarian regimes have over time become less reliant on violence and massrepressionto maintain control. The study shows instead that authoritarians have increasingly resorted tomanipulation of informationas a means of control. Authoritarians increasingly seek to create an appearance of good performance, conceal state repression, and imitate democracy.[50]

While authoritarian regimes invest considerably in propaganda out of a belief that it enhances regime survival, scholars have offered mixed views as to whether propaganda is effective.[51]

Systemic weakness and resilience

Andrew J. Nathannotes that "regime theory holds that authoritarian systems are inherently fragile because of weak legitimacy, overreliance on coercion, over-centralizationof decision making, and the predominance of personal power over institutional norms.... Few authoritarian regimes – be they communist, fascist, corporatist, or personalist – have managed to conduct orderly, peaceful, timely, and stable successions. "[52]

Political scientist Theodore M. Vestal writes that authoritarian political systems may be weakened through inadequate responsiveness to either popular or elite demands and that the authoritarian tendency to respond to challenges by exerting tighter control, instead of by adapting, may compromise thelegitimacyof an authoritarian state and lead to its collapse.[19]

One exception to this general trend is the endurance of the authoritarian rule of theChinese Communist Partywhich has been unusually resilient among authoritarian regimes. Nathan posits that this can be attributed to four factors such as (1) "the increasingly norm-bound nature of its succession politics"; (2) "the increase in meritocratic as opposed to factional considerations in the promotion of political elites"; (3) "the differentiation and functional specialization of institutions within the regime"; and (4) "the establishment of institutions for political participation and appeal that strengthen the CCP's legitimacy among the public at large."[52]

Some scholars have challenged notions that authoritarian states are inherently brittle systems that requirerepressionand propaganda to make people comply with the authoritarian regime.Adam Przeworskihas challenged this, noting that while authoritarian regimes do take actions that serve to enhance regime survival, they also engage in mundane everyday governance and their subjects do not hold a posture towards the regime at all moments of their life. He writes, "People in autocracies do not incessantly live under the shadow of dramatic historical events; they lead everyday routine lives."[53]Similarly,Thomas Pepinskyhas challenged the common mental image of an authoritarian state as one of grim totalitarianism, desperate hardship, strict censorship, and dictatorial orders of murder, torture and disappearances. He writes, "life in authoritarian states is mostly boring and tolerable."[54]

Violence

Yale University political scientist Milan Svolik argues that violence is a common characteristic of authoritarian systems. Violence tends to be common in authoritarian states because of a lack of independent third parties empowered to settle disputes between the dictator, regime allies, regime soldiers and the masses.[46]

Authoritarians may resort to measures referred to ascoup-proofing(structures that make it hard for any small group to seize power). Coup-proofing strategies include strategically placing family, ethnic, and religious groups in the military; creating of an armed force parallel to the regular military; and developing multiple internal security agencies with overlapping jurisdiction that constantly monitor one another.[55]Research shows that some coup-proofing strategies reduce the risk of coups occurring[56][57]and reduce the likelihood of mass protests.[58]However, coup-proofing reduces military effectiveness,[59][60][61][62]and limits the rents that an incumbent can extract.[63]A 2016 study shows that the implementation ofsuccession rulesreduce the occurrence of coup attempts.[64]Succession rules are believed to hampercoordination effortsamong coup plotters by assuaging elites who have more to gain by patience than by plotting.[64]According to political scientists Curtis Bell and Jonathan Powell, coup attempts in neighboring countries lead to greater coup-proofing and coup-relatedrepressionin a region.[65]A 2017 study finds that countries' coup-proofing strategies are heavily influenced by other countries with similar histories.[66]A 2018 study in theJournal of Peace Researchfound that leaders who survive coup attempts and respond by purging known and potential rivals are likely to have longer tenures as leaders.[67]A 2019 study inConflict Management and Peace Sciencefound thatpersonalistdictatorships are more likely to take coup-proofing measures than other authoritarian regimes; the authors argue that this is because "personalists are characterized by weak institutions and narrow support bases, a lack of unifying ideologies and informal links to the ruler."[68]

According to a 2019 study, personalist dictatorships are more repressive than other forms of dictatorship.[69]

Typologies

According toYaleprofessorJuan José Linzthere a three main types of political regimes today:democracies, totalitarian regimesand, sitting between these two, authoritarian regimes (withhybrid regimes).[70][71]

Similar terms

  • An authoritarian regime has "a concentration of power in a leader or an elite not constitutionally responsible to the people".[72]Unlike totalitarian states, they will allow social and economic institutions not under governmental control,[73]and tend to rely on passive mass acceptance rather than active popular support.[74]
  • AnAutocracyis a state/government in which one person possesses "unlimited power".
  • ATotalitarianstate is "based on subordination of the individual to the state and strict control of all aspects of the life and productive capacity of the nation especially by coercive measures (such as censorship and terrorism)".[75]and are ruled by a single ruling party made up of loyal supporters.[76]Unlike autocracies, which "seek only to gain absolute political power and to outlaw opposition",[77]totalitarian states are characterized by an official ideology, which "seek only to gain absolute political power and to outlaw opposition",[77]and "seek to dominate every aspect of everyone's life as a prelude to world domination".[77]
  • AFasciststate is autocratic and based on a political philosophy/movement, (such as that of the Fascisti of pre-WWII Italy) "that exalts nation and often race above the individual and that stands for a centralized autocratic government headed by a dictatorial leader, severe economic and social regimentation, and forcible suppression of opposition".[78]

Subtypes

Several subtypes of authoritarian regimes have been identified by Linz and others.[79]Linz identified the two most basic subtypes as traditional authoritarian regimes and bureaucratic-military authoritarian regimes:

  • Traditional authoritarian regimes are those "in which the ruling authority (generally a single person)" is maintained in power "through a combination of appeals to traditional legitimacy,patron-client tiesand repression, which is carried out by an apparatus bound to the ruling authority through personal loyalties. "An example isEthiopiaunderHaile Selassie I.[79]
    Honoring South Korean PresidentPark Chung-heein Army Parade atArmed Forces Dayon 1 October 1973
  • Bureaucratic-military authoritarian regimes are those "governed by acoalition of military officersand technocrats who act pragmatically (rather than ideologically) within the limits of their bureaucratic mentality. "[79]Mark J. Gasiorowskisuggests that it is best to distinguish "simple military authoritarian regimes" from "bureaucratic authoritarian regimes" in which "a powerful group of technocrats uses the state apparatus to try to rationalize and develop the economy" suchSouth KoreaunderPark Chung-hee.[79]

According toBarbara Geddes,there are seven typologies of authoritarian regimes: dominant party regimes, military regime, personalist regimes, monarchies, oligarchic regimes, indirect military regimes, or hybrids of the first three.[80]

Subtypes of authoritarian regimes identified by Linz arecorporatistor organic-statistic, racial and ethnic "democracy" and post-totalitarian.[79]

Azerbaijan's PresidentIlham Aliyevand Venezuela's PresidentNicolas Maduroon 25 October 2019

Authoritarian regimes are also sometimes subcategorized by whether they are more personalistic orpopulist.[79][additional citation(s) needed]Personalistic authoritarian regimes are characterized by arbitrary rule andauthorityexercised "mainly through patronage networks and coercion rather than through institutions and formal rules."[79]Personalistic authoritarian regimes have been seen in post-colonial Africa. By contrast, populist authoritarian regimes "are mobilizational regimes in which a strong, charismatic, manipulative leader rules through a coalition involving key lower-class groups."[79]Examples includeArgentinaunderJuan Perón,[79]EgyptunderGamal Abdel Nasser[79]andVenezuelaunderHugo ChávezandNicolás Maduro.[87][88]

A typology of authoritarian regimes by political scientists Brian Lai and Dan Slater includes four categories:

Lai and Slater argue that single‐party regimes are better than military regimes at developing institutions (e.g.mass mobilization,patronage networks and coordination of elites) that are effective at continuing the regime's incumbency and diminishing domestic challengers; Lai and Slater also argue that military regimes more often initiate military conflicts or undertake other "desperate measures" to maintain control as compared to single‐party regimes.[4][3]

John Duckitt suggests a link between authoritarianism andcollectivism,asserting that both stand in opposition toindividualism.[89]Duckitt writes that both authoritarianism and collectivism submergeindividual rightsand goals to group goals, expectations andconformities.[90]

According to Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, authoritarian regimes that are created insocial revolutionsare far more durable than other kinds of authoritarian regimes.[91]

While the existence of left-wing authoritarianism as apsychological constructhas been criticised, a study found evidence for both left-wing and right-wing authoritarianism.[92]

Authoritarianism and democracy

Democracy Indexby theEconomist Intelligence Unit,2022.[93]Green countries are democratic, yellow arehybrid regimes,and red are authoritarian governments.

Authoritarianism and democracy are not necessarily fundamental opposites and may be thought of as poles at opposite ends of a scale, so that it is possible for some democracies to possess authoritarian elements, and for an authoritarian system to have democratic elements.[94][unreliable source?][95][96][verification needed]Authoritarian regimes may also be partly responsive to citizen grievances, although this is generally only regarding grievances that do not undermine the stability of the regime.[97][98]Anilliberal democracy,orprocedural democracy,is distinguished fromliberal democracy,orsubstantive democracy,in that illiberal democracies lack features such as therule of law,protections forminority groups,anindependent judiciaryand the realseparation of powers.[99][100][101][102]

A further distinction that liberal democracies have rarely made war with one another; research has extended the theory and finds that more democratic countries tend to have few wars (sometimes calledmilitarized interstate disputes) causing fewer battle deaths with one another and that democracies have far fewercivil wars.[103][104]

Research shows that the democratic nations have much lessdemocideor murder by government. Those were also moderately developed nations before applying liberal democratic policies.[105]Research by theWorld Banksuggests that political institutions are extremely important in determining the prevalence ofcorruptionand that parliamentary systems, political stability andfreedom of the pressare all associated with lower corruption.[106]

A 2006 study by economistAlberto Abadiehas concluded that terrorism is most common in nations with intermediatepolitical freedom.The nations with the leastterrorismare the most and least democratic nations, and that "transitions from an authoritarian regime to a democracy may be accompanied by temporary increases in terrorism."[107]Studies in 2013 and 2017 similarly found a nonlinear relationship between political freedom and terrorism, with the most terrorist attacks occurring in partial democracies and the fewest in "strict autocracies and full-fledged democracies."[108]A 2018 study by Amichai Magen demonstrated that liberal democracies andpolyarchiesnot only suffer fewer terrorist attacks as compared to other regime types, but also suffer fewer casualties in terrorist attacks as compared to other regime types, which may be attributed to higher-quality democracies' responsiveness to their citizens' demands, including "the desire for physical safety", resulting in "investment in intelligence, infrastructure protection, first responders, social resilience, and specialized medical care" which averts casualties.[108]Magen also stated that terrorism in closed autocracies sharply increased starting in 2013.[108]

Within national democratic governments, there may be subnational authoritarian enclaves. A prominent examples of this includes the Southern United States afterReconstruction,as well as areas of contemporary Argentina and Mexico.[109]

Competitive authoritarian regimes

Another type of authoritarian regime is the competitive authoritarian regime, a type of civilian regime that arose in the post-Cold War era. In a competitive authoritarian regime, "formal democratic institutions exist and are widely viewed as the primary means of gaining power, but... incumbents' abuse of the state places them at a significant advantage vis-à-vis their opponents."[110][111]The term was coined by Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way in their 2010 book of the same name to discuss a type ofhybrid regimethat emerged during and after theCold War.[110][112]

Competitive authoritarian regimes differ from fully authoritarian regimes in that elections are regularly held, the opposition can openly operate without a high risk of exile or imprisonment and "democratic procedures are sufficiently meaningful for opposition groups to take them seriously as arenas through which to contest for power."[110]Competitive authoritarian regimes lack one or more of the three characteristics of democracies such as free elections (i.e. elections untainted by substantial fraud or voter intimidation); protection of civil liberties (i.e. the freedom of speech, press and association) and an even playing field (in terms of access to resources, the media and legal recourse).[113]

Authoritarianism and fascism

Authoritarianism is considered a core concept offascism[114][115][116][117]and scholars agree that a fascist regime is foremost an authoritarian form of government, although not all authoritarian regimes are fascist. While authoritarianism is a defining characteristic of fascism, scholars argue that more distinguishing traits are needed to make an authoritarian regime fascist.[118][119][120][121][122][123][124][125][126]

Authoritarianism and totalitarianism

Benito Mussolini,the founder of Italian Fascism, called his regime the "Totalitarian State": "Everything in the State, nothing outside the State, nothing against the State."[127]

Totalitarianismis a label used by variouspolitical scientiststo characterize the most tyrannical strain of authoritarian systems; in which the ruling elite, often subservient to adictator,exert near-total control of the social, political, economic, cultural and religious aspects of society in the territories under its governance.[128]

Linz distinguished new forms of authoritarianism from personalistic dictatorships and totalitarian states, takingFrancoist Spainas an example. Unlike personalistic dictatorships, new forms of authoritarianism have institutionalized representation of a variety of actors (in Spain's case, including the military, theCatholic Church,Falange,monarchists,technocratsand others). Unlike totalitarian states, the regime relies on passive mass acceptance rather than popular support.[74]According to Juan Linz the distinction between an authoritarian regime and atotalitarianone is that an authoritarian regime seeks to suffocate politics and political mobilization while totalitarianism seeks to control and utilize them.[70]Authoritarianism primarily differs from totalitarianism in that social and economic institutions exist that are not under governmental control. Building on the work of Yale political scientist Juan Linz, Paul C. Sondrol of theUniversity of Colorado at Colorado Springshas examined the characteristics of authoritarian and totalitarian dictators and organized them in a chart:[73]

Totalitarianism Authoritarianism
Charisma High Low
Role conception Leader as function Leader as individual
Ends of power Public Private
Corruption Low High
Officialideology Yes No
Limitedpluralism No Yes
Legitimacy Yes No

Sondrol argues that while both authoritarianism and totalitarianism are forms ofautocracy,they differ in three keydichotomies:

(1) Unlike their bland and generally unpopular authoritarian brethren, totalitarian dictators develop acharismatic"mystique"and a mass-based, pseudo-democraticinterdependencewith their followers via the conscious manipulation of a prophetic image.

(2)Concomitantrole conceptions differentiate totalitarians from authoritarians. Authoritarians view themselves as individual beings largely content to control and often maintain the status quo. Totalitarian self-conceptions are largelyteleological.Thetyrantis less a person than an indispensable function to guide and reshape the universe.

(3) Consequently, the utilisation of power for personal aggrandizement is more evident among authoritarians than totalitarians. Lacking the binding appeal ofideology,authoritarians support their rule by a mixture of instilling fear and granting rewards to loyal collaborators, engendering akleptocracy.[73]

Kim Il-Sung,founder of North Korea, established an authoritarian regime which was modeled after other totalitarian countries.[129]

Compared to totalitarianism, "the authoritarian state still maintains a certain distinction between state and society. It is only concerned with political power and as long as that is not contested it gives society a certain degree of liberty. Totalitarianism, on the other hand, invadesprivate lifeand asphyxiates it. "[130]Another distinction is that "authoritarianism is not animated by utopian ideals in the way totalitarianism is. It does not attempt to change the world and human nature."[130]Carl Joachim Friedrichwrites that "a totalist ideology, a party reinforced by asecret police,and monopoly control of... industrial mass society "are the three features of totalitarian regimes that distinguish them from other autocracies.[130]

Greg Yudin,a professor of political philosophy at the Moscow School of Social and Economic Sciences, argues "political passivity and civic disengagement" are "key features" of authoritarianism, while totalitarianism relies on "mass mobilization, terror and homogeneity of beliefs".[131]

Economic effects

In 2010, Dani Rodrik wrote that democracies outperform autocracies in terms of long-term economic growth, economic stability, adjustments to external economic shocks, human capital investment, and economic equality.[132]A 2019 study byDaron Acemoglu,Suresh Naidu,Pascual Restrepo, andJames A. Robinsonfound that democracy increases GDP per capita by about 20 percent over the long-term.[133]According toAmartya Sen,no functioning liberal democracy has ever suffered a large-scalefamine.[134]Studies suggest that several health indicators (life expectancy and infant and maternal mortality) have a stronger and more significant association with democracy than they have withGDPper capita, size of the public sector or income inequality.[135]

One of the few areas that some scholars have theorized that autocracies may have an advantage, is in industrialization.[136]In the 20th century,Seymour Martin Lipsetargued that low-income authoritarian regimes have certain technocratic "efficiency-enhancing advantages" over low-income democracies that gives authoritarian regimes an advantage ineconomic development.[137]By contrast,Morton H. Halperin,Joseph T. Siegle and Michael M. Weinstein (2005) argue that democracies "realize superior development performance" over authoritarianism, pointing out that poor democracies are more likely to have steadier economic growth and less likely to experience economic and humanitarian catastrophes (such as refugee crises) than authoritarian regimes; that civil liberties in democracies act as a curb on corruption and misuse of resources; and that democracies are more adaptable than authoritarian regimes.[137]

Post-World War II anti-authoritarianism

Main article:Anti-authoritarianism

BothWorld War II(ending in 1945) and theCold War(ending in 1991) resulted in the replacement of authoritarian regimes by either democratic regimes or regimes that were less authoritarian.

World War IIsaw the defeat of theAxis powersby theAllied powers.All the Axis powers (Nazi Germany,Fascist ItalyandImperial Japan) had totalitarian or authoritarian governments, and two of the three were replaced by governments based on democratic constitutions. TheAllied powerswere an alliance of Democratic states and (later) the CommunistSoviet Union.At least in Western Europe the initial post-war era embraced pluralism and freedom of expression in areas that had been under control of authoritarian regimes. The memory of fascism and Nazism was denigrated. The newFederal Republic of Germanybanned its expression. In reaction to the centralism of the Nazi state, the new constitution of West Germany (Federal Republic of Germany) exercised "separation of powers"and placed"law enforcementfirmly in the hands "of the sixteenLänderor states of the republic, not with the federal German government, at least not at first.[138]

Culturally there was also a strong sense of anti-authoritarianism based onanti-fascismin Western Europe. This was attributed to the active resistance fromoccupationand to fears arising from the development ofsuperpowers.[139]Anti-authoritarianism also became associated withcounterculturalandbohemianmovements such as theBeat Generationin the 1950s,[140]thehippiesin the 1960s[141]andpunksin the 1970s.[142]

In South America, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay, Chile and Uruguay moved away from dictatorships to democracy between 1982 and 1990.[143]

With the fall of theBerlin Wallin 1989 and theSoviet Unionin1991,the other authoritarian/totalitarian "half" of the Allied Powers of World War II collapsed. This led not so much to revolt against authority in general, but to the belief that authoritarian states (and state control of economies) were outdated.[144]The idea that "liberal democracy was the final form toward which all political striving was directed"[145]became very popular in Western countries and was celebrated inFrancis Fukuyama's bookThe End of History and the Last Man.[145]According to Charles H. Fairbanks Jr., "all the new states that stumbled out of the ruins of the Soviet bloc, except Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, seemed indeed to be moving towards democracy in the early 1990s" as were the countries of East Central Europe and the Balkans.[146]

In December 2010, theArab Springarose in response to unrest over economic stagnation but also in opposition to oppressive authoritarian regimes, first inTunisia,and spreading toLibya,Egypt,Yemen,Syria,Bahrainand elsewhere. Regimes were toppled inTunisia,Libya,Egyptand partially inYemenwhile other countries saw riots, civil wars or insurgencies. Most Arab Spring revolutions failed to lead to enduring democratization. In the decade following the Arab Spring, of the countries in which an autocracy was toppled in the Arab spring, only Tunisia had become a genuine democracy; Egypt backslid to return to a military-run authoritarian state, while Libya, Syria and Yemen experienced devastating civil wars.[147][148]

21st-century authoritarian revival

Main article:Democratic backsliding

Since 2005, observers noted what some have called a "democratic recession",[145][149]although some such as Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way have disputed that there was a significant democratic decline before 2013.[149]In 2018, theFreedom Housedeclared that from 2006 to 2018 "113 countries" around the world showed "a net decline" in "political rights and civil liberties" while "only 62" experienced "a net improvement."[150]Its 2020 report marked the fourteenth consecutive year of declining scores.[151]By 2020, all countries marked as "not free" byFreedom Househad also developed practices oftransnational repression,aiming to police and control dissent beyond state borders.[152]

International trends in
democracy/authoritarianism
countries becoming
more democratic 		countries becoming
more authoritarian
late 1990s 72 3
2021 15 33
source: V-Dem[153][154]

Writing in 2018, American political journalistDavid Frumstated: "The hopeful world of the very late 20th century – the world ofNAFTAand an expandingNATO;of the World Wide Web 1.0 and liberal interventionism; of the global spread of democracy under leaders such asVáclav HavelandNelson Mandela– now looks battered and delusive. "[155]

Michael Ignatieffwrote that Fukuyama's idea of liberalism vanquishing authoritarianism "now looks like a quaint artifact of a vanished unipolar moment"[145]and Fukuyama himself expressed concern.[144]By 2018, only one Arab Spring uprising (that in Tunisia) resulted in a transition to constitutional democratic governance[156]and a "resurgence of authoritarianism andIslamic extremism"in the region[157]was dubbed theArab Winter.[158][159][160][161][162]

Various explanations have been offered for the new spread of authoritarianism. They include the downside of globalization, and the subsequent rise ofpopulismandneo-nationalism,[163]and the success of theBeijing Consensus,i.e. the authoritarian model of thePeople's Republic of China.[164]In countries such as the United States, factors blamed for the growth of authoritarianism include thefinancial crisis of 2007–2008and slower real wage growth[165][unreliable source?]as well as social media's elimination of so-called "gatekeepers" of knowledge – the equivalent ofdisintermediationin economics – so that a large fraction of the population considers to be opinion what were once "viewed as verifiable facts" – including everything from the danger of global warming to the preventing the spread of disease through vaccination – and considers to be fact what are actually only unproven fringe opinions.[166]

InUnited States politics,white supremacistgroups such as theKu Klux Klan,neo-Nazi skinheads,and adherents of theChristian Identity,ideology have long operated as a loose network. In theinternet age,far-right extremists throughout the U.S. and much of the West have consolidated further into a movement known as theAlt-Right,which has inspired numerousterrorist attackswhile at the same time increasing the mainstream appeal of white supremacism.[167]According to Azani et al.:[167]

The current resurgence of far-right ideology may be explained by a variety of factors, primarily, the strategic adjustment of white supremacists to soften overtly racist rhetoric in order to appeal to a wider audience. This new discourse attempts to normalize white supremacy, developing intellectual and theoretical foundations for racism based on the notion that the white race is at risk of eradication, threatened by the growing population of immigrants and people of colour. The pre-existing, offensive white supremacist, fascist and neo-Nazi ideas that drove the white power movement of the twentieth century were thus rebranded through a new innocuous defensive frame of white victimhood. As such, the new strategy of racist rhetoric has allowed the movement to co-opt mainstream political debates surrounding immigration and globalization, drawing large audiences through a deliberate obfuscation of the underlying ideology.

Far-right extremism has played a key role in promoting theGreat ReplacementandWhite genocide conspiracy theories,and an "acceleration"of racial conflict through violent means such asassassinations,murders,terrorist attacks,andsocietal collapsein order to achieve the building of awhite ethnostate.[167]While many contemporary extreme far-right groups eschew the hierarchical structure of other authoritarian political organizations, they often explicitly promote cultural authoritarianism alongside xenophobia, racism, antisemitism, homophobia and misogyny, as well as authoritarian government interventions against perceived societal problems.[167]

Examples

There is no one consensus definition of authoritarianism, but several annual measurements are attempted, includingFreedom House's annualFreedom in the Worldreport. Some countries such as Venezuela, among others, that are currently or historically recognized as authoritarian did not become authoritarian upon taking power or fluctuated between an authoritarian,flawed,andHybridregime due to periods ofdemocratic backslidingand/ordemocratization.The time period reflects their time in power rather than the years they were authoritarian regimes. Nazi Germany and Stalinist Russia are often regarded as the most infamous examples of totalitarian systems. Some countries such as China and variousfascistregimes have also been characterized astotalitarian,with some periods being depicted as more authoritarian, or totalitarian, than others. Contemporary examples of totalitarian states include theSyrian Arab Republicand theDemocratic People's Republic of Korea.[168]

Current

The following is a non-exhaustive list of examples of states characterized as authoritarian, as seen in the sources in the Notes and references column. Countries listed also are not rated as democracies byThe Economist Democracy Index,as 'free' byFreedom House'sFreedom in the Worldindex or reach a high score atV-Dem Democracy Indices.

State Time period Ruling group or person Notes and references
Afghanistan 1996–2001;2021– Taliban Totalitarian theocratic state.[169]
Angola 1975– MPLA [170]
Azerbaijan 1993– New Azerbaijan Party [171][172][173][174][175][176]
Bahrain 1783– House of Khalifa [177]
Bangladesh 2009- Awami LeagueunderSheikh Hasina [178]
Belarus 1994– Alexander Lukashenko [179][180][181][182][183]
Burundi 2005– CNDD–FDD [184]
Cambodia 1979– Cambodian People's Party [185][186]
Cameroon 1982– Paul Biya [187][188]
People's Republic of China 1949– Chinese Communist Party China received 9 out of 100 points in Freedom House's 2024 Global Freedom Score.[189]The party promotes itself as 'consultative' on local issues and some scholars describe the Chinese system as "a fragmented authoritarianism" (Lieberthal), "a negotiated state", or "a consultative authoritarian regime."[190]
Republic of the Congo 1969–1992; 1997– Congolese Party of Labour [191]
Cuba 1959– Communist Party of Cuba [192]
Djibouti 1977– People's Rally for Progress [193][194]
Egypt 2014– Abdel Fattah el-Sisi [195]
El Salvador 2019– Nayib Bukele [196][197]
Equatorial Guinea 1979– Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo [198]
Eritrea 1993–[a] Isaias Afwerki Eritrea is considered a totalitarian dictatorship.[199]
Eswatini 1968– House of Dlamini [200]
Ethiopia 2018– Abiy Ahmed Abiy Ahmed and his party considered "authoritarian" by some activists and dissents.[201]He is considered by some a "charming dictator".[202][203]
Hong Kong(Special administrative region ofPeople's Republic of China) 2020– Pro-Beijing camp (Hong Kong) Since the enactment of theHong Kong National Security Law,the Hong Kong government began cracking down on pro-democracy activists, politicians, and news outlets. Which is considered by many to be a sign of rising authoritarianism in Hong Kong.[204][205][206]
Hungary 2010– Fidesz [207][208]
India 2014– Narenda Modi [citation needed]
Iran 1979– Assembly of Experts After theIranian Revolution,Iran became a totalitarianclericalstate (nominally an "Islamic republic") based on the absolute authority of the unelectedSupreme Leader of Iran,based on the strictShiaconcept ofGuardianship of the Islamic Jurist.If it has the opportunity, this legal body will remove reformist politicians.[209][210]In 2000, Juan José Linz wrote that "it is difficult to fit the Iranian regime into the existing typology, as it combines the ideological bent of totalitarianism with the limited pluralism of authoritarianism and holds regular elections in which candidates advocating differing policies and incumbents are often defeated."[211]
Israel 1996–1999;
2009–2021;
2022– 		Benjamin NetanyahuandLikud Although it has boasted of being the "only democracy in the Middle East" the treatment in reference to Palestine is strictly authoritarian, such as the prohibition of commemorating theNakbato members of theKnesset,the prohibition of blocking a state sovereign Palestinian or even not abiding by UN resolutions.[212][213][214][215]
Jordan 1946– Hashemites [216]
Laos 1975– Lao People's Revolutionary Party [217]
Morocco 1957– Alaouite dynasty [216][218][219]
Mozambique 1975– FRELIMO [220]
Myanmar 1962– Tatmadaw The Tatmadaw allowed a democratically elected administration to exercise some power from 2016 to 2021, without allowing civilian control of the military.[221]
Nicaragua 1979–1990; 2007– Daniel Ortega [222][223]
North Korea 1949– Workers' Party of KoreaunderKim Dynasty Some scholars consider North Korea to be the most totalitarian country.[224][225]
Oman 1970– House of Al Said [226]
Palestine 1964– Palestine Liberation Organization [227]
Qatar 1971– House of Thani [228]
Russia 2000– Vladimir Putin [229][230][231][232][233][234]
Rwanda 2000– Paul Kagame [235]
Saudi Arabia 1934– House of Saud [236]
Singapore 1965– People's Action Party Dominant-party system[237][238]
South Sudan 2011– Sudan People's Liberation MovementunderSalva Kiir Mayardit [239]
Republika Srpska
(part ofBosnia and Herzegovina) 		2006– Milorad Dodik [240][241][242]
Syria 1963– Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party – Syria Regionunderal-Assad family Totalitarianpolice state[243][168][244]under a hereditary dictatorship
Sudan 2021– Abdel Fattah al-Burhan Failed statein apower vacuum[245]
Tajikistan 1994– Emomali Rahmon [246]
Togo 1967– Eyadema Family [247]
Turkey 2003– Justice and Development PartyunderRecep Tayyip Erdoğan It has been described by observers as a "competitive authoritarian regime."[248]
Turkmenistan 2006– Berdimuhamedow Family Effectively a totalitarian hereditary dictatorship.[249][250]
United Arab Emirates 1971– Royal families of the United Arab Emirates [251][252]
Uganda 1986– Yoweri Museveni [253]
Uzbekistan 1989– Uzbekistan Liberal Democratic Party [254][255][256]
Venezuela 1999– United Socialist Party of Venezuela [257]
Vietnam 1976– Vietnamese Communist Party [258]
Zimbabwe 1980– ZANU-PF [259][260]

Historical

The following is a non-exhaustive list of examples of states which were historically authoritarian.

State Time period Ruling group or person Notes and references
Algeria 1999–2019 Abdelaziz Bouteflika [261]
Argentina 1946–1955 Justicialist PartyunderJuan Perón See alsoPeronism.[262][263]
1966–1973 Military government See also theArgentine Revolution.[262][263]
1973–1976 Justicialist Party under Juan andIsabel Perón [262][263]
1976–1983 Jorge Rafael Videla See also theNational Reorganization Process.[262][263]
Austria 1933–1938 Christian Social PartyunderEngelbert DollfußandFatherland FrontunderKurt Schuschnigg See also theFederal State of AustriaandStändestaat.
Brazil 1937–1945 Getúlio Vargas See also theVargas Era.[264]
1964–1985 Military dictatorship in Brazil Started with the1964 Brazilian coup d'état.[264]
Burma 1962–2011 Military government and theBurma Socialist Programme Party Started with the1962 Burmese coup d'étatand ended with the2011–2012 Burmese political reforms.[265]
Burundi 1961–1993 UPRONA
Confederate States of America 1861–1865 Jefferson Davis Herrenvolkrepublic with a "democracy of the white race".[266][267]
Chad 1982–1990 Hissène Habré Habré was deposed byIdriss Déby,he was tried in Senegal for crimes against his country and died in prison months after the man who removed him from power died in combat.
Chile 1973–1990 Government JuntaunderAugusto Pinochet Started with the1973 Chilean coup d'état.[268]
Republic of China 1927–1949 KuomintangandNationalist governmentunderChiang Kai-shek The Republic of China on Taiwan is listed further below.
Democratic Republic of the Congo 1997–2019 Laurent-Désiré KabilaandJoseph Kabila Zaire is listed further below.[269]
Croatia 1941–1945 UstašeunderAnte Pavelić See alsoIndependent State of Croatia
1990–1999 Croatian Democratic UnionunderFranjo Tuđman [270][271]
Czechoslovakia 1938–1939 Party of National Unity
Egypt 1952–2011 Gamal Abdel Nasser,Anwar Sadat,andHosni Mubarak [272]
Equatorial Guinea 1968–1979 Francisco Macias Nguema
Ethiopia 1974–1991 Mengistu Haile Mariamand theWorkers' Party of Ethiopia [273]
Ethiopia 1991–2019 Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front [274]
Fiji 2006–2022 FijiFirst[b] [275][276][277][278]
France 1793–1794 Committee of Public Safety,a provisional government during theReign of TerrorunderMaximilien Robespierre. See also theFrench Revolution.
Gabon 1961–2023 Gabonese Democratic Party Ali Bongo is overthrown in a military coup.
Gambia 1994–2017 Yahya Jammeh Jammeh is overthrown by democratic elections and is forced to resign.
Nazi Germany 1933–1945 National Socialist German Workers' Party See alsoNazism.
Guinea 1958–2021 Ahmed Sekou Touré,Lansana Conté,Moussa Dadis CamaraandAlpha Condé Guinea was marked by a series of authoritarian generations.
Guinea-Bissau 1980–1999 João Bernardo Vieira Nino Vieira would govern in an authoritarian manner in the 80s and 90s until his overthrow, in 2005 he returned to the presidency until his assassination in 2009.
Hungary 1920–1944 Miklós Horthyand theUnity Party [279]
Indonesia 1959–1998 SukarnoandSuharto See also theGuided Democracy eraand theNew Order.
Iran 1925–1979 Pahlavi dynasty [280]
Iraq 1968–2003 Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party – Iraq RegionunderAhmed Hassan al-BakrandSaddam Hussein
Empire of Japan 1931-1945 Hirohitoand theImperial Rule Assistance Association
Liberia 1886–1980 True Whig Party Party that ruled Liberia for more than 100 years and the monopoly was overthrown by the 1980 Liberian coup.
1980–1990 Samuel Doe The Liberian president ends up captured and executed for a long time in the middle of aCivil war.
Fascist Italy 1922–1943 National Fascist Party [281]
Kazakhstan 1990–2022 Amanat Formelly named Nur Otan. The incumbent presidentKassym-Jomart Tokayevrenounced his party membership, establishing in the amendments of the second republic that no president should have affiliation with any party.[187]
Libya 1969–2011 Muammar Gaddafi Started with the1969 Libyan coup d'étatand ended with the2011 Libyan Civil War.[282]
Lithuania 1926–1940 Antanas Smetona Ended in theSoviet occupation.[283]
Macedonia 2006–2016 Nikola Gruevski [284][285]
Mali 1968–1991 Moussa Traoré Moussa is deposed in the1991 Malian coup d'étatand sentenced to death twice, exonerated in May 2002.
Massachusetts Bay Colony 1630–1691 John Winthrop [286][287]
Mexico 17 May–4 June 1833 Santa Anna
18 June–5 July 1833
27 October–December 1833
1834–1835
20 March–10 July 1839
1841–1842
14 May–6 September 1843
4 June–12 September 1844
21 March–2 April 1847
20 May–15 September 1847
1853–1855
1876–1911 Porfirio Díaz,Juan Méndez,andManuel Flores. See alsoPorfiriato.
1929–2000 PRI Mexico was very authoritarian when PRI was the ruling party in Mexico but in 2000 after about 70 years of ruling they lost the2000 Mexican presidential election.They eventually came back to power in 2012 by winning theMexican presidential electionbut eventually lost power in the2018 Mexican presidential electionas their candidate finished 3rd. See alsoTlatelolco massacreand the rigged1988 Mexican presidential election.
Ottoman Empire 1878–1908 Abdul Hamid II
1913–1918 TheThree Pashas
Montenegro 1990–2023 Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro,underMilo Đukanović [288][289][290][291][292]
Nicaragua 1936–1979 Somoza Family The Somoza clan loses power in theSandinista revolution.
Paraguay 1954-1989 Alfredo Stroessner Ended with1989 Paraguayan coup d'état.Stroessner's Colorado party continues to dominate Paraguayan politics, however.
Philippines 1965–1986 Ferdinand Marcos Marcos was elected democratically, but usedmartial lawto expand his powers.

Ended with thePeople Power Revolution.

2016–2022 Rodrigo Duterte [293][294]
Poland 1926–1939 Sanation See also theMay Coup.
Portugal 1926–1933 Military government See also theNational Dictatorship.
1933–1974 Estado Novoregime underAntónio de Oliveira SalazarandMarcelo Caetano Ended with theCarnation Revolution.[295]
Russian State 1918–1920 White movementunderAlexander Kolchak
Rwanda 1961–1994 Gregoire KayibandaandJuvenal Habyarimana
Somalia 1969–1991 Siad Barre
South Africa 1948–1994 National Party Ended with the end ofapartheid.[296][297]
South Korea 1948–1960 Syngman Rhee [298][299]
1961–1987 Park Chung-heeandChun Doo-hwan
Francoist Spain 1936–1977 Francisco FrancounderFET y de las JONS Until theSpanish transition to democracy.[300]
Sudan 1969–2019 Jaafar NimeiryandOmar al-Bashir Ousted in2019 Sudanese coup d'état.[187]
Taiwan 1945–1987 KuomintangunderChiang Kai-shekandChiang Ching-kuo The Republic of China (1927–1949) is listed further above.[301]
Thailand 1948–1957 Plaek Phibunsongkhram Ended with the1957 Thai coup d'état.
1958–1973 Sarit ThanaratandThanom Kittikachorn Ended with the1973 Thai popular uprising.
2014–2023 Prayut Chan-o-cha [302]
2019–2024 Senate The 250-member Senate, appointed by themilitary junta,has considerable power, they have the right to approve the appointment of the Prime Minister and theHouse of Representativeshas often been intervene by the Senate. In the 2023 election, even though theMove Forward PartywithPita Limjaroenratas the leader will have the most votes. However, the Senate rejected Pita as Prime Minister.[303]
Tunisia 1987–2011 Zine El Abidine Ben Ali See alsoTunisian Revolution.
Turkey 1923–1950 Republican People's Party [304][305]
Turkmenistan 1991–2006 Democratic Party of TurkmenistanunderSaparmurat Niyazov Effectively a totalitarian dictatorship.[249][250]
Soviet Union 1922–1991 Communist Party of the Soviet Union See alsoauthoritarian socialism.
Ukraine 1992–2005 Leonid Kuchma Ended in theOrange Revolution[according to whom?].
2010–2014 Party of RegionsunderViktor Yanukovych Ended in theRevolution of Dignity[according to whom?].
Ukrainian State 1918 Pavlo Skoropadskyi Started with the1918 Ukrainian coup d'étatand ended with theAnti-Hetman Uprising.
Uganda 1971-1979 Idi Amin Dada
Yugoslavia 1929–1934 Alexander Iand theJRSD See also the6 January Dictatorship.
1934–1941 Milan Stojadinovićand theJRZ
1944–1990 League of Communists of YugoslaviaunderJosip Broz Tito(–1980) See also thedeath and state funeral of Josip Broz Tito.[306][307]
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia 1992–2000 Socialist Party of SerbiaunderSlobodan Milošević See also theoverthrow of Slobodan Milošević.[308][309]
Zaire 1965–1997 Mobutu Sese Seko The Democratic Republic of the Congo after 1997 is listed above.[269]

See also

Notes

  1. ^Eritrea gainedde factoindependence in 1991;de jureindependence was achieved in 1993.
  2. ^While FijiFirst's leader,Frank Bainimarama,still forms government in Fiji, democratic elections were held again in 2014 after eight years without elections following the2006 Fijian coup d'état.

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Bibliography

  • Linz, Juan J. (1964). "An Authoritarian Regime: The Case of Spain". In Allard, Eric; Littunen, Yrjo.Cleavages, Ideologies and Party Systems.Helsinki: Academic Bookstore.

Further reading

  • Frantz; Erica; Geddes, Barbara; Wrights, Joseph (2018).How Dictatorships Work.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.doi:10.1017/9781316336182.
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