Avram Noam Chomsky(/noʊmˈtʃɒmski/nohmCHOM-skee;born December 7, 1928) is an American professor andpublic intellectualknown for his work inlinguistics,political activism,andsocial criticism.Sometimes called "the father of modern linguistics",[a]Chomsky is also a major figure inanalytic philosophyand one of the founders of the field ofcognitive science.He is a laureate professor of linguistics at theUniversity of Arizonaand aninstitute professoremeritus at theMassachusetts Institute of Technology(MIT). Among the most cited living authors, Chomsky has written more than 150 books on topics such as linguistics, war, and politics. In addition to his work in linguistics, since the 1960s Chomsky has been an influential voice on theAmerican leftas a consistent critic ofU.S. foreign policy,contemporary capitalism,andcorporate influenceon political institutions and the media.
Born toAshkenazi Jewishimmigrants inPhiladelphia,Chomsky developed an early interest inanarchismfrom alternative bookstores inNew York City.He studied at theUniversity of Pennsylvania.During his postgraduate work in theHarvard Society of Fellows,Chomsky developed the theory oftransformational grammarfor which he earned his doctorate in 1955. That year he began teaching at MIT, and in 1957 emerged as a significant figure in linguistics with his landmark workSyntactic Structures,which played a major role in remodeling the study of language. From 1958 to 1959 Chomsky was aNational Science Foundationfellow at theInstitute for Advanced Study.He created or co-created theuniversal grammartheory, thegenerative grammartheory, theChomsky hierarchy,and theminimalist program.Chomsky also played a pivotal role in the decline of linguisticbehaviorism,and was particularly critical of the work ofB. F. Skinner.
An outspokenopponent of U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War,which he saw as an act ofAmerican imperialism,in 1967 Chomsky rose to national attention for hisanti-waressay "The Responsibility of Intellectuals".Becoming associated with theNew Left,he was arrested multiple times for his activism and placed on PresidentRichard Nixon'slist of political opponents.While expanding his work in linguistics over subsequent decades, he also became involved in thelinguistics wars.In collaboration withEdward S. Herman,Chomsky later articulated thepropaganda modelofmedia criticisminManufacturing Consent,and worked to expose theIndonesian occupation of East Timor.His defense of unconditionalfreedom of speech,including that ofHolocaust denial,generated significant controversy in theFaurisson affairof the 1980s. Chomsky's commentary on theCambodian genocideand theBosnian genocidealso generated controversy. Since retiring from active teaching at MIT, he has continued his vocal political activism, including opposing the2003 invasion of Iraqand supporting theOccupy movement.Ananti-Zionist,Chomsky considersIsrael's treatment of Palestiniansto be worse thanSouth African–style apartheid,[20]and criticizes U.S. support for Israel.
Chomsky is widely recognized as having helped to spark thecognitive revolutionin thehuman sciences,contributing to the development of a newcognitivisticframework for the study of language and the mind. Chomsky remains a leading critic ofU.S. foreign policy,contemporarycapitalism,U.S. involvement and Israel's role in theIsraeli–Palestinian conflict,andmass media.Chomsky and his ideas are highly influential in theanti-capitalistandanti-imperialistmovements. Since 2017, he has been Agnese Nelms Haury Chair in the Agnese Nelms Haury Program in Environment and Social Justice at theUniversity of Arizona.
Life
Childhood: 1928–1945
Chomsky was born on December 7, 1928, in theEast Oak Laneneighborhood ofPhiladelphia,Pennsylvania.[21]His parents,William Chomskyand Elsie Simonofsky, wereJewishimmigrants.[22]William had fled theRussian Empirein 1913 to escape conscription and worked in Baltimoresweatshopsand Hebrew elementary schools before attending university.[23]After moving to Philadelphia, William became principal of theCongregation Mikveh Israelreligious school and joined theGratz Collegefaculty. He placed great emphasis on educating people so that they would be "well integrated, free and independent in their thinking, concerned about improving and enhancing the world, and eager to participate in making life more meaningful and worthwhile for all", a mission that shaped and was subsequently adopted by his son.[24]Elsie, who also taught at Mikveh Israel, shared her leftist politics and care for social issues with her sons.[24]
Noam's only sibling, David Eli Chomsky (1934–2021), was born five years later, and worked as a cardiologist in Philadelphia.[24][25]The brothers were close, though David was more easygoing while Noam could be very competitive. They were raised Jewish, being taughtHebrewand regularly involved with discussing the political theories ofZionism;the family was particularly influenced by theLeft Zionistwritings ofAhad Ha'am.[26]He facedantisemitismas a child, particularly from Philadelphia's Irish and German communities.[27]
Chomsky attended the independent,DeweyiteOak Lane Country Day School[28]and Philadelphia'sCentral High School,where he excelled academically and joined various clubs and societies, but was troubled by the school's hierarchical and domineering teaching methods.[29]He also attended Hebrew High School at Gratz College, where his father taught.[30]
Chomsky has described his parents as "normalRoosevelt Democrats"withcenter-left politics,but relatives involved in theInternational Ladies' Garment Workers' Unionexposed him tosocialismandfar-left politics.[31]He was substantially influenced by his uncle and the Jewish leftists who frequented his New York City newspaper stand to debate current affairs.[32]Chomsky himself often visited left-wing and anarchist bookstores when visiting his uncle in the city, voraciously reading political literature.[33]He became absorbed in the story of the 1939fall of Barcelonaand suppression of theSpanish anarchosyndicalistmovement, writing his first article on the topic at the age of 10.[34]That he came to identify with anarchism first rather than another leftist movement, he described as a "lucky accident".[35]Chomsky was firmlyanti-Bolshevikby his early teens.[36]
University: 1945–1955
In 1945, at the age of 16, Chomsky began a general program of study at theUniversity of Pennsylvania,where he explored philosophy, logic, and languages and developed a primary interest in learningArabic.[37]Living at home, he funded his undergraduate degree by teaching Hebrew.[38]Frustrated with his experiences at the university, he considered dropping out and moving to akibbutzinMandatory Palestine,[39]but his intellectual curiosity was reawakened through conversations with the linguistZellig Harris,whom he first met in a political circle in 1947. Harris introduced Chomsky to the field of theoretical linguistics and convinced him to major in the subject.[40]Chomsky'sBAhonors thesis, "Morphophonemics of Modern Hebrew", applied Harris's methods to the language.[41]Chomsky revised this thesis for hisMA,which he received from the University of Pennsylvania in 1951; it was subsequently published as a book.[42]He also developed his interest in philosophy while at university, in particular under the tutelage ofNelson Goodman.[43]
From 1951 to 1955, Chomsky was a member of theSociety of FellowsatHarvard University,where he undertook research on what became his doctoral dissertation.[44]Having been encouraged by Goodman to apply,[45]Chomsky was attracted to Harvard in part because the philosopherWillard Van Orman Quinewas based there. Both Quine and a visiting philosopher,J. L. Austinof theUniversity of Oxford,strongly influenced Chomsky.[46]In 1952, Chomsky published his first academic article inThe Journal of Symbolic Logic.[45]Highly critical of the establishedbehavioristcurrents in linguistics, in 1954, he presented his ideas at lectures at theUniversity of ChicagoandYale University.[47]He had not been registered as a student at Pennsylvania for four years, but in 1955 he submitted a thesis setting out his ideas ontransformational grammar;he was awarded a Doctor of Philosophy degree for it, and it was privately distributed among specialists on microfilm before being published in 1975 as part ofThe Logical Structure of Linguistic Theory.[48]Harvard professorGeorge Armitage Millerwas impressed by Chomsky's thesis and collaborated with him on several technical papers inmathematical linguistics.[49]Chomsky's doctorate exempted him fromcompulsory military service,which was otherwise due to begin in 1955.[50]
In 1947, Chomsky began a romantic relationship withCarol Doris Schatz,whom he had known since early childhood. They married in 1949.[51]After Chomsky was made a Fellow at Harvard, the couple moved to theAllstonarea of Boston and remained there until 1965, when they relocated to the suburb ofLexington.[52]The couple took a Harvard travel grant to Europe in 1953.[53]He enjoyed living inHashomer Hatzair'sHaZore'akibbutzwhile in Israel, but was appalled by his interactions with Jewish nationalism,anti-Arab racismand, within the kibbutz's leftist community,Stalinism.[54]On visits to New York City, Chomsky continued to frequent the office of the Yiddish anarchist journalFraye Arbeter Shtimeand became enamored with the ideas ofRudolf Rocker,a contributor whose work introduced Chomsky to the link betweenanarchismandclassical liberalism.[55]Chomsky also read other political thinkers: the anarchistsMikhail BakuninandDiego Abad de Santillán,democratic socialistsGeorge Orwell,Bertrand Russell,andDwight Macdonald,and works by MarxistsKarl Liebknecht,Karl Korsch,andRosa Luxemburg.[56]His politics were reaffirmed by Orwell's depiction ofBarcelona's functioning anarchist society inHomage to Catalonia(1938).[57]Chomsky read the leftist journalPolitics,which furthered his interest in anarchism,[58]and thecouncil communistperiodicalLiving Marxism,though he rejected the Marxist orthodoxy of its editor,Paul Mattick.[59]
Early career: 1955–1966
Chomsky befriended two linguists at theMassachusetts Institute of Technology(MIT)—Morris HalleandRoman Jakobson—the latter of whom secured him an assistant professor position there in 1955. At MIT, Chomsky spent half his time on amechanical translationproject and half teaching a course on linguistics and philosophy.[60]He described MIT as open to experimentation where he was free to pursue his idiosyncratic interests.[61]MIT promoted him to the position ofassociate professorin 1957, and over the next year he was also a visiting professor atColumbia University.[62]The Chomskys had their first child,Aviva,that same year.[63]He also published his first book on linguistics,Syntactic Structures,a work that radically opposed the dominant Harris–Bloomfieldtrend in the field.[64]Responses to Chomsky's ideas ranged from indifference to hostility, and his work proved divisive and caused "significant upheaval" in the discipline.[65]The linguistJohn Lyonslater asserted thatSyntactic Structures"revolutionized the scientific study of language".[66]From 1958 to 1959 Chomsky was aNational Science Foundationfellow at theInstitute for Advanced StudyinPrinceton, New Jersey.[67]
Chomsky's provocative critique ofB. F. Skinner,who viewed language as learned behavior, and its challenge to the dominant behaviorist paradigm thrust Chomsky into the limelight. Chomsky argued that behaviorism underplayed the role of human creativity in learning language and overplayed the role of external conditions in influencing verbal behavior.[68]He proceeded to found MIT's graduate program in linguistics with Halle. In 1961, Chomskyreceived tenureand became afull professorin the Department of Modern Languages and Linguistics.[69]He was appointed plenary speaker at the NinthInternational Congress of Linguists,held in 1962 inCambridge, Massachusetts,which established him as thede factospokesperson of American linguistics.[70]Between 1963 and 1965 he consulted on a military-sponsored project to teach computers to understand natural English commands from military generals.[71]
Chomsky continued to publish his linguistic ideas throughout the decade, including inAspects of the Theory of Syntax(1965),Topics in the Theory of Generative Grammar(1966), andCartesian Linguistics: A Chapter in the History of Rationalist Thought(1966).[72]Along with Halle, he also edited theStudies in Languageseries of books forHarper and Row.[73]As he began to accrue significant academic recognition and honors for his work, Chomsky lectured at theUniversity of California, Berkeley,in 1966.[74]These lectures were published asLanguage and Mindin 1968.[75]In the late 1960s, a high-profile intellectual rift later known as thelinguistic warsdeveloped between Chomsky and some of his colleagues and doctoral students—includingPaul Postal,John Ross,George Lakoff,andJames D. McCawley—who contended that Chomsky's syntax-based, interpretivist linguistics did not properly account for semantic context (general semantics). A post hoc assessment of this period concluded that the opposing programs ultimately were complementary, each informing the other.[76]
Anti-war activism and dissent: 1967–1975
[I]t does not require very far-reaching, specialized knowledge to perceive that the United States was invading South Vietnam. And, in fact, to take apart the system of illusions and deception which functions to prevent understanding of contemporary reality [is] not a task that requires extraordinary skill or understanding. It requires the kind of normal skepticism and willingness to apply one's analytical skills that almost all people have and that they can exercise.
Chomsky joinedprotests against U.S. involvement in the Vietnam Warin 1962, speaking on the subject at small gatherings in churches and homes.[78]His 1967 critique of U.S. involvement, "The Responsibility of Intellectuals",among other contributions toThe New York Review of Books,debuted Chomsky as a public dissident.[79]This essay and other political articles were collected and published in 1969 as part of Chomsky's first political book,American Power and the New Mandarins.[80]He followed this with further political books, includingAt War with Asia(1970),The Backroom Boys(1973),For Reasons of State(1973), andPeace in the Middle East?(1974), published byPantheon Books.[81]These publications led to Chomsky's association with the AmericanNew Leftmovement,[82]though he thought little of prominent New Left intellectualsHerbert MarcuseandErich Frommand preferred the company of activists to that of intellectuals.[83]Chomsky remained largely ignored by the mainstream press throughout this period.[84]
Chomsky also became involved in left-wing activism. Chomsky refused to pay half his taxes, publicly supported students whorefused the draft,and was arrested while participating in ananti-warteach-inoutside the Pentagon.[85]During this time, Chomsky co-founded the anti-war collectiveRESISTwithMitchell Goodman,Denise Levertov,William Sloane Coffin,andDwight Macdonald.[86]Although he questioned the objectives of the1968 student protests,[87]Chomsky regularly gave lectures to student activist groups and, with his colleague Louis Kampf, ran undergraduate courses on politics at MIT independently of the conservative-dominatedpolitical sciencedepartment.[88]When student activists campaigned to stop weapons and counterinsurgency research at MIT, Chomsky was sympathetic but felt that the research should remain under MIT's oversight and limited to systems of deterrence and defense.[89]Chomsky has acknowledged that his MIT lab's funding at this time came from the military.[90]He later said he considered resigning from MIT during the Vietnam War.[91]There has since been a wide-ranging debate about what effects Chomsky's employment at MIT had on his political and linguistic ideas.[92]
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Chomsky participating in the anti-Vietnam WarMarch on the Pentagon,October 21, 1967 | |
Chomsky with other public figures | |
The protesters passing the Lincoln Memorial en route to the Pentagon |
Chomsky's anti-war activism led to his arrest on multiple occasions and he was on PresidentRichard Nixon's master list of political opponents.[93]Chomsky was aware of the potential repercussions of his civil disobedience, and his wife began studying for her own doctorate in linguistics to support the family in the event of Chomsky's imprisonment or joblessness.[94]Chomsky's scientific reputation insulated him from administrative action based on his beliefs.[95]In 1970 he visited southeast Asia to lecture at Vietnam'sHanoi University of Science and Technologyand toured war refugee camps inLaos.In 1973 he helped lead a committee commemorating the 50th anniversary of theWar Resisters League.[96]
Chomsky's work in linguistics continued to gain international recognition as hereceived multiple honorary doctorates.[97]He deliveredpublic lecturesat theUniversity of Cambridge,Columbia University(Woodbridge Lectures), andStanford University.[98]His appearance in a1971 debatewith Frenchcontinental philosopherMichel Foucaultpositioned Chomsky as a symbolic figurehead ofanalytic philosophy.[99]He continued to publish extensively on linguistics, producingStudies on Semantics in Generative Grammar(1972),[95]an enlarged edition ofLanguage and Mind(1972),[100]andReflections on Language(1975).[100]In 1974 Chomsky became acorresponding fellow of the British Academy.[98]
Edward S. Herman and the Faurisson affair: 1976–1980
In the late 1970s and 1980s, Chomsky's linguistic publications expanded and clarified his earlier work, addressing his critics and updating his grammatical theory.[101]His political talks often generated considerable controversy, particularly when he criticized the Israeli government and military.[102]In the early 1970s Chomsky began collaborating withEdward S. Herman,who had also published critiques of the U.S. war in Vietnam.[103]Together they wroteCounter-Revolutionary Violence: Bloodbaths in Fact & Propaganda,a book that criticized U.S. military involvement in Southeast Asia and the mainstream media's failure to cover it. Warner Modular published it in 1973, butits parent companydisapproved of the book's contents and ordered all copies destroyed.[104]
While mainstream publishing options proved elusive, Chomsky found support fromMichael Albert'sSouth End Press,an activist-oriented publishing company.[105]In 1979, South End published Chomsky and Herman's revisedCounter-Revolutionary Violenceas the two-volumeThe Political Economy of Human Rights,[106]which compares U.S. media reactions to theCambodian genocideand theIndonesian occupation of East Timor.It argues that because Indonesia was a U.S. ally, U.S. media ignored the East Timorese situation while focusing on events in Cambodia, a U.S. enemy.[107]Chomsky's response included two testimonials before the United Nations'Special Committee on Decolonization,successful encouragement for American media to cover the occupation, and meetings with refugees inLisbon.[108]Marxist academicSteven Lukesmost prominently publicly accused Chomsky of betraying his anarchist ideals and acting as an apologist for Cambodian leaderPol Pot.[109]Herman said that the controversy "imposed a serious personal cost" on Chomsky,[110]who considered the personal criticism less important than the evidence that "mainstream intelligentsia suppressed or justified the crimes of their own states".[111]
Chomsky had long publicly criticizedNazism,andtotalitarianismmore generally, but his commitment to freedom of speech led him to defend the right of French historianRobert Faurissonto advocate a position widely characterized asHolocaust denial.Without Chomsky's knowledge, his plea for Faurisson's freedom of speech was published as the preface to the latter's 1980 bookMémoire en défense contre ceux qui m'accusent de falsifier l'histoire.[112]Chomsky was widely condemned for defending Faurisson,[113]and France's mainstream press accused Chomsky of being a Holocaust denier himself, refusing to publish his rebuttals to their accusations.[114]Critiquing Chomsky's position, sociologistWerner Cohnlater published an analysis of the affair titledPartners in Hate: Noam Chomsky and the Holocaust Deniers.[115]The Faurisson affair had a lasting, damaging effect on Chomsky's career,[116]especially in France.[117]
Critique of propaganda and international affairs
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Manufacturing Consent: Noam Chomsky and the Media,a 1992 documentary exploring Chomsky's work of the same name and its impact |
In 1985, during theNicaraguan Contra War—in which the U.S. supported thecontra militiaagainst theSandinistagovernment—Chomsky traveled toManaguato meet with workers' organizations and refugees of the conflict, giving public lectures on politics and linguistics.[118]Many of these lectures were published in 1987 asOn Power and Ideology: The Managua Lectures.[119]In 1983 he publishedThe Fateful Triangle,which argued that the U.S. had continually used theIsraeli–Palestinian conflictfor its own ends.[120]In 1988, Chomsky visited thePalestinian territoriesto witness the impact of Israeli occupation.[121]
Chomsky and Herman'sManufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media(1988) outlines theirpropaganda modelfor understanding mainstream media. Even in countries without official censorship, they argued, the news is censored through five filters that greatly influence both what and how news is presented.[122]The book receiveda 1992 film adaptation.[123]In 1989, Chomsky publishedNecessary Illusions: Thought Control in Democratic Societies,in which he suggests that a worthwhile democracy requires that its citizens undertake intellectual self-defense against the media and elite intellectual culture that seeks to control them.[124]By the 1980s, Chomsky's students had become prominent linguists who, in turn, expanded and revised his linguistic theories.[125]
In the 1990s, Chomsky embraced political activism to a greater degree than before.[126]Retaining his commitment to the cause of East Timorese independence, in 1995 he visited Australia to talk on the issue at the behest of the East Timorese Relief Association and the National Council for East Timorese Resistance.[127]The lectures he gave on the subject were published asPowers and Prospectsin 1996.[127]As a result of the international publicity Chomsky generated, his biographer Wolfgang Sperlich opined that he did more to aid the cause of East Timorese independence than anyone but the investigative journalistJohn Pilger.[128]After East Timor attained independence from Indonesia in 1999, the Australian-ledInternational Force for East Timorarrived as a peacekeeping force; Chomsky was critical of this, believing it was designed to secure Australian access to East Timor's oil and gas reserves under theTimor Gap Treaty.[129]
Chomsky was widely interviewed after theSeptember 11 attacksin 2001 as the American public attempted to make sense of the attacks.[130]He argued that the ensuingWar on Terrorwas not a new development but a continuation of U.S. foreign policy and concomitant rhetoric since at least the Reagan era.[131]He gave theD.T. LakdawalaMemorial Lecture in New Delhi in 2001,[132]and in 2003 visited Cuba at the invitation of the Latin American Association of Social Scientists.[133]Chomsky's 2003Hegemony or Survivalarticulated what he called the United States' "imperialgrand strategy"and critiqued theIraq Warand other aspects of the War on Terror.[134]Chomsky toured internationally with greater regularity during this period.[133]
During the2014 Scottish independence referendum,Chomsky supported Scottish independence.[135]
Retirement
Chomsky retired from MIT in 2002,[136]but continued to conduct research and seminars on campus as anemeritus.[137]That same year he visited Turkey to attend the trial of a publisher who had been accused of treason for printing one of Chomsky's books; Chomsky insisted on being aco-defendantand amid international media attention, theSecurity Courtsdropped the charge on the first day.[138]During that trip Chomsky visited Kurdish areas of Turkey and spoke out in favor of the Kurds' human rights.[138]A supporter of theWorld Social Forum,he attended its conferences in Brazil in both 2002 and 2003, also attending the Forum event in India.[139]
Chomsky supported the 2011Occupy movement,speaking at encampments and publishing on the movement, which he called a reaction to a 30-yearclass war.[140]The 2015 documentaryRequiem for the American Dreamsummarizes his views on capitalism andeconomic inequalitythrough a "75-minuteteach-in".[141]
In 2015 Chomsky and his wife purchased a residence inSão Paulo,Brazil,and began splitting their time between Brazil and the U.S.[142]
Chomsky taught a short-term politics course at theUniversity of Arizonain 2017[143]and was later hired as a part-time professor in the linguistics department there, his duties including teaching and public seminars.[144]His salary was covered by philanthropic donations.[145]
After astrokein June 2023, Chomsky moved to Brazil full-time;[142]this was not publicly reported until June 2024.[142]
Linguistic theory
What started as purely linguistic research... has led, through involvement in political causes and an identification with an older philosophic tradition, to no less than an attempt to formulate an overall theory of man. The roots of this are manifest in the linguistic theory... The discovery of cognitive structures common to the human race but only to humans (species specific), leads quite easily to thinking of unalienable human attributes.
The basis of Chomsky's linguistic theory lies inbiolinguistics,the linguistic school that holds that the principles underpinning the structure of language are biologically preset in the human mind and hence genetically inherited.[147]He argues that all humans share the same underlying linguistic structure, irrespective of sociocultural differences.[148]In adopting this position Chomsky rejects theradical behavioristpsychology ofB. F. Skinner,who viewed speech, thought, and all behavior as a completely learned product of the interactions between organisms and their environments. Accordingly, Chomsky argues that language is a unique evolutionary development of the human species and distinguished from modes of communication used by any other animal species.[149][150]Chomsky argues that hisnativist,internalist view of language is consistent with the philosophical school of "rationalism"and contrasts with the anti-nativist, externalist view of language consistent with the philosophical school of"empiricism",[151]which contends that all knowledge, including language, comes from external stimuli.[146]Historians have disputed Chomsky's claim about rationalism on the basis that his theory of innate grammar excludespropositional knowledgeand instead focuses on innate learning capacities or structures.[152]
Universal grammar
Since the 1960s, Chomsky has maintained that syntactic knowledge is partially inborn, implying that children need only learn certain language-specific features of theirnative languages.He bases his argument on observations about humanlanguage acquisitionand describes a "poverty of the stimulus":an enormous gap between the linguistic stimuli to which children are exposed and the richlinguistic competencethey attain. For example, although children are exposed to only a very small and finite subset of the allowablesyntactic variantswithin their first language, they somehow acquire the highly organized and systematic ability to understand and producean infinite number of sentences,including ones that have never before been uttered, in that language.[153]To explain this, Chomsky proposed that the primary linguistic data must be supplemented by aninnate linguistic capacity.Furthermore, while a human baby and a kitten are both capable ofinductive reasoning,if they are exposed to exactly the same linguistic data, the human will always acquire the ability to understand and produce language, while the kitten will never acquire either ability. Chomsky referred to this difference in capacity as thelanguage acquisition device,and suggested that linguists needed to determine both what that device is and what constraints it imposes on the range of possible human languages. The universal features that result from these constraints would constitute "universal grammar".[154][155][156]Multiple researchers have challenged universal grammar on the grounds of the evolutionary infeasibility of its genetic basis for language,[157]the lack of crosslinguistic surface universals,[158]and the unproven link between innate/universal structures and the structures of specific languages.[159]Michael Tomasellohas challenged Chomsky's theory of innate syntactic knowledge as based on theory and not behavioral observation.[160]The empirical basis of poverty of the stimulus arguments has been challenged byGeoffrey Pullumand others, leading to back-and-forth debate in thelanguage acquisitionliterature.[161][162]Recent work has also suggested that somerecurrent neural networkarchitectures can learn hierarchical structure without an explicit constraint.[163]
Transformational-generative grammar
Transformational-generative grammaris a broad theory used to model, encode, and deduce a native speaker's linguistic capabilities.[164]These models, or "formal grammars",show the abstract structures of a specific language as they may relate to structures in other languages.[165]Chomsky developed transformational grammar in the mid-1950s, whereupon it became the dominant syntactic theory in linguistics for two decades.[164]"Transformations" refers to syntactic relationships within language, e.g., being able to infer that the subject between two sentences is the same person.[166]Chomsky's theory posits that language consists of bothdeep structures and surface structures:Outward-facing surface structures relate phonetic rules into sound, while inward-facing deep structures relate words and conceptual meaning. Transformational-generative grammar usesmathematical notationto express the rules that govern the connection between meaning and sound (deep and surface structures, respectively). By this theory, linguistic principles canmathematically generatepotential sentence structures in a language.[146]
Chomsky is commonly credited with inventing transformational-generative grammar, but his original contribution was considered modest when he first published his theory. In his 1955 dissertation and his 1957 textbookSyntactic Structures,he presented recent developments in the analysis formulated byZellig Harris,who was Chomsky's PhD supervisor, and byCharles F. Hockett.[b]Their method is derived from the work of the Danish structural linguistLouis Hjelmslev,who introducedalgorithmic grammarto general linguistics.[c]Based on this rule-based notation of grammars, Chomsky grouped logically possible phrase-structure grammar types into a series of four nested subsets and increasingly complex types, together known as theChomsky hierarchy.This classification remains relevant toformal language theory[167]andtheoretical computer science,especiallyprogramming language theory,[168]compilerconstruction, andautomata theory.[169]Chomsky'sSyntactic Structuresbecame, beyond generative linguistics as such, a catalyst for connecting what inHjelmslev's andJesperson's time was the beginnings ofstructural linguistics,which has becomecognitive linguistics.[170]
Transformational grammar was the dominant research paradigm through the mid-1970s. The derivative[164]government and binding theoryreplaced it and remained influential through the early 1990s,[164]when linguists turned to a "minimalist" approach to grammar. This research focused on theprinciples and parametersframework, which explained children's ability to learn any language by filling open parameters (a set of universal grammar principles) that adapt as the child encounters linguistic data.[171]The minimalist program, initiated by Chomsky,[172]asks which minimal principles and parameters theory fits most elegantly, naturally, and simply.[171]In an attempt to simplify language into a system that relates meaning and sound using the minimum possible faculties, Chomsky dispenses with concepts such as "deep structure" and "surface structure" and instead emphasizes the plasticity of the brain's neural circuits, with which come an infinite number of concepts, or "logical forms".[150]When exposed to linguistic data, a hearer-speaker's brain proceeds to associate sound and meaning, and the rules of grammar we observe are in fact only the consequences, or side effects, of the way language works. Thus, while much of Chomsky's prior research focused on the rules of language, he now focuses on the mechanisms the brain uses to generate these rules and regulate speech.[150][173]
Political views
The second major area to which Chomsky has contributed—and surely the best known in terms of the number of people in his audience and the ease of understanding what he writes and says—is his work on sociopolitical analysis; political, social, and economic history; and critical assessment of current political circumstance. In Chomsky's view, although those in power might—and do—try to obscure their intentions and to defend their actions in ways that make them acceptable to citizens, it is easy for anyone who is willing to be critical and consider the facts to discern what they are up to.
Chomsky is a prominent political dissident.[d]His political views have changed little since his childhood,[175]when he was influenced by the emphasis on political activism that was ingrained in Jewish working-class tradition.[176]He usually identifies as ananarcho-syndicalistor alibertarian socialist.[177]He views these positions not as precise political theories but as ideals that he thinks best meet human needs: liberty, community, and freedom of association.[178]Unlike some other socialists, such as Marxists, Chomsky believes that politics lies outside the remit of science,[179]but he still roots his ideas about an ideal society in empirical data and empirically justified theories.[180]
In Chomsky's view, the truth about political realities is systematically distorted or suppressed by an elitecorporatocracy,which uses corporate media, advertising, andthink tanksto promote its own propaganda. His work seeks to reveal such manipulations and the truth they obscure.[181]Chomsky believes this web of falsehood can be broken by "common sense", critical thinking, and understanding the roles of self-interest and self-deception,[182]and that intellectuals abdicate their moral responsibility to tell the truth about the world in fear of losing prestige and funding.[183]He argues that, as such an intellectual, it is his duty to use hissocial privilege,resources, and training to aid popular democracy movements in their struggles.[184]
Although he has participated indirect actiondemonstrations—joining protests, being arrested, organizing groups—Chomsky's primary political outlet is education, i.e., free public lessons.[185]He is a longtime member of theIndustrial Workers of the Worldinternational union,[186]as was his father.[187]
United States foreign policy
Chomsky has been a prominent critic of "American imperialism",[188]but is not a pacifist, believingWorld War IIwas justified as America's last defensive war.[189]He believes thatU.S. foreign policy's basic principle is the establishment of "open societies" that are economically and politically controlled by the U.S. and where U.S.-based businesses can prosper.[190]He argues that the U.S. seeks to suppress any movements within these countries that are not compliant with U.S. interests and to ensure that U.S.-friendly governments are placed in power.[183]When discussing current events, he emphasizes their place within a wider historical perspective.[191]He believes that official, sanctioned historical accounts of U.S. and British extraterritorial operations have consistently whitewashed these nations' actions in order to present them as having benevolent motives in either spreading democracy or, in older instances, spreading Christianity; by criticizing these accounts, he seeks to correct them.[192]Prominent examples he regularly cites are the actions of the British Empire in India and Africa and U.S. actions in Vietnam, the Philippines, Latin America, and the Middle East.[192]
Chomsky's political work has centered heavily on criticizing the actions of the United States.[191]He has said he focuses on the U.S. because the country has militarily and economically dominated the world during his lifetime and because itsliberal democraticelectoral system allows the citizenry to influence government policy.[193]His hope is that, by spreading awareness of the impact U.S. foreign policies have on the populations affected by them, he can sway the populations of the U.S. and other countries into opposing the policies.[192]He urges people to criticize their governments' motivations, decisions, and actions, to accept responsibility for their own thoughts and actions, and to apply the same standards to others as to themselves.[194]
Chomsky has been critical of U.S. involvement in theIsraeli–Palestinian conflict,arguing that it has consistently blocked a peaceful settlement.[183]He also criticizes the U.S.'s close ties with Saudi Arabia and involvement inSaudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen,highlighting that Saudi Arabia has "one of the most grotesque human rights records in the world".[195]
Chomsky called theRussian invasion of Ukrainea criminal act of aggression and noted thatRussia was committing major war crimesin the country. He considered support for Ukraine's self-defense legitimate and said Ukraine should be given enough military aid to defend itself, but not enough to cause "an escalation".[196]His criticism of the war focused on the United States.[196]He alleged that the U.S. rejected any compromise with Russia and that this might have provoked the invasion.[196]According to Chomsky, the U.S. was arming Ukraine only to weaken Russia, and Ukrainian requests for heavy weaponry were untrue "Western propaganda", despite Ukraine's PresidentVolodymyr Zelenskyrepeatedly asking for them.[197]More than a year into the invasion, Chomsky argued that Russia was waging the war "more humanely" than the U.S. did theinvasion of Iraq.[198]
Capitalism and socialism
In his youth, Chomsky developed a dislike ofcapitalismand the pursuit of material wealth.[199]At the same time, he developed a disdain forauthoritarian socialism,as represented by theMarxist–Leninistpolicies of the Soviet Union.[200]Rather than accepting the common view among U.S. economists that a spectrum exists between total state ownership of the economy and total private ownership, he instead suggests that a spectrum should be understood between total democratic control of the economy and total autocratic control (whether state or private).[201]He argues that Western capitalist countries are not really democratic,[202]because, in his view, a truly democratic society is one in which all persons have a say in public economic policy.[203]He has stated his opposition toruling elites,among them institutions like theIMF,World Bank,andGATT(precursor to theWTO).[204]
Chomsky highlights that, since the 1970s,the U.S. has become increasingly economically unequalas a result of the repeal of various financial regulations and the unilateral rescinding of theBretton Woods financial control agreementby the U.S.[205]He characterizes the U.S. as ade factoone-party state,viewing both theRepublican PartyandDemocratic Partyas manifestations of a single "Business Party" controlled by corporate and financial interests.[206]Chomsky highlights that, within Western capitalist liberal democracies, at least 80% of the population has no control over economic decisions, which are instead in the hands of a management class and ultimately controlled by a small, wealthy elite.[207]
Noting the entrenchment of such an economic system, Chomsky believes that change is possible through the organized cooperation of large numbers of people who understand the problem and know how they want to reorganize the economy more equitably.[207]Acknowledging that corporate domination of media and government stifles any significant change to this system, he sees reason for optimism in historical examples such as the social rejection of slavery as immoral, the advances in women's rights, and the forcing of government to justify invasions.[205]He views violent revolution to overthrow a government as a last resort to be avoided if possible, citing the example of historical revolutions where the population's welfare has worsened as a result of upheaval.[207]
Chomsky sees libertarian socialist and anarcho-syndicalist ideas as the descendants of theclassical liberalideas of theAge of Enlightenment,[208]arguing that his ideological position revolves around "nourishing the libertarian and creative character of the human being".[209]He envisions an anarcho-syndicalist future with direct worker control of themeans of productionand government byworkers' councils,who would select temporary and revocable representatives to meet together at general assemblies.[210]The point of this self-governance is to make each citizen, inThomas Jefferson's words, "a direct participator in the government of affairs."[211]He believes that there will be no need for political parties.[212]By controlling their productive life, he believes that individuals can gain job satisfaction and a sense of fulfillment and purpose.[213]He argues that unpleasant and unpopular jobs could be fully automated, specially remunerated, or communally shared.[214]
Israeli–Palestinian conflict
Chomsky has written prolifically about theIsraeli–Palestinian conflict,aiming to raise public awareness of it.[215]Alabor Zionistwho later became what is today considered ananti-Zionist,Chomsky has criticized theIsraeli settlementsin theIsraeli-occupiedWest Bank,which he likens to asettler colony.[216]He has said that the 1947United Nations Partition Plan for Palestinewas a bad decision, but given therealpolitikof the situation, he has also considered atwo-state solutionon the condition that the nation-states exist on equal terms.[217]
Chomsky has said that characterizingIsrael's treatment of the Palestinians as apartheid,similar to the system that existed in South Africa, would be a "gift to Israel", as he has long held that "theOccupied Territoriesare much worse than South Africa ".[218][219]South Africa depended on its black population for labor, but Chomsky argues the same is not true of Israel, which in his view seeks to make the situation for Palestinians under its occupation unlivable, especially in theWest Bankand theGaza Strip,where "atrocities" take place every day.[218]He also argues that, unlike South Africa, Israel has not sought the international community's approval, but rather relies solely on U.S. support.[218]Chomsky has said that the Israeli-ledblockadeof theGaza Striphas turned it into a "concentration camp" and expressed similar fears to Israeli intellectualYeshayahu Leibowitz's 1990s warning that the continued occupation of thePalestinian territoriescould turnIsraeli Jewsinto "Judeo-Nazis". Chomsky has said that Leibowitz's warning "was a direct reflection of the continued occupation, the humiliation of people, the degradation, and the terrorist attacks by the Israeli government".[220]He has also called the U.S. a violent state that exports violence by supporting Israeli "atrocities" against the Palestinians and said that listening to American mainstream media, includingCBS,is like listening to "Israeli propaganda agencies".[221]
Chomsky was denied entry to theWest Bankin 2010 because ofhis criticisms of Israel.He had been invited to deliver a lecture atBir Zeit Universityand was to meet with Palestinian Prime MinisterSalam Fayyad.[222][223][224][225]AnIsraeli Foreign Ministryspokesman later said that Chomsky was denied entry by mistake.[226]
In his 1983 bookThe Fateful Triangle,Chomsky criticized thePalestinian Liberation Organizationfor its "self-destructiveness" and "suicidal character" and disapproved of its programs of "armed struggle" and "erratic violence". He also criticized the Arab governments as not "decent".[227][228]Given what he has described as his very Jewish upbringing with deeply Zionist activist parents, Chomsky's views have drawn controversy and criticism. They are rooted in thekibbutzimand socialist binational cooperation.[229]In a 2014 interview onDemocracy Now!,Chomsky said that the charter ofHamas,which calls for Israel's destruction, "means practically nothing", having been created "by a small group of people under siege, under attack in 1988". He compared it to the electoral program of theLikudparty, which, he said, "states explicitly that there can never be a Palestinian state west of the Jordan River. And they not only state it in their charter, that's a call for the destruction of Palestine, explicit call for it".[219]
Mass media and propaganda
External videos | |
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Chomsky on propaganda and the manufacturing of consent,June 1, 2003 |
Chomsky's political writings have largely focused on ideology,social and political power,mass media,and state policy.[230]One of his best-known works,Manufacturing Consent,dissects the media's role in reinforcing and acquiescing to state policies across the political spectrum while marginalizing contrary perspectives. Chomsky asserts that this version of censorship, by government-guided "free market" forces, is subtler and harder to undermine than was the equivalent propaganda system in the Soviet Union.[231]As he argues, the mainstream press is corporate-owned and thus reflects corporate priorities and interests.[232]Acknowledging that many American journalists are dedicated and well-meaning, he argues that the mass media's choices of topics and issues, the unquestioned premises on which that coverage rests, and the range of opinions expressed are all constrained to reinforce the state's ideology:[233]although mass media will criticize individual politicians and political parties, it will not undermine the wider state-corporate nexus of which it is a part.[234]As evidence, he highlights that the U.S. mass media does not employ any socialist journalists or political commentators.[235]He also points to examples of important news stories that the U.S. mainstream media has ignored because reporting on them would reflect badly upon the country, including the murder of Black PantherFred Hamptonwith possibleFBIinvolvement, the massacres in Nicaragua perpetrated by U.S.-fundedContras,and the constant reporting on Israeli deaths without equivalent coverage of the far larger number of Palestinian deaths in that conflict.[236]To remedy this situation, Chomsky calls for grassroots democratic control and involvement of the media.[237]
Chomsky considers mostconspiracy theoriesfruitless, distracting substitutes for thinking about policy formation in an institutional framework, where individual manipulation is secondary to broader social imperatives.[238]He separates his Propaganda Model from conspiracy in that he is describing institutions following their natural imperatives rather than collusive forces with secret controls.[239]Instead of supporting the educational system as an antidote, he believes that most education is counterproductive.[240]Chomsky describesmass educationas a system solely intended to turn farmers from independent producers into unthinking industrial employees.[240]
Reactions of critics and counter-criticism: 1980s–present
In the 2004 bookThe Anti-Chomsky Reader,Peter CollierandDavid Horowitzaccuse Chomsky ofcherry-pickingfacts to suit his theories.[241]Horowitz has also criticized Chomsky'santi-Americanism:[242]
For 40 years Noam Chomsky has turned out book after book, pamphlet after pamphlet and speech after speech with one message, and one message alone: America is the Great Satan; it is the fount of evil in the world. In Chomsky's demented universe, America is responsible not only for its own bad deeds, but for the bad deeds of others, including those of the terrorists who struck the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. In this attitude he is the medium for all those who now search the ruins of Manhattan not for the victims and the American dead, but for the "root causes" of the catastrophe that befell them.
For theconservativepublic policythink tanktheHoover Institution,Peter Schweizer wrote in January 2006, "Chomsky favors the estate tax and massive income redistribution—just not the redistribution of his income." Schweizer criticized Chomsky for setting up an estate plan and protecting his own intellectual property as it relates to his published works, as well as the high speaking fees that Chomsky received on a regular basis, around $9,000–$12,000 per talk at that time.[243][244]
Chomsky has been accused of treating socialist or communist regimes with credulity and examining capitalist regimes with greater scrutiny or criticism:[245]
Chomsky's analysis of U.S. actions plunged deep into dark U.S. machinations, but when traveling among the Communists he rested content with appearances. The countryside outside Hanoi, he reported inThe New York Review of Books,displayed "a high degree of democratic participation at the village and regional levels." But how could he tell? Chomsky did not speak Vietnamese, and so he depended on government translators, tour guides, and handlers for information. In [Communist] Vietnamese hands, the clear-eyed skepticism turned into willing credulousness.[245]
According toNikolas Kozloff,writing forAl Jazeerain September 2012, Chomsky "has drawn the world's attention to the various misdeeds of the US and its proxies around the world, and for that he deserves credit. Yet, in seeking to avoid controversy at all costs Chomsky has turned into something of an ideologue. Scour the Chomsky web site and you won't find significant discussion of Belarus or Latin America's flirtation with outside authoritarian leaders, for that matter."[246]
Political activistGeorge Monbiothas argued that "Part of the problem is that a kind of cult has developed around Noam Chomsky andJohn Pilger,which cannot believe they could ever be wrong, and produces ever more elaborate conspiracy theories to justify their mistakes. "[247]
Anarchist and primitivistJohn Zerzanhas accused Chomsky of not being a real anarchist, saying that he is instead "a liberal-leftist politically, and downright reactionary in his academic specialty, linguistic theory. Chomsky is also, by all accounts, a generous, sincere, tireless activist—which does not, unfortunately, ensure his thinking has liberatory value."[248]
Defenders of Chomsky have countered that he has been censored or left out of public debate. Claims of this nature date to theReagan era.Writing forThe Washington Postin February 1988,Saul Landauwrote, "It is unhealthy that Chomsky's insights are excluded from the policy debate. His relentless prosecutorial prose, with a hint of Talmudic whine and the rationalist anarchism of Tom Paine, may reflect a justified frustration."[249]
Philosophy
Chomsky has also been active in a number of philosophical fields, includingphilosophy of mind,philosophy of language,andphilosophy of science.[250]In these fields he is credited with ushering in the "cognitive revolution",[250]a significantparadigm shiftthat rejectedlogical positivism,the prevailing philosophical methodology of the time, and reframed how philosophers think aboutlanguageand themind.[172]Chomsky views the cognitive revolution as rooted in 17th-centuryrationalistideals.[251]His position—the idea that the mind contains inherent structures to understand language, perception, and thought—has more in common with rationalism than behaviorism.[252]He named one of his key worksCartesian Linguistics: A Chapter in the History of Rationalist Thought(1966).[251]This sparked criticism from historians and philosophers who disagreed with Chomsky's interpretations of classical sources and use of philosophical terminology.[e]In the philosophy of language, Chomsky is particularly known for his criticisms of the notion of reference and meaning in human language and his perspective on the nature and function of mental representations.[253]
Chomsky's famous1971 debateonhuman naturewith the French philosopherMichel Foucaultwas a symbolic clash of theanalyticandcontinentalphilosophy traditions, represented by Chomsky and Foucault, respectively.[99]It showed what appeared to be irreconcilable differences between two moral and intellectual luminaries of the 20th century. Foucault held that any definition of human nature is connected to our present-day conceptions of ourselves; Chomsky held that human nature contained universals such as a common standard of moral justice as deduced through reason.[254]Chomsky criticizedpostmodernismandFrench philosophygenerally, arguing that the obscure language of postmodern, leftist philosophers gives little aid to the working classes.[255]He has also debated analytic philosophers, includingTyler Burge,Donald Davidson,Michael Dummett,Saul Kripke,Thomas Nagel,Hilary Putnam,Willard Van Orman Quine,andJohn Searle.[172]
Chomsky's contributions spanintellectualand world history, including the history of philosophy.[256]Irony is a recurring characteristic of his writing, such as rhetorically implying that his readers already know something to be true, which engages the reader more actively in assessing the veracity of his claims.[257]
Personal life
Chomsky endeavors to separate his family life, linguistic scholarship, and political activism from each other.[258]An intensely private person,[259]he is uninterested in appearances and the fame his work has brought him.[260]McGilvray suggests that Chomsky is not motivated by a desire for fame, but impelled to tell what he perceives as the truth and a desire to aid others in doing so.[261]Chomsky acknowledges that his income affords him a privileged life compared to the majority of the world's population;[262]nevertheless, he characterizes himself as a "worker", albeit one who uses his intellect as his employable skill.[263]He reads four or five newspapers daily; in the U.S., he subscribes toThe Boston Globe,The New York Times,The Wall Street Journal,Financial Times,andThe Christian Science Monitor.[264]Chomsky is not religious but has expressed approval of forms of religion such asliberation theology.[265]
Chomsky is known to use charged language ( "corrupt", "fascist", "fraudulent" ) when describing established political and academic figures, which can polarize his audience but is in keeping with his belief that much scholarship is self-serving.[266]His colleagueSteven Pinkerhas said that Chomsky "portrays people who disagree with him as stupid or evil, using withering scorn in his rhetoric", and that this contributes to the extreme reactions he receives.[267]Chomsky avoidsacademic conferences,including left-oriented ones such as the Socialist Scholars Conference, preferring to speak to activist groups or hold university seminars for mass audiences.[268]His approach to academic freedom has led him to support MIT academics whose actions he deplores; in 1969, when Chomsky heard thatWalt Rostow,a major architect of the Vietnam war, wanted to return to work at MIT, Chomsky threatened "to protest publicly" if Rostow were denied a position at MIT. In 1989, when Pentagon adviserJohn Deutchapplied to be president of MIT, Chomsky supported his candidacy. Later, when Deutch became head of the CIA,The New York Timesquoted Chomsky as saying, "He has more honesty and integrity than anyone I've ever met.... If somebody's got to be running the CIA, I'm glad it's him. "[269]
Chomsky was married toCarol Doris(néeSchatz) from 1949 until her death in 2008.[263]They had three children together:Aviva(b. 1957), Diane (b. 1960), and Harry (b. 1967).[270]In 2014, Chomsky married Valeria Wasserman.[271]They have owned a residence in Wasserman's native country of Brazil since 2015.[272]
In 2023, Chomsky suffered a massive stroke and was flown to a hospital inSão Paulo,Brazil, to recuperate.[273]He can no longer walk or communicate, making his return to public life improbable,[274]but he continues to follow current events such as theIsrael–Hamas war.[273]He was discharged in June 2024 to continue his recovery at home.[272]The same month, Chomskytrended on social mediaamid false reports of his death. Periodicals retractedpremature obituaries.[272]
Reception and influence
[Chomsky's] voice is heard in academia beyond linguistics and philosophy: from computer science to neuroscience, from anthropology to education, mathematics and literary criticism. If we include Chomsky's political activism then the boundaries become quite blurred, and it comes as no surprise that Chomsky is increasingly seen as enemy number one by those who inhabit that wide sphere of reactionary discourse and action.
Chomsky has been a defining Western intellectual figure, central to the field of linguistics and definitive in cognitive science, computer science, philosophy, and psychology.[276]In addition to being known as one of the most important intellectuals of his time,[f]Chomsky has a dual legacy as a leader and luminary in both linguistics and the realm ofpolitical dissent.[277]Despite his academic success, his political viewpoints and activism have resulted in his being distrusted by mainstream media, and he is regarded as being "on the outer margin of acceptability".[278]Chomsky's public image and social reputation often color his work's public reception.[9]
In academia
McGilvray observes that Chomsky inaugurated the "cognitive revolution"in linguistics,[279]and that he is largely responsible for establishing the field as a formal,natural science,[280]moving it away from the procedural form ofstructural linguisticsdominant during the mid-20th century.[281]As such, some have called Chomsky "the father of modern linguistics".[a]Linguist John Lyons further remarked that within a few decades of publication, Chomskyan linguistics had become "the most dynamic and influential" school of thought in the field.[282]By the 1970s his work had also come to exert a considerable influence on philosophy,[283]and aMinnesota State University Moorheadpoll rankedSyntactic Structuresas the single most important work incognitive science.[284]In addition, his work inautomata theoryand the Chomsky hierarchy have become well known incomputer science,and he is much cited incomputational linguistics.[285][286][287]
Chomsky's criticisms of behaviorism contributed substantially to the decline ofbehaviorist psychology;[288]in addition, he is generally regarded as one of the primary founders of the field of cognitive science.[289][250]Some arguments inevolutionary psychologyare derived from his research results;[290]Nim Chimpsky,a chimpanzee who was the subject of a study inanimal language acquisitionat Columbia University, was named after Chomsky in reference to his view of language acquisition as a uniquely human ability.[291]
ACM Turing AwardwinnerDonald Knuthcredited Chomsky's work with helping him combine his interests in mathematics, linguistics, and computer science.[292]IBMcomputer scientistJohn Backus,another Turing Award winner, used some of Chomsky's concepts to help him developFORTRAN,the first widely used high-levelcomputer programming language.[293]Chomsky's theory of generative grammar has also influenced work inmusic theoryandanalysis,such asFred Lerdahl's andRay Jackendoff'sgenerative theory of tonal music.[294][295][296]
Chomsky is among the most cited authors living or dead.[g]He was cited within theArts and Humanities Citation Indexmore often than any other living scholar from 1980 to 1992.[297]Chomsky was also extensively cited in theSocial Sciences Citation IndexandScience Citation Indexduring the same period. The librarian who conducted the research said that the statistics show that "he is very widely read across disciplines and that his work is used by researchers across disciplines... it seems that you can't write a paper without citing Noam Chomsky. "[276]As a result of his influence, there are dueling camps of Chomskyan and non-Chomskyan linguistics. Their disputes are often acrimonious.[298]Additionally, according to journalistMaya Jaggi,Chomsky is among the most quoted sources in the humanities, ranking alongsideMarx,Shakespeareandthe Bible.[267]
In politics
Chomsky's status as the "most-quoted living author" is credited to his political writings, which vastly outnumber his writings on linguistics.[299]Chomsky biographer Wolfgang B. Sperlich characterizes him as "one of the most notable contemporary champions of the people";[259]journalistJohn Pilgerhas described him as a "genuine people's hero; an inspiration for struggles all over the world for that basic decency known as freedom. To a lot of people in the margins—activists and movements—he's unfailingly supportive."[267]Arundhati Royhas called him "one of the greatest, most radical public thinkers of our time",[300]andEdward Saidthought him "one of the most significant challengers of unjust power and delusions".[267]Fred Hallidayhas said that by the start of the 21st century Chomsky had become a "guru" for the world's anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist movements.[267]The propaganda model of media criticism that he and Herman developed has been widely accepted in radical media critiques and adopted to some level in mainstream criticism of the media,[301]also exerting a significant influence on the growth ofalternative media,including radio, publishers, and the Internet, which in turn have helped to disseminate his work.[302]
Despite this broad influence, university departments devoted to history and political science rarely include Chomsky's work on their undergraduate syllabi.[303]Critics have argued that despite publishing widely on social and political issues, Chomsky has no formal expertise in these areas; he has responded that such issues are not as complex as manysocial scientistsclaim and that almost everyone is able to comprehend them regardless of whether they have been academically trained to do so.[184]Some have responded to these criticisms by questioning the critics' motives and their understanding of Chomsky's ideas. Sperlich, for instance, says that Chomsky has been vilified by corporate interests, particularly in the mainstream press.[137]Likewise, according to McGilvray, many of Chomsky's critics "do not bother quoting his work or quote out of context, distort, and create straw men that cannot be supported by Chomsky's text".[184]
Chomsky drew criticism for not calling theBosnian War'sSrebrenica massacrea "genocide".[304][305]While he did not deny the fact of the massacre,[306]which he called "a horror story and major crime", he felt the massacre did not meet thedefinition of genocide.[304]Critics have accused Chomsky ofdenying the Bosnian genocide.[307]
Chomsky's far-reaching criticisms of U.S. foreign policy and the legitimacy of U.S. power have raised controversy. A document obtained pursuant to aFreedom of Information Act(FOIA) request from the U.S. government revealed that theCentral Intelligence Agency(CIA) monitored his activities and for years denied doing so. The CIA also destroyed its files on Chomsky at some point, possibly in violation of federal law.[308]He has often received undercover police protection at MIT and when speaking on the Middle East but has refused uniformed police protection.[309]German news magazineDer Spiegeldescribed Chomsky as "the Ayatollah of anti-American hatred",[137]while AmericanconservativecommentatorDavid Horowitzcalled him "the most devious, the most dishonest and... the most treacherous intellect in America", whose work is infused with "anti-American dementia" and evidences his "pathological hatred of his own country".[310]Writing inCommentarymagazine, the journalistJonathan Kaydescribed Chomsky as "a hard-boiled anti-American monomaniac who simply refuses to believe anything that any American leader says".[311]
Chomsky's criticism of Israel has led to his being called a traitor to the Jewish people and ananti-Semite.[312]Criticizing Chomsky's defense of the right of individuals to engage in Holocaust denial on the grounds that freedom of speech must be extended to all viewpoints,Werner Cohncalled Chomsky "the most important patron" of theneo-Nazimovement.[313]TheAnti-Defamation League(ADL) called him a Holocaust denier,[314]describing him as a "dupe of intellectual pride so overweening that he is incapable of making distinctions between totalitarian and democratic societies, between oppressors and victims".[314]In turn, Chomsky has claimed that the ADL is dominated by "Stalinist types" who oppose democracy in Israel.[312]The lawyerAlan Dershowitzhas called Chomsky a "false prophet of the left";[315]Chomsky called Dershowitz "a complete liar" who is on "a crazed jihad, dedicating much of his life to trying to destroy my reputation".[316]In early 2016, PresidentRecep Tayyip Erdoğanof Turkey publicly rebuked Chomsky after he signed anopen lettercondemning Erdoğan for hisanti-Kurdish repressionand double standards on terrorism.[317]Chomsky accused Erdoğan of hypocrisy, noting that Erdoğan supportsal-Qaeda's Syrian affiliate,[318]theal-Nusra Front.[317]
Academic achievements, awards, and honors
In 1970, the LondonTimesnamed Chomsky one of the "makers of the twentieth century".[146]He was voted the world's leading public intellectual in The 2005 Global Intellectuals Poll jointly conducted by American magazineForeign Policyand British magazineProspect.[319]New Statesmanreaders listed Chomsky among the world's foremost heroes in 2006.[320]
In the United States he is aMember of the National Academy of Sciences,theAmerican Academy of Arts and Sciences,theLinguistic Society of America,theAmerican Association for the Advancement of Science,theAmerican Philosophical Association,[321]and theAmerican Philosophical Society.[322]Abroad he is a corresponding fellow of theBritish Academy,an honorary member of theBritish Psychological Society,a member of theDeutsche Akademie der Naturforscher Leopoldina,[321]and a foreign member of the Department of Social Sciences of theSerbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.[323]He received a 1971Guggenheim Fellowship,the 1984American Psychological Association Award for Distinguished Contributions to Psychology,the 1988Kyoto Prize in Basic Sciences,the 1996Helmholtz Medal,[321]the 1999Benjamin Franklin Medal in Computer and Cognitive Science,[324]the 2010Erich Fromm Prize,[325]and theBritish Academy's 2014Neil and Saras Smith Medal for Linguistics.[326]He is also a two-time winner of theNCTE George Orwell Award for Distinguished Contribution to Honesty and Clarity in Public Language(1987 and 1989).[321]He has also received the Rabindranath Tagore Centenary Award fromThe Asiatic Society.[327]
Chomsky received the 2004Carl-von-OssietzkyPrize from the city ofOldenburg, Germany,to acknowledge his body of work as a political analyst and media critic.[328]He received an honorary fellowship in 2005 from theLiterary and Historical Society of University College Dublin.[329]He received the 2008 President's Medal from the Literary and Debating Society of theNational University of Ireland, Galway.[330]Since 2009, he has been an honorary member ofInternational Association of Professional Translators and Interpreters(IAPTI).[331]He received the University of Wisconsin's A.E. Havens Center's Award for Lifetime Contribution to Critical Scholarship[332]and was inducted intoIEEE Intelligent Systems' AI's Hall of Fame for "significant contributions to the field of AI and intelligent systems."[333]Chomsky has anErdős numberof four.[334]
In 2011, the US Peace Memorial Foundation awarded Chomsky the US Peace Prize for anti-war activities over five decades.[335]For his work in human rights, peace, and social criticism, he received the 2011Sydney Peace Prize,[336]theSretenje Orderin 2015,[337]the 2017Seán MacBride Peace Prize[338]and the Dorothy Eldridge Peacemaker Award.[324]
Chomsky has received honorary doctorates from institutions including theUniversity of Londonand theUniversity of Chicago(1967),Loyola University ChicagoandSwarthmore College(1970),Bard College(1971),Delhi University(1972), theUniversity of Massachusetts(1973), and theInternational School for Advanced Studies(2012).[97]Public lectures given by Chomsky include the 1969John Locke Lectures,[324]1975Whidden Lectures,[98]1977Huizinga Lecture,and 1988Massey Lectures.[324]
Various tributes to Chomsky have been dedicated over the years. He is theeponymfora bee species,[339]a frog species,[340]anasteroid,[341]and a building complex at the Indian universityJamia Millia Islamia.[342]ActorViggo Mortensenand avant-garde guitaristBucketheaddedicated their 2003 albumPandemoniumfromamericato Chomsky.[343]
Selected bibliography
See also
Notes
- ^ab
- Fox 1998:"Mr. Chomsky... is the father of modern linguistics and remains the field's most influential practitioner."
- Tymoczko & Henle 2004,p. 101: "As the founder of modern linguistics, Noam Chomsky, observed, each of the following sequences of words is nonsense..."
- Tanenhaus 2016:"At 87, Noam Chomsky, the founder of modern linguistics, remains a vital presence in American intellectual life."
- ^
- Smith 2004,pp. 107 "Chomsky's early work was renowned for its mathematical rigor and he made some contribution to the nascent discipline of mathematical linguistics, in particular the analysis of (formal) languages in terms of what is now known as theChomsky hierarchy."
- Koerner 1983,pp. 159: "Characteristically, Harris proposes a transfer of sentences from English to Modern Hebrew... Chomsky's approach to syntax inSyntactic Structuresand several years thereafter was not much different from Harris's approach, since the concept of 'deep' or 'underlying structure' had not yet been introduced. The main difference between Harris (1954) and Chomsky (1957) appears to be that the latter is dealing with transfers within one single language only "
- ^
- Koerner 1978,pp. 41f: "it is worth noting that Chomsky cites Hjelmslev'sProlegomena,which had been translated into English in 1953, since the authors' theoretical argument, derived largely from logic and mathematics, exhibits noticeable similarities. "
- Seuren 1998,pp. 166: "Both Hjelmslev and Harris were inspired by the mathematical notion of an algorithm as a purely formal production system for a set of strings of symbols.... it is probably accurate to say that Hjelmslev was the first to try and apply it to the generation of strings of symbols in natural language "
- Hjelmslev 1969Prolegomena to a Theory of Language.Danish original 1943; first English translation 1954.
- ^
- Macintyre 2010
- Burris 2013:"Noam Chomsky has built his entire reputation as a political dissident on his command of the facts."
- McNeill 2014:"[Chomsky is] often dubbed one of the world's most important intellectuals and its leading public dissident... "
- ^
- Hamans & Seuren 2010,p. 377: "Having achieved a unique position of supremacy in the theory of syntax and having exploited that position far beyond the narrow circles of professional syntacticians, he felt the need to shore up his theory with the authority of history. It is shown that this attempt, resulting mainly in his Cartesian Linguistics of 1966, was widely, and rightly, judged to be a radical failure"
- ^
- McNeill 2014:"[Chomsky is] often dubbed one of the world's most important intellectuals... "
- Campbell 2005:"Noam Chomsky, the linguistics professor who has become one of the most outspoken critics of US foreign policy, has won a poll that names him as the world's top public intellectual."
- Robinson 1979:"Judged in terms of the power, range, novelty and influence of his thought, Noam Chomsky is arguably the most important intellectual alive today."
- Flint 1995:"The man once called the most important intellectual alive keeps his office in... the campus of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "
- ^
- Knight 2016,p. 2: "In 1992, the Arts and Humanities Citation Index ranked him as the most cited person alive (the Index's top ten being Marx, Lenin, Shakespeare, Aristotle, the Bible, Plato, Freud, Chomsky, Hegel and Cicero)."
- Babe 2015,p. xvii: "[Chomsky] was the most cited living scholar between 1980 and 1992 (according to the Arts and Humanities Citation Index)."
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- ^abcdHarlow 2010,p. 752.
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Chomsky believes that calling Israeli policies towards the Palestinians "apartheid" is actually a "gift to Israel"; at least, if by apartheid one refers to South African-style apartheid. "I have held for a long time that the Occupied Territories are much worse than South Africa," the professor explained.
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"Leibowitzwarned that if the occupation continues, Israeli Jews are going to turn into what he called, Judeo-Nazis. It's a pretty strong term to use in Israel. Most people couldn't get away with that but he did. It will happen, he argued, simply by the dynamics of occupation, "Chomsky told i24NEWS." If you have your jackboot on somebody's neck, you have to find a way to justify it. So you blame the victims. Leibowitz's warning was a direct reflection of the continued occupation, the humiliation of people, the degradation, and the terrorist attacks by the Israeli government. We have many historical examples of that. Europe has plenty of them. And I think that's what you are seeing in Israel, "he explained.
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- ^Rai 1995,pp. 37–38.
- ^McGilvray 2014,p. 179.
- ^McGilvray 2014,p. 178.
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The common critique is that he is often selective about his facts to fit his theories (Collier and Horowitz 2004).
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- ^Sperlich 2006,p. 60.
- ^abKnight 2016,p. 2.
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- ^Sperlich 2006,p. 24.
- ^McGilvray 2014,p. 5.
- ^McGilvray 2014,p. 9.
- ^McGilvray 2014,pp. 9–10.
- ^Lyons 1978,p. 2.
- ^Sperlich 2006,p. 42.
- ^MSUM Cognitive Sciences.
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- ^Sipser 1997.
- ^Knuth at Stanford University 2003.
- ^Graham 2019.
- ^Harris 2010.
- ^Massey University 1996.
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- ^Fulton 2007.
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- ^Steedman 1984,pp. 52–77.
- ^Rohrmeier 2007,pp. 97–100.
- ^Babe 2015,p. xvii.
- ^Boden 2006,p. 593.
- ^Boden 2006,p. 592.
- ^Sperlich 2006,p. 114.
- ^Sperlich 2006,p. 129.
- ^Sperlich 2006,p. 142.
- ^Barsky 1997,pp. 153–154.
- ^abBraun 2018.
- ^Nettelfield 2010,p. 142.
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- ^Hudson 2013.
- ^Rabbani 2012.
- ^Horowitz 2001.
- ^Kay 2011.
- ^abSperlich 2006,p. 100.
- ^Cohn 1995,p. 37.
- ^abSperlich 2006,p. 101.
- ^Barsky 1997,p. 170.
- ^Barsky 1997,pp. 170–171.
- ^abWeaver 2016.
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- ^abcdContemporary Authors Online 2016.
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Further reading
- "American Socrates".Truthdig(Interview). Interviewed byChris Hedges.June 15, 2014.Archivedfrom the original on June 18, 2014.RetrievedJune 16,2014.
- Changeux, Jean-Pierre; Courrége, Philippe; Danchin, Antoine (1973)."A Theory of the Epigenesis of Neuronal Networks by Selective Stabilization of Synapses".Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America.70(10): 2974–2978.Bibcode:1973PNAS...70.2974C.doi:10.1073/pnas.70.10.2974.PMC427150.PMID4517949.
- Chomsky, Noam (1959)."Reviews:Verbal behaviorby B. F. Skinner ".Language.35(1): 26–58.doi:10.2307/411334.JSTOR411334.Archivedfrom the original on September 10, 2019.RetrievedJanuary 3,2017.
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- Chomsky, Noam (February 13, 2015)."The World of Our Grandchildren".Jacobin.Interviewed by David Barsamian.Archivedfrom the original on March 22, 2015.RetrievedFebruary 15,2015.
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