TheInvestiture ControversyorInvestiture Contest(German:Investiturstreit,pronounced[ɪnvɛstiˈtuːɐ̯ˌʃtʁaɪt] ) was a conflict betweenthe Church and the state in medieval Europeover the ability to choose and install bishops (investiture)[1]andabbotsof monasteries and the pope himself. A series of popes in the11thand12th centuriesundercut the power of theHoly Roman Emperorand other Europeanmonarchies,and the controversy led to nearly 50 years of conflict.
It began as a power struggle betweenPope Gregory VIIandHenry IV(then King, later Holy Roman Emperor) in 1076.[2]The conflict ended in 1122, whenPope Callixtus IIandEmperor Henry Vagreed on theConcordat of Worms.The agreement required bishops to swear an oath of fealty to the secular monarch, who held authority "by the lance" but left selection to the church. It affirmed the right of the church to invest bishops with sacred authority, symbolized by aringandstaff.In Germany (but not Italy and Burgundy), the Emperor also retained the right to preside over elections of abbots and bishops by church authorities, and to arbitrate disputes. Holy Roman Emperors renounced the right to choose the pope.
In the meantime, there was also a brief but significant investiture struggle betweenPope Paschal IIand KingHenry I of Englandfrom 1103 to 1107. The earlier resolution to that conflict, theConcordat of London,was very similar to the Concordat of Worms.
Background
editAfter thedecline of the Western Roman Empire,investiturewas performed by members of the ruling nobility (and was known aslay investiture) despite theoretically being a task of the church.[3]Many bishops and abbots were themselves part of the ruling nobility. Given that most members of the European nobility practicedprimogeniture,and willed their titles of nobility to the eldest surviving male heir, surplus male siblings often sought careers in the upper levels of the church hierarchy. This was particularly true where the family may have established aproprietary churchor abbey on their estate.[citation needed]Since a substantial amount of wealth and land was usually associated with the office of abishopor abbot, the sale of church offices—a practice known as "simony"—was an important source of income for leaders among the nobility, who themselves owned the land and by charity allowed the building of churches.[citation needed]Emperors had been heavily relying on bishops for their secular administration, as they were not hereditary or quasi-hereditary nobility with family interests.[citation needed]They justified their power by the theory of thedivine right of kings.
Many of thepapal selections before 1059were influenced politically and militarily by European powers, often with a king or emperor announcing a choice which would be rubber-stamped by church electors. TheHoly Roman Emperorsof theOttonian dynastybelieved they should have the power to appoint the pope. Since the ascendance of the first of that line,Otto the Great(936–72), the bishops had been princes of the empire, had secured many privileges, and had become to a great extent feudal lords over great districts of the imperial territory. The control of these great units of economic and military power was for the king a question of primary importance due to its effect on imperial authority.[4]It was essential for a ruler or nobleman to appoint (or sell the office to) someone who would remain loyal.[3]
Problems with simony became particularly unpopular asPope Benedict IXwas accused of selling the papacy in 1045.Henry III, Holy Roman Emperorfrom 1046 to 1056, settled thepapal schismand named several popes, the last emperor to successfully dominate the selection process. Six-year-oldHenry IVbecame King of the Germans in 1056.
Pope Nicholas II
editBenedict Xwas elected under the influence of theCount of Tusculum,allegedly by bribing the electors. Dissenting cardinals electedPope Nicholas IIin 1058 atSiena.Nicholas II successfully waged war against Benedict X and regained control of the Vatican. Nicholas II convened asynodin theLateranonEasterin 1059. The results were codified in thepapal bullIn nomine Domini.It declared that leaders of the nobility would have no part in the selection of popes (though the Holy Roman Emperor might confirm the choice) and that electors would becardinals(which would later evolve into theCollege of Cardinals) assembled in Rome. The bull also banned lay investiture. In response, all the bishops in Germany (who supported the Emperor) assembled in 1061 and declared all the decrees of Nicholas II null and void. Nevertheless, the elections ofPope Alexander IIandPope Gregory VIIproceeded according to church rules, without the involvement of the Emperor.
Henry IV and Pope Gregory VII
editIn 1075,Pope Gregory VIIcomposed theDictatus papae,though this was not published at the time, cataloging principles of hisGregorian Reforms.One clause asserted that the pope held the exclusive power to depose an emperor.[5]It declared that the Roman church was founded by God alone—that the papal power (theauctoritasofPope Gelasius) was the sole universal power; in particular, a council held in theLateran Palacefrom 24 to 28 February the same year decreed that the pope alone could appoint or depose churchmen or move them fromseeto see.[6]By this time, Henry IV was no longer a child, and he continued to appoint his own bishops.[5]He reacted to this declaration by sending Gregory VII a letter in which he withdrew his imperial support of Gregory as pope in no uncertain terms: the letter was headed "Henry, king not through usurpation but through the holy ordination of God, to Hildebrand, at present not pope but false monk".[7]It called for the election of a new pope. His letter ends, "I, Henry, king by the grace of God, with all of my Bishops, say to you, come down, come down!", and is often quoted with "and to be damned throughout the ages", which is a later addition.[8]
The situation was made even more dire when Henry IV installed his chaplain, Tedald, a Milanese priest, asBishop of Milan,when another priest of Milan, Atto, had already been chosen in Rome by the pope.[9]In 1076 Gregory responded by excommunicating Henry, and deposed him as German king,[10]releasing all Christians from their oath of allegiance.[11]
Enforcing these declarations was a different matter, but the advantage gradually came to be on the side of Gregory VII. German princes and the aristocracy were happy to hear of the king's deposition. They used religious reasons to continue the rebellion started at theFirst Battle of Langensalzain 1075, and to seize royal holdings. Aristocrats claimed local lordships over peasants and property, built forts, which had previously been outlawed, and built up localized fiefdoms to secure their autonomy from the empire.[5]
This combination of factors forced Henry IV to back down, as he needed time to marshal his forces to fight the rebellion. In 1077, he traveled toCanossain northern Italy, where the Pope was staying in the castle ofCountess Matilda,to apologize in person.[13]The pope was suspicious of Henry's motives, and did not believe he was truly repentant.[14][page needed]As penance for his sins, and echoing his own punishment of the Saxons after the First Battle of Langensalza, he wore ahair shirtand stood barefoot in the snow in what has become known as theRoad to Canossa.Gregory lifted the excommunication, but the German aristocrats, whose rebellion became known as theGreat Saxon Revolt,were not as willing to give up their opportunity and elected a rival king,Rudolf von Rheinfeld.Three years later, Pope Gregory declared his support for von Rheinfeld and then on the Lenten synod of 7 March 1080 excommunicated Henry IV again.[15]In turn, Henry calleda council of bishops at Brixenthat proclaimed Gregory illegitimate.[16]The internal revolt against Henry effectively ended that same year, however, when Rudolf von Rheinfeld died.[citation needed]
Henry IV named Guibert of Ravenna (who he had invested as bishop of Ravenna) to be pope, referring to Clement III (known by the Catholic Church asAntipope Clement III) as "our pope". In October 1080, troops raised by the pro-Imperial bishops of Northern Italy clashed with the pro-papal forces of Countess Matilda in thebattle of Volta Mantovana.The pro-Imperial forces were victorious, and in March 1081 Henry IV marched from theBrenner Passinto theMarch of Veronaunopposed, entering Milan in April that year. He then attacked Rome and besieged the city with the intent of forcibly removing Gregory VII and installing Clement III. The city of Rome withstood the siege, but the Vatican and St. Peter's fell in 1083. On the outskirts of the city, Henry gained thirteen cardinals who became loyal to his cause. The next year the city of Rome surrendered and Henry triumphantly entered the city. OnPalm Sunday,1084, Henry IV solemnly enthroned Clement atSt. Peter's Basilica;onEasterDay, Clement returned the favour and crowned Henry IV as Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire.
Gregory VII was meanwhile still resisting a few hundred yards away from the basilica in theCastel Sant'Angelo,then known as the house ofCencius.[17]Gregory called on his allies for help, andRobert Guiscard(the Norman ruler of Sicily, Apulia, and Calabria) responded, entering Rome on 27 May 1084.[18]The Normans came in force and attacked with such strength that Henry and his army fled. Gregory VII was rescued, but Rome was plundered in the process, for which the citizens of Rome blamed him. As a result, Gregory VII was forced to leave Rome under the protection of the Normans, fleeing to Salerno, where he grew ill and died on 25 May 1085.[19]The last words he uttered were, "I have loved justice and hated iniquity, and therefore I die in exile."[20]
Upon the death of Gregory, the cardinals elected a new pope,Pope Victor III.He owed his elevation to the influence of the Normans. Antipope Clement III still occupied St. Peter's. When Victor III died, the cardinals electedPope Urban II(1088–99). He was one of three men Gregory VII suggested as his successor. Urban II preached the First Crusade, which united Western Europe, and more importantly, reconciled the majority of bishops who had abandoned Gregory VII.[20]
The reign of Henry IV showed the weakness of the German monarchy. The ruler was dependent upon the good will of the nobility of his land. These were technically royal officials and hereditary princes. He was also dependent on the resources of the churches. Henry IV alienated the Church of Rome and many of the magnates in his own kingdom. Many of these spent years in open or subversive rebellion. Henry failed to create a proper bureaucracy to replace his disobedient vassals. The magnates became increasingly independent, and the Church withdrew support. Henry IV spent the last years of his life desperately grasping to keep his throne. It was a greatly diminished kingdom.[21]
Henry V, Holy Roman Emperor
editThe Investiture Controversy continued for several decades as each successive pope tried to diminish imperial power by stirring up revolt in Germany. These revolts were gradually successful. The reign of Henry IV ended with a diminished kingdom and waning power. Many of his underlords had been in constant or desultory revolt for years. Henry IV's insistence thatAntipope Clement IIIwas the real pope had initially been popular with some of the nobles, and even many of the bishops of Germany. But as years passed, this support was slowly withdrawn. The idea that the German king could and should name the pope was increasingly discredited and viewed as an anachronism from a by-gone era. The Empire of the Ottos was virtually lost because of Henry IV.[citation needed]
On 31 December 1105, Henry IV was forced to abdicate and was succeeded by his sonHenry V,who had rebelled against his father in favor of the papacy, and made his father renounce the legality of hisantipopesbefore he died.
Henry V realised swift action and a change in his father's policy was necessary.Pope Paschal IIrebuked Henry V for appointing bishops in Germany. The king crossed the Alps with an army in 1111. The pope, who was weak and had few supporters was forced to suggest a compromise, the abortiveConcordat of 1111.Its simple and radical solution[22]of the Investiture Controversy between the prerogatives ofregnumandsacerdotiumproposed that German churchmen would surrender their lands and secular offices to the emperor and constitute a purely spiritual church. Henry gained greater control over the lands of his kingdom, especially those that had been in the hands of the church, but of contested title. He would not interfere with ecclesiastical affairs and churchmen would avoid secular services. The church would be given autonomy and to Henry V would be restored large parts of his empire that his father had lost. And finally, Henry V would be crowned as the Holy Roman Emperor by Paschal. When the concessions of land were read in St. Peter's, however, the crowd erupted in anger. Henry took the pope and cardinals hostage until the pope granted Henry V the right of investiture. Then he returned to Germany—crowned emperor and apparent victor over the papacy.[23]
Henry's victory was, however, as short-lived as that of his father, Henry IV over Gregory VII. The clergy urged Paschal to rescind his agreement, which he did in 1112. The quarrel followed the predictable course: Henry V rebelled and was excommunicated. Riots broke out in Germany, a newAntipope Gregory VIIIwas appointed by the German king, and nobles loyal to Rome seceded from Henry. The unrest and conflict in Germany continued, just as under Henry IV. And the controversy with respect to investiture dragged on for another ten years. Like his father before him, Henry V was faced with waning power. Ultimately, he had no choice but to give up investiture and the old right of naming the pope. The Concordat of Worms in 1122 was the result. After the Concordat, the German kings never had the same control over the Church as had existed in the time of the Ottonian dynasty.[21]Henry V was received back into communion and recognized as legitimate emperor as a result.
Henry V died without heirs in 1125, three years after the Concordat. He had designated his nephew, Frederick von Staufen duke ofSwabia,also known asFrederick II, Duke of Swabiaas his successor. Instead, churchmen electedLothair III.A long civil war erupted between the Staufen, also known asHohenstaufen,and the heirs of Lothar III, paving the way for the rise to power of the HohenstaufenFrederick I(1152–1190).[24]
English investiture controversy (1102–07)
editAt the time of Henry IV's death,Henry I of Englandand the Gregorian papacy were also embroiled in a controversy over investiture, and its solution provided a model for the eventual solution of the issue in the empire.
William the Conquerorhad accepted a papal banner and the distant blessing ofPope Alexander IIupon his invasion, but had successfully rebuffed the pope's assertion after the successful outcome, that he should come to Rome and pay homage for his fief, under the general provisions of theDonation of Constantine.
The ban on lay investiture inDictatus papaedid not shake the loyalty of William's bishops and abbots. In the reign ofHenry I,the heat of exchanges between Westminster and Rome inducedAnselm, Archbishop of Canterbury,to give up mediating and retire to an abbey.Robert of Meulan,one of Henry's chief advisors, was excommunicated, but the threat of excommunicating the king remained unplayed. The papacy needed the support of English Henry while German Henry was still unbroken. A projected crusade also required English support.
Henry I commissioned the Archbishop of York to collect and present all the relevant traditions of anointed kingship. On this topic, the historianNorman Cantorwould note: "The resulting 'Anonymous of York' treatises are a delight to students of early-medieval political theory, but they in no way typify the outlook of the Anglo-Norman monarchy, which had substituted the secure foundation of administrative and legal bureaucracy for outmoded religious ideology. "[25]
Concordat of London (1107)
editThe Concordat of London, agreed in 1107, was a forerunner of a compromise that was later taken up in theConcordat of Worms.In England, as in Germany, the king's chancery started to distinguish between the secular and ecclesiastical powers of the prelates. Bowing to political reality and employing this distinction,Henry I of Englandgave up his right to invest his bishops and abbots while reserving the custom of requiring them to swear homage for the "temporalities"(the landed properties tied to the episcopate) directly from his hand, after the bishop had sworn homage and feudal vassalage in thecommendation ceremony(commendatio), like any secular vassal.[26]The system ofvassalagewas not divided among great local lords in England as it was in France, since the king was in control by right of theconquest.
Later developments in England
editHenry I of Englandperceived a danger in placing monastic scholars in his chancery and turned increasingly to secular clerks, some of whom held minor positions in the Church. He often rewarded these men with the titles of bishop and abbot. Henry I expanded the system ofscutageto reduce the monarchy's dependence on knights supplied from church lands. Unlike the situation in Germany,Henry I of Englandused the Investiture Controversy to strengthen the secular power of the king. It would continue to boil under the surface. The controversy would surface in theThomas Becketaffair underHenry II of England,theGreat Charter of 1217,theStatutes of Mortmainand the battles overCestui que useunderHenry VII of England,and finally come to a head underHenry VIII of England.[27][28]
Concordat of Worms (1122)
editThe European mainland experienced about 50 years of fighting, with efforts by Lamberto Scannabecchi, the futurePope Honorius II,and the 1121Diet of Würzburgto end the conflict. On 23 September 1122, near the German city ofWorms,Pope Callixtus IIand Holy Roman Emperor Henry V entered into an agreement, now known as theConcordat of Worms,that effectively ended the Investiture Controversy. It eliminated layinvestiture,while allowing secular leaders some room for unofficial but significant influence in the appointment process.
By the terms of the agreement, the election of bishops andabbotsin Germany was to take place in the emperor's presence (or his legate's) as judge ( "without violence" ) between potentially disputing parties,free of bribes,thus retaining to the emperor a crucial role in choosing these great territorial magnates of the Empire. But absent a dispute, the canons of the cathedral were to elect the bishop, monks were to choose the abbot. Beyond the borders of Germany, inBurgundyandItaly,the election would be handled by the church without imperial interference.[citation needed]
Callixtus' reference to the feudal homage due the emperor on appointment is guarded: "shall do unto thee for these what he rightfully should" was the wording of theprivilegiumgranted by Callixtus. The emperor's right to a substantial imbursement (payment) on the election of a bishop or abbot was specifically denied.
The emperor renounced the right to invest ecclesiastics with ring andcrosier,[citation needed]the symbols of their spiritual power, and guaranteed election by thecanonsofcathedralorabbeyand freeconsecration.[citation needed]To make up for this and symbolise theworldlyauthority of the bishop which the pope had always recognised to derive from the Emperor, another symbol, the scepter, was invented, which would be handed over by the king (or his legate).[citation needed]
The two ended by promising mutual aid when requested and by granting one another peace. The Concordat was confirmed by theFirst Council of the Lateranin 1123.
Terminology
editIn modern terminology, aconcordatis an international convention, specifically one concluded between theHoly Seeand the civil power of a country to define the relationship between theCatholic Churchand the state in matters in which both are concerned. Concordats began during theFirst Crusade's end in 1098.[29]
The Concordat of Worms (Latin:Concordatum Wormatiense)[30]is sometimes called thePactum Callixtinumby papal historians, since the term "concordat"was not in use untilNicolas of Cusa'sDe concordantia catholicaof 1434.[a]
Legacy
editLocal authority
editIn the long term, the decline of imperial power would divide Germany until the 19th century. Similarly, in Italy, the investiture controversy weakened the emperor's authority and strengthened local separatists.[32]
While the monarchy was embroiled in the dispute with the Church, its power declined, and the localized rights of lordship over peasants increased, which eventually led to:[citation needed]
- Increased serfdom that reduced rights for the majority
- Local taxes and levies increased, while royal coffers declined
- Localized rights of justice where courts did not have to answer to royal authority
Selection of leaders
editThe papacy grew stronger, and the laity became engaged in religious affairs, increasing its piety and setting the stage for theCrusadesand the great religious vitality of the 12th century.
German kings still hadde factoinfluence over the selection of German bishops, though over time, German princes gained influence among church electors. The bishop-elect would then be invested by the Emperor (or representative) with the scepter and, sometime afterwards, by his ecclesial superior with ring and staff. The resolution of the Controversy produced a significant improvement in the character of men raised to theepiscopacy.Kings no longer interfered so frequently in their election, and when they did, they generally nominated more worthy candidates for the office.[33]
The Concordat of Worms did not end the interference of European monarchs in the selection of the pope. Practically speaking, the German kings retained a decisive voice in the selection of the hierarchy. All kings supportedKing John of England's defiance ofPope Innocent IIIninety years after the Concordat of Worms in the matter concerningStephen Langton.In theory, the pope named his bishops and cardinals. In reality, more often than not, Rome consecrated the clergy once it was notified by the kings who the incumbent would be. Recalcitrance by Rome would lead to problems in the kingdom. For the most part it was ano-win situationfor Rome. In this, the Concordat of Worms changed little. The growth of canon law in theEcclesiastical Courtswas based on the underlying Roman law and increased the strength of the Roman Pontiff.[34]
Disputes between popes and Holy Roman Emperors continued until northern Italy was lost to the empire entirely, after the wars of theGuelphs and Ghibellines.EmperorOtto IVmarched on Rome and commandedPope Innocent IIIto annul the Concordat of Worms and to recognise the imperial crown's right to make nominations to all vacant benefices.[35]The church would crusade against the Holy Roman Empire underFrederick II.As historian Norman Cantor put it, the controversy "shattered the early-medieval equilibrium and ended the interpenetration ofecclesiaandmundus".Indeed, medieval emperors, which were" largely the creation of ecclesiastical ideals and personnel ", were forced to develop a secular bureaucratic state, whose essential components persisted in theAnglo-Norman monarchy.[36]
Kings continued to attempt to control either the direct leadership of the church, or indirectly through political means for centuries. This is seen most clearly in theAvignon Papacywhen the popes moved from Rome to Avignon. The conflict in Germany and northern Italy arguably left the culture ripe for various Protestant sects, such as theCathars,theWaldensiansand ultimatelyJan HusandMartin Luther.
Authority and reform
editThough the Holy Roman Emperor retained some power over imperial churches, his power was damaged irreparably because he lost the religious authority that previously belonged to the office of the king. In France, England, and the Christian state in Spain, the king could overcome rebellions of his magnates and establish the power of his royaldemesnebecause he could rely on the Church, which, for several centuries, had given him a mystical authority. From time to time, rebellious and recalcitrant monarchs might run afoul of the Church. These could be excommunicated, and after an appropriate time and public penance, be received back into the communion and good graces of the Church.[37]
Of the three reforms Gregory VII and his predecessors and successor popes had attempted, the most successful had been that in regard to celibacy of the clergy. Simony had been partially checked. Against lay investiture they won only a limited success, and one that seemed less impressive as the years passed. During the time following the Concordat of Worms, the Church gained in both stature and power.[38]
The wording of the Concordat of Worms was ambiguous, skirted some issues and avoided others altogether. This has caused some scholars to conclude that the settlement turned its back on Gregory VII's and Urban II's genuine hopes for reform. The emperor's influence in episcopal matters was preserved, and he could decide disputed elections. If the compromise was a rebuke to the most radical vision of the liberty of the Church, on at least one point its implication was firm and unmistakable: the king, even an emperor, was a layman, and his power at least morally limited (hence,totalitarianismwas unacceptable). According to the opinion of W. Jordan, thedivine right of kingswas dealt a blow from which it never completely recovered,[39]yet unfettered authority andCaesaropapismwas not something the later Mediaevals and Early Moderns understood by the phrase "by the grace of God" (which many of them ardently defended). If anything, a blow was dealt to subconsciously remaining pre-Christian Germanic feelings of "royal hail".[clarification needed]
Unifications of Germany and Italy
editIt was the consequence of this lengthy episode that a whole generation grew up in Germany and Northern Italy in an atmosphere of war, doubt and scepticism. The papal backers had been busy propounding arguments to show that royal power was not of divine origin. They had been so successful that themoral authorityof the Emperor had been undermined in the minds of many of his subjects. Serious divisions existed from this battle over the Investiture Controversy, which fractured large portions of theHoly Roman Empirein Germany and Italy. Davis argues these rifts were so deep and lasting that neither Germany nor Italy were able to form a cohesive nation-state until the 19th century. A similar situation arose from the French Revolution, which caused fractures in France that still exist.[40]The effect of Henry IV's excommunication, and his subsequent refusal to repent left a turbulence in central Europe that lasted throughout the Middle Ages. It may have been emblematic of certain German attitudes toward religion in general, and the perceived relevance of the German Emperor in the universal scheme of things.[citation needed]
German culture
editThe catastrophic political consequences of the struggle between pope and emperor also led to a cultural disaster. Germany lost intellectual leadership in western Europe. In 1050, German monasteries were great centres of learning and art and German schools of theology and canon law were unsurpassed and probably unmatched anywhere in Europe. The long war over investiture sapped the energy of both German churchmen and intellectuals. They fell behind advances in philosophy, law, literature and art taking place in France and Italy. In many ways, Germany never caught up during the rest of the Middle Ages.[41]Universities were established in France, Italy, Spain and England by the early 13th century. Notable are theUniversity of Bologna,1088,Oxford University,1096, theUniversity of Salamanca,1134, theUniversity of Paris,1150, and theUniversity of Cambridge,1207. The first German university, theHeidelberg University,was not established until 1386. It was immediately steeped in mediaevalnominalismand earlyProtestantism.[citation needed]
Development of liberty and prosperity in northern Europe
editThe political scientistBruce Bueno de Mesquitaargues that the Concordat of Worms contained within itself the germ ofnation-based sovereigntythat would one day be confirmed in thePeace of Westphalia(1648). The Concordat of Worms created an incentive structure for the rulers of the Catholic parts of Europe such that in the northern regions, local rulers were motivated to raise the prosperity and liberty of their subjects because such reforms helped those rulers assert their independence from the pope.[42]
With the Concordat of Worms, the pope became thede factoselector of bishops, as his recommendations all but guaranteed a candidate's nomination. Instead of myriad local customs, it all came down to negotiations between the pope and the local secular ruler. Therefore, the influence of the pope in the region became the common deciding factor across the Catholic parts of Europe.
As a consequence of the Concordat, if the local ruler rejected the pope's nominee for bishop, the ruler could keep the revenue of the diocese for himself, but the pope could retaliate in various ways, such as: ordering the local priests to not perform certain sacraments such as marriages, which would annoy the ruler's subjects; forgiving oaths made by the vassals to the ruler; and even excommunicating the ruler, thereby undermining his moral legitimacy. Eventually, the ruler would have to give in to the pope and accept a bishop. The longer a local ruler could hold out against the pope, the more leverage the ruler had to demand a bishop who suited his interests.
In a region where the pope's influence was weak, the local priests might have performed sacraments anyway, having calculated that defying the pope was not as dangerous as angering their parishioners; the ruler's vassals might have honored their oaths anyway because the pope could not protect them from their lord's wrath; and the subjects might still have respected their ruler despite excommunication.
If the pope's influence in a diocese was weak, the local ruler could force the pope to choose between getting the tax revenue and appointing a loyal bishop. If said diocese was relatively poor, the pope would stubbornly hold out until the local ruler accepted the pope's choice of bishop. During this standoff, the pope would not get any money from the diocese, but this was fine with him because the diocese didn't yield much money anyway. But if said diocese was prosperous, the pope wanted to resolve the dispute more quickly so that he could sooner get that ample revenue flowing into his coffers, and so he was more inclined to let the local ruler pick the bishop.
A local secular ruler could stimulate the economy of his domain, and thereby collect more tax revenue, by giving his subjects more liberty and more participation in politics. The local ruler was required to raise enough tax revenue so that he could provide sufficient rewards to his essential supporters in order to secure their loyalty. But liberalization and democratization would also make his subjects more assertive, which in itself made the ruler's hold on power less secure. Generally, a shrewd ruler would permit his people just enough liberty that he could raise sufficient tax revenue to provide his essential supporters with just enough rewards to keep them loyal (seeselectorate theoryfor a thorough explanation of these trade-offs). In this specific context, the ruler of a diocese also had to consider whether to raise additional money, by risking liberalization, to convince the pope to compromise on the choice of bishop.
Under this incentive structure, if the pope's influence in a region was strong, the local ruler would see little point in liberalizing his state. He would raise more tax revenue, but it would not be enough to get out from under the pope's thumb which was just too strong. Liberalization would make his people more assertive and the pope would incite them to revolt. The pope would get both the money and his choice of bishop. Thus, the local ruler decided that oppressing his people was the sounder strategy for political survival.
On the other hand, if the pope's influence in the region was weak, the local ruler calculated that liberalizing his state, thereby making it more prosperous, could give him enough leverage to get his choice of bishop. The pope would try to incite the people to revolt, but to weak effect. Thus, the local ruler could hold out for longer against the pope, and the pope would concede. The local ruler would get his preferred bishop, and the pope would get the money.
In the Catholic regions of Europe, the pope's influence was weaker the further away a region was from Rome because in general it is difficult to project power over long distances and across difficult terrain such as mountains. This, Bueno de Mesquita argues, is why the northern regions of Europe, such as England and the Netherlands, became more prosperous and free than the southern regions. He further argues that this dynamic is what enabled theProtestant Reformation,which mostly happened in northern Europe. The northern parts of Europe were so prosperous and the influence of the pope there was so weak, their local rulers could reject the pope's bishops indefinitely.
See also
editNotes
editReferences
editFootnotes
edit- ^Cantor (1958),pp. 8–9.
- ^Rubenstein (2011),p. 18.
- ^abBlumenthal (1988),pp. 34–36.
- ^Löffler (1910).
- ^abcAppleby, R. Scott(1999). "How the Pope Got His Political Muscle".U.S. Catholic.Vol. 64, no. 9. p. 36.
- ^Paravicini Bagliani, Agostino. "Sia fatta la mia volontà".Medioevo(143): 76.
- ^Henry IV (1076).
- ^Fuhrmann 1986,p. 64;Henry IV 1076.
- ^Floto (1891),p. 911.
- ^Pope Gregory VII (1076).
- ^Löffler (1910),p. 85.
- ^Zanichelli (2006),p. 50.
- ^A. Creber, "Women at Canossa. The Role of Elite Women in the Reconciliation between Pope Gregory VII and Henry IV of Germany (January 1077)",Storicamente13 (2017), article no. 13, pp. 1–44.
- ^Blumenthal (1988).
- ^Robinson (2003),p. 195.
- ^Robinson (2003),pp. 198–201.
- ^Davis (1966),pp. 252–253
- ^But seeJoranson (1948),pp. 373–375
- ^Kohn, p. 210.
- ^abDavis (1966),pp. 253–254
- ^abStrayer (1959),pp. 215–216
- ^"Simple and radical":Norman F. Cantor,1993.The Civilization of the Middle Agesp. 262.
- ^Strayer (1959),p. 215
- ^Jordan (2003),p. 146
- ^Cantor (1993),p. 286.
- ^"How the world's first concordat came about (documents and commentary)".concordatwatch.eu.
- ^Moorman, John R. H., "The English Church in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries", inA History of the Church in England,233–264. London: Adam & Charles Black, 1955
- ^Carpenter, David,The Struggle for Mastery: The Penguin History of Britain,1066–1284. London: Penguin Books, 2003.[page needed]
- ^Metz (1960),p. 137.
- ^Attestatio nominisE. H. J. Münch: Vollständige Sammlung aller ältern und neuern Konkordate, vol. 1 (1830)pp. 1, 18
- ^Browne (1922)
- ^Hearder & Waley (1963).
- ^Dahmus (1969),p. 229
- ^Dahmus (1969),p. 320
- ^Dunham, S. A.,A History of the Germanic Empire, Vol. I,1835 p. 196
- ^Cantor (1993),p. 395.
- ^Davis (1966),p. 256
- ^Thorndike (1956),pp. 293–294
- ^Jordan (2003),p. 99
- ^Davis (1966),pp. 256–257
- ^Cantor (1969),p. 303
- ^Archived atGhostarchiveand theWayback Machine:Bruce Bueno de Mesquita (December 2019).The Game of Worms(Speech). Duke University.
Bibliography
editPrimary sources
edit- Henry IV, Holy Roman Emperor(1076)."Henry IV.'s Answer to Gregory VII., Jan. 24, 1076".In Henderson, Ernest F. (ed.).Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages.Translated by Henderson, Ernest F. London: George Bell and Sons (published 1903). pp. 372–373.Retrieved13 October2017.
- Pope Gregory VII(1076)."First Deposition and Banning of Henry IV. by Gregory VII., February 22, 1076".In Henderson, Ernest F. (ed.).Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages.Translated by Henderson, Ernest F. London: George Bell and Sons (published 1903). pp. 376–377.Retrieved13 October2017.
- Kohn, George Childs (1999).Dictionary of Wars(Revised ed.). New York: Facts On File, Inc.ISBN0-8160-3928-3.
- Robinson, I.S. (2003).Henry IV of Germany 1056-1106.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.ISBN0521545900.Retrieved18 March2020.
- Slocum, Kenneth, ed. (2010). "The Investiture Controversy".Sources in Medieval Culture and History.Boston: Prentice Hall. pp. 170–175.ISBN978-0-13-615726-7.
- Bettenson, Henry, and Chris Maunder, eds. (2011).Documents of the Christian Church.Oxford University Press.
- Slocum, Kenneth, ed. (2010).Sources in Medieval Culture and History.pp. 170–175.
Secondary and tertiary sources
edit- Blumenthal, Uta-Renate (1988).The Investiture Controversy: Church and Monarchy from the Ninth to the Twelfth Century.University of Pennsylvania Press.doi:10.9783/9780812200164.ISBN978-0-8122-8112-5.
- Browne, P. W. (1922). "The Pactum Callixtinum: an innovation in Papal diplomacy".The Catholic Historical Review.8(2): 180–190.JSTOR25011853.
- Cantor, Norman F.(1958).Church, Kingship, and Lay Investiture in England, 1089–1135.Princeton University Press.
- Cantor, Norman F.(1993).The Civilization of the Middle Ages.HarperCollins.
- Cantor, Norman F. (1969).Medieval History: The Life and Death of a Civilization.Macmilllan.ISBN9780023190704.
- Cowdrey, H. E. J.(1998).Pope Gregory VII, 1073–1085.Oxford University Press.
- Dahmus, Joseph (1969).The Middle Ages, A Popular History.Garden City, NY: Doubleday and Company.
- Davis, R. H. C. (1966).A History of Medieval Europe: From Constantine to Saint Louis.Longmans.
- Fawtier, Robert (1964).The Capetian Kings of France: Monarch and Nation 987–1328.Translated by Lionel Butter and R. J. Adam. London: Macmillan.
- Floto (1891)."Gregory VII".InSchaff, Philip(ed.).Religious Encyclopedia: or Dictionary of Biblical, Historical, Doctrinal, and Practical Theology.Vol. 2 (3rd ed.). New York: Funk & Wagnalls Company. pp. 910–912.Retrieved13 October2017.
- Fuhrmann, Horst (1986).Germany in the High Middle Ages c. 1050–1200.Translated byReuter, Timothy.Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press (published 2001).ISBN978-0-521-31980-5.
- Hearder, H.; Waley, D. P., eds. (1963).A Short History of Italy: From Classical Times to the Present Day.
- Jolly, Karen Louise (1997).Tradition & Diversity: Christianity in a World Context to 1500.ME Sharpe.
- Joranson, Einar (1948). "The inception of the career of the Normans in Italy – legend and history".Speculum.23(3): 353–396.doi:10.2307/2848427.JSTOR2848427.S2CID162331593.
- Jordan, William Chester (2003).Europe in the High Middle Ages.Penguin History of Europe. Viking.ISBN9780670032020.
- Le Goff, Jacques (1964).Medieval Civilization 400–1500.
- Löffler, Klemens (1910). "Conflict of Investitures".In Herbermann, Charles (ed.).Catholic Encyclopedia.Vol. 8. New York: Robert Appleton Company. pp. 84–89.
- McCarthy, T. J. H. (2014).Chronicles of the Investiture Contest: Frutolf of Michelsberg and His Continuators.Manchester: Manchester Medieval Sources.ISBN978-0-7190-8470-6.
- Metz, René (1960).What Is Canon Law?.The Twentieth Century Encyclopedia of Catholicism.Vol. 80. Translated by Derrick, Michael. New York: Hawthorn Books.
- Morrison, Karl F.,ed. (1971).The Investiture Controversy: Issues, Ideas, and Results.Holt McDougal.
- de Mesquita, Bruce Bueno (2000). "Popes, kings, and endogenous institutions: the Concordat of Worms and the origins of sovereignty".International Studies Review.2(2: Continuity and Change in the Westphalian Order): 93–118.doi:10.1111/1521-9488.00206.JSTOR3186429.
- Reynolds, Susan (1994).Fiefs and Vassals, The Medieval Evidence Reinterpreted.Oxford University Press.
- Rubenstein, Jay(2011).Armies of Heaven: The First Crusade and the Quest for Apocalypse.New York: Basic Books.ISBN978-0-465-01929-8.
- Strayer, Joseph R. (1959).The Middle Ages, 395–1500(4th ed.). Appleton-Century-Crofts.
- Stroll, Mary (2004).Calixtus II (1119–1124): A Pope Born to Rule.Brill.
- Tellenbach, Gerd(1993).The Western Church from the Tenth to the Early Twelfth Century.Cambridge University Press.
- Thompson, James Westfall;Johnson, Edgar Nathaniel (1937).An Introduction to Medieval Europe, 300–1500.
- Thorndike, Lynn (1956).The History of Medieval Europe(3rd ed.). Houghton Mifflin.
- Zanichelli, Giusi (2006)."Una donna al potere".Alumina.15:47–51.
Further reading
editPrimary sources
edit- Halsall, Paul, ed. (2007)."Selected Sources: Empire and Papacy".Internet Medieval Sourcebook.New York: Fordham University.Retrieved13 October2017.
- Henderson, Ernest F., ed. (1122)."Concordat of Worms, Sept. 23, 1122".Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages.Translated by Henderson, Ernest F. London: George Bell and Sons (published 1903). pp. 408–409.Retrieved13 October2017.
- Pope Gregory VII(1078)."Decree of Nov. 19th, 1078, Forbidding Lay Investiture".In Henderson, Ernest F. (ed.).Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages.Translated by Henderson, Ernest F. London: George Bell and Sons (published 1903). p. 365.Retrieved13 October2017.
- ———(1080)."Second Banning and Dethronement of Henry IV., through Gregory VII., March 7th, 1080".In Henderson, Ernest F. (ed.).Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages.Translated by Henderson, Ernest F. London: George Bell and Sons (published 1903). pp. 388–391.Retrieved13 October2017.
- ———(1903)."The Dictate of the Pope".In Henderson, Ernest F. (ed.).Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages.Translated by Henderson, Ernest F. London: George Bell and Sons. pp. 366–367.Retrieved13 October2017.
Secondary and tertiary sources
edit- Blumenthal, Uta-Renate (2016)."Investiture Controversy".Encyclopædia Britannica.Retrieved13 October2017.
- "Investiture".The Columbia Encyclopedia(6th ed.). New York: Columbia University Press. 2007. Archived fromthe originalon 21 February 2009.Retrieved13 October2017.
- Nelson, Lynn H."The Owl, the Cat, and the Investiture Controversy".Lectures for a Medieval Survey.On-line Reference Book for Medieval Studies. Archived fromthe originalon 15 February 2015.Retrieved13 October2017.
- Schroeder, H. J. (1937)."The Ninth General Council (1123)".Disciplinary Decrees of the General Councils: Text, Translation, and Commentary.St. Louis, Missouri: B. Herder Book Co. pp. 177–194.Retrieved13 October2017.
- Van Hove, Alphonse (1910). "Canonical Investiture".In Herbermann, Charles (ed.).Catholic Encyclopedia.Vol. 8. New York: Robert Appleton Company. p. 84.