Theprincipalíaornoble class[1]: 331 was the ruling and usually educated upper class in thepueblosofSpanish Philippines,comprising thegobernadorcillo(later called the capitán municipaland had functions similar to a town mayor),tenientes de justicia(lieutenants of justice), and thecabezas de barangay(heads of thebarangays) who governed the districts. Also included in this class were formergobernadorcillosor municipal captains, and municipal lieutenants in good standing during their term of office.[a][2]
The distinction or status of being part of theprincipalíawas originally a hereditary right.[b]However, a royal decree dated December 20, 1863 (signed in the name ofQueen Isabella IIby the Minister of the Colonies, José de la Concha), made possible the creation of newprincipalesunder certain defined criteria, among which was proficiency in theCastilian language.[c][d][e][5]: p1 cols 1–4 Later, wider conditions that defined theprincipalíawere stipulated in the norms provided by theMaura Lawof 1893,[6]which was in force until Spainlost the Philippinesto theUnited Statesin 1898. The Maura Law also redefined the title of the head of municipal government fromgobernadorcillotocapitán municipal,and extended the distinction asprincipalesto citizens paying 50pesosin land tax.[7]
Prior to the Maura Law, this distinguished upper class included only those exempted from tribute (tax) to the Spanish crown.[f]Colonial documents would refer to them as "de privilegio y gratis",in contrast to those who paytribute("de pago").[9]It was the truearistocracyandnobilityof the Spanish colonial Philippines,[10]: 60–61 [g][h][12]: 232–235 roughly analogous to thepatricianclass inAncient Rome.Theprincipales(members of theprincipalía) traced their origin to thepre‑colonialmaginooruling class of established kingdoms, rajahnates,confederacies,andprincipalities,[13]: 19 as well as thelordshipsof the smaller, ancient social units calledbarangays[14]: 223 [i]in theVisayas,Luzon,andMindanao.[j]
The members of this class enjoyed exclusive privileges: only members of the principalía were allowed to vote, be elected to public office, and bear the titlesDonorDoña.[k][3]: 624 [16]: 218 The use of the honorific addresses"Don"and"Doña"was strictly limited to what many documents during the colonial period[17]would refer to as"vecinas y vecinos distinguidos".[l]
For the most part, the social privileges of the nobles were freely acknowledged as befitting their greater social responsibilities. Thegobernadorcilloduring that period received a nominal salary and was not provided a public services budget by the central government. In fact, thegobernadorcillooften had to govern his municipality by looking after the post office and the jailhouse, alongside managing public infrastructure, using personal resources.[1]: 326 [19]: 294
Principalesalso provided assistance toparishesby helping in the construction of church buildings, and in the pastoral and religious activities of the clergy who, being usually among the few Spaniards in most colonial towns, had success in earning the goodwill of the natives. More often, the clergy were the sole representatives of Spain in many parts of the archipelago.[m]Under thepatronato realof the Spanish crown, Spanish churchmen were also the king'sde factoambassadors,[n]and promoters[o]of the realm.[21]: 726–727;735
With the end of Spanish sovereignty over the Philippines after theSpanish–American Warin 1898 and the introduction of a democratic, republican system during theAmerican colonial period,theprincipalíaand their descendants lost legal authority and social privileges. Many were, however, able to integrate into the new socio-political structure, retaining some degree of influence and power.[p]
Historical background
editPre-colonial principalities
editFrom the beginning of the colonial period in the Philippines, the Spanish government built on the traditional pre‑conquest socio‑political organization of the barangay and co‑opted the traditional indigenous princes and their nobles, thereby ruling indirectly.[q][r]The barangays in some coastal places inPanay,[s][24]Manila,Cebu,Jolo,andButuan,with cosmopolitan cultures and trade relations with other countries in Asia, were already established principalities (kinadatuan) before the coming of the Spaniards. In other regions, even though the majority of these barangays were not large settlements, yet they had organized societies dominated by the same type of recognized aristocracy and lordships (with birthright claim to allegiance from followers), as those found in more established, richer and more developed principalities.[t]The aristocratic group in these pre‑colonial societies was called thedatuclass. Its members were presumably the descendants of the first settlers on the land or, in the case of later arrivals, of those who weredatusat the time of migration or conquest.[u]
The duty of thedatuswas to rule and govern their subjects and followers, and to assist them in their interests and necessities. What the chiefs received from their followers was: to be held by them in great veneration and respect; and they were served in their wars and voyages, and in their tilling, sowing, fishing, and the building of their houses. The natives attended to these duties very promptly, whenever summoned by their chief. They also paid their chief tribute (which they calledbuwis) in varying quantities, in the crops that they gathered.[15]: Chapter VIII The descendants of such chiefs, and their relatives, even though they did not inherit the lordship, were held in the same respect and consideration, and were all regarded as nobles and as persons exempt from the services rendered by the others, or the plebeians (timawas).[15]: Chapter VIII The same right of nobility and chieftainship was preserved for the women, just as for the men.[15]: Chapter VIII
Some of these principalities and lordships have remained, even until the present, in un-Hispanicized[v]and mostlyLumadandMuslimparts of the Philippines, in some regions of Mindanao.[25]: 127–147
Pre-colonial principalities in the Visayas
editIn more developed barangays in Visayas, e.g., Panay, Bohol and Cebu (which were never conquered by Spain but were incorporated into the Spanish sphere of influence as vassals by means of pacts, peace treaties, and reciprocal alliances),[15]: 33 [25]: 4 [w]the datu class was at the top of a divinely sanctioned and stable social order in a territorial jurisdiction called in the local languages assakoporkinadatuan(kadatuanin ancient Malay;kedatonin Javanese; andkedatuanin many parts of modern Southeast Asia), which is elsewhere commonly referred to also asbarangay.[x]This social order was divided into three classes. Thekadatuan,which is also calledtumao(members of theVisayandatuclass), were compared by theBoxer Codexto the titled lords (señores de titulo) in Spain. Asagalonoramo(lords),[y]the datus enjoyed an ascribed right to respect, obedience, and support from theiroripun(commoner) or followers belonging to the third order. These datus had acquired rights to the same advantages from their legal"timawa"or vassals (second order), who bind themselves to the datu as his seafaring warriors."Timawas"paid no tribute, and rendered no agricultural labor. They had a portion of the datu's blood in their veins. The Boxer Codex calls these"timawas"knightsandhidalgos.The Spanish conquistador, Miguel de Loarca, described them as"free men, neither chiefs nor slaves".In the late 1600s, the Spanish Jesuit priest Fr. Francisco Ignatio Alcina, classified them asthe third rank of nobility(nobleza).[25]: 102, 112–118
To maintain purity of bloodline, datus marry only among their kind, often seeking high ranking brides in other barangays, abducting them, or contracting brideprices in gold, slaves and jewelry. Meanwhile, the datus kept their marriageable daughters secluded for protection and prestige.[26]These well‑guarded and protected highborn women were called"binokot",[27]: 290–291 the datus of pure descent (four generations) were called"potli nga datu"or"lubus nga datu",[25]: 113 while a woman of noble lineage (especially the elderly) was addressed by theVisayans(of Panay) as"uray"(meaning: pure as gold), e.g.,uray Hilway.[27]: 292
Pre-colonial principalities in the Tagalog region
editThe different type of culture prevalent in Luzon gave a less stable and more complex social structure to the pre‑colonial Tagalog barangays of Manila, Pampanga and Laguna. Enjoying a more extensive commence than those in Visayas, having the influence of Bornean political contacts, and engaging in farming wet rice for a living, the Tagalogs were described by the Spanish Augustinian Friar Martin de Rada as more traders than warriors.[25]: 124–125
The more complex social structure of the Tagalogs was less stable during the arrival of the Spaniards because it was still in a process of differentiating.[25]: 124–125
Comparison
editThe Jesuit priest Francisco Colin made an attempt to give an approximate comparison of it with the Visayan social structure in the middle of the seventeenth century. The termdatuorlakan,oraporefers to the chief, but the noble class to which thedatubelonged or could come from was themaginooclass. One may be born amaginoo,but he could become adatuby personal achievement. In the Visayas, if thedatuhad the personality and economic means, he could retain and restrain competing peers, relatives, and offspring. The termtimawacame into use in the social structure of the Tagalogs within just twenty years after the coming of the Spaniards. The term, however, was being applied to formeralipin(third class) who have escaped bondage by payment, favor, or flight. The Tagalogtimawasdid not have the military prominence of the Visayantimawa.The warrior class in the Tagalog society was present only in Laguna, and they were called themaharlikaclass. At the early part of the Spanish regime, the number of their members who were coming to rent land from their datus was increasing.[25]: 124–125
Unlike the Visayan datus, the lakans and apos of Luzon could call all non‑maginoosubjects to work in the datu's fields or do all sorts of other personal labor. In the Visayas, only theoripunswere obliged to do that, and to pay tribute besides. The Tagalog who works in the datu's field did not pay him tribute, and could transfer their allegiance to anotherdatu.The Visayantimawaneither paid tribute nor performed agricultural labor. In a sense, they were truly aristocrats. The Tagalogmaharlikadid not only work in his datu's field, but could also be required to pay his own rent. Thus, all non‑maginooformed a common economic class in some sense, though this class had no designation.[25]: 124–125
The civilization of the pre‑colonial societies in the Visayas, northern Mindanao, and Luzon were largely influenced by Hindu and Buddhist cultures. As such, the datus who ruled these principalities (such as Butuan, Cebu, Panay, Mindoro and Manila) also shared the many customs of royalties and nobles in southeast Asian territories (with Hindu and Buddhist cultures), especially in the way they used to dress and adorn themselves with gold and silk. The Boxer Codex bears testimony to this fact. The measure of the prince's possession of gold and slaves was proportionate to his greatness and nobility.[27]: 281 The first westerners who came to the archipelago observed that there was hardly any "Indian" who did not possess chains and other articles of gold.[28]: 201
Filipino nobility during the colonial period
editWhen the Spaniards expanded their dominion to the Americas and later on to theEast Indies,they encountered different cultures that existed in these territories, which possessed different social structures (more or less complex) where as a common trait among them, there was a ruling class that held power and determined the destinies of peoples and territories under its control. These elites were those that the Spaniards discovered and conquered in the New World. It was these Spanish conquerors, using European terminology, who correlated the identity of classes of the pre-Hispanic elites, along with the royalty or with the nobility of Europe at the time according to appropriate categories, e.g., emperor, king, etc.[29]
The thoughts of the more notable among them give useful insights on how the first European settlers regarded the rulers of Indians in the New World. FrayBartolomé de las Casas,for example, would argue that indigenous nobles were"(...) as Princes and Infantes like those of Castile."[30]Juan de Matienzo, during his rule of Peru, said that the"Caciques,curacas and principales are the native princes of the Indians. "In the Lexicon of FrayDomingo de Santo Tomás[31]andDiego González Holguínas well as in the work ofLudovico Bertonio,several entries included were devoted to identify the pre-Hispanic society, comparing their old titles to those of their counterpart in the Iberian peninsula. The same approach to the local society in theEast Indieswas used by the Spaniards.[29]
The principalía was the first estate of the four echelons of Filipino society at the time of contact with Europeans, as described by Fr.Juan de Plasencia,a pioneer Franciscan missionary in the Philippines. Loarca[32]: 155 and the Canon LawyerAntonio de Morga,who classified society into three estates (ruler, ruled, slave), also affirmed the pre‑eminence of theprincipales.[25]: 99 All members of this first estate (the datu class) wereprincipales[z]whether they were actually occupying positions to rule or not. The Real Academia Española definesprincipalas, "A person or thing that holds first place in value or importance, and is given precedence and preference before others". This Spanish term best describes the first estate of the society in the archipelago, which the Europeans came in contact with. San Buenaventura's 1613Dictionary of the Tagalog languagedefines three terms that clarify the concept ofprincipalía:[25]: 99
- Poonorpunò(chief, leader) – principal or head of a lineage.
- Ginoo– a noble by lineage and parentage, family and descent.
- Maguinoo– principal in lineage or parentage.
The Spanish termseñor(lord) is equated with all these three terms, which are distinguished from thenouveau richeimitators scornfully calledmaygintao(man with gold or hidalgo by wealth, and not by lineage). The first estate was the class that constituted a birthright aristocracy with claims to respect, obedience, and support from those of subordinate status.[25]: 100
Christianization under the Spanish Crown
editWith the recognition of the Spanish monarchs came the privilege of being addressed asDonorDoña.[aa][3]– a mark of esteem and distinction in Europe reserved for a person of noble or royal status during the colonial period. Other honors and high regard were also accorded to the Christianized datus by theSpanish Empire.For example, thegobernadorcillos(elected leader of thecabezas de barangayor the Christianized datus) and Filipino officials of justice received the greatest consideration from the Spanish Crown officials. The colonial officials were under obligation to show them the honor corresponding to their respective duties. They were allowed to sit in the houses of the Spanish provincial governors, and in any other places. They were not left to remain standing. It was not permitted for Spanish parish priests to treat these Filipino nobles with less consideration.[33]: 296–297
Thegobernadorcillosexercised the command of the towns. They were port captains in coastal towns. They also had the rights and powers to elect assistants and several lieutenants andalguaciles,proportionate in number to the inhabitants of the town.[33]: 329
On the day on which thegobernadorcillowould take on government duties, his town would hold a grand celebration. A festive banquet would be offered in the municipal or city hall where he would occupy a seat, adorned by the coat of arms of Spain and with fanciful designs, if his social footing was of a respectable antiquity.[1]: 331–332 [ab]
On holy days the town officials would go to the church, together in one group. Theprincipalíaandcuadrilleros(police patrol or assistance) formed two lines in front of thegobernadorcillo.They would be preceded by a band playing the music as they process towards the church, where thegobernadorcillowould occupy a seat in precedence among those of the chiefs orcabezas de barangay,who had benches of honor. After the mass, they would usually go to the parish rectory to pay their respects to theparish priest.Then, they would return to thetribunal(municipal hall or city hall) in the same order, and still accompanied by the band playing a loud double quick march calledpaso doble.[1]: 32
Thegobernadorcillowas always accompanied by analguacilorpolicia(police officer) whenever he went about the streets of his town.[1]: 32
Local nobility and the Laws of the Indies
editAfter conquering Manila and making it the capital of the colonial government in 1571,Miguel López de Legazpinoted that aside from the rulers of Cebu and of the capital, the otherprincipalesexisting in the archipelago were either heads or datus of the barangays allied as nations; or tyrants, who were respected only by the law of the strongest. From this system of the law of the strongest sprung intestinal wars with which certain dominions annihilate one another.[10]: 146 Attentive to these existing systems of government without stripping these ancient sovereigns of their legitimate rights, Legazpi demanded from these local rulers vassalage to the Spanish Crown.[10]: 146 On June 11, 1594, shortly before confirming Legazpi's erection of Manila as a city on June 24 of the same year,[10]: 143 King Philip II issued a royal decree institutionalizing the recognition of the rights and privileges of the local ruling class of the Philippines, which was later included in the codification of theRecopilación de las leyes de los reynos de Las Indias.[ac]
In Book VI, Title VII (dedicated to thecaciques) of theRecopilación de las leyes de los reynos de Las Indias(Laws of the Indies), there are three very interesting laws insofar as they determined the role that thecaciqueswere to play in the Indian new social order under the colonial rule. With these laws, the Spanish Crown officially recognized the rights of theseprincipalesof pre-Hispanic origin. Specifically, Laws 1, 2 (dedicated to American territories) and; Law 16, instituted by Philip II, on June 11, 1594 which is similar to the previous two, with the main purpose of assuring that theprincipalesof the Philippines would be treated well and be entrusted with some government charge. Likewise, this provision extended to the Filipinocaciquesall policies concerning the Indiancaciquesunder the Spanish rule.[ac]
To implement a system of indirect rule in the Philippines, King Philip II ordered, through this law of June 11, 1594, that the honors and privileges of governing, which were previously enjoyed by the localroyaltyand nobility in formerly sovereign principalities who later accepted the Catholic faith and became subject to him,[g]should be retained and protected. He also ordered the Spanish governors in the Philippines to treat these native nobles well. The king further ordered that the natives should pay to these nobles the same respect that the inhabitants accorded to their local lords before the conquest without prejudice to the things that pertain to the king himself or to theencomenderos.[34]: 32–33
The royal decree says:"It is not right that the Indian chiefs of Filipinas be in a worse condition after conversion; rather they should have such treatment that would gain their affection and keep them loyal, so that with the spiritual blessings that God has communicated to them by calling them to His true knowledge, the temporal blessings may be added, and they may live contentedly and comfortably. Therefore, we order the governors of those islands to show them good treatment and entrust them, in our name, with the government of the Indians, of whom they were formerly lords. In all else the governors shall see that the chiefs are benefited justly, and the Indians shall pay them something as a recognition, as they did during the period of their paganism, provided this is without prejudice to the tributes that are to be paid us, or to that which pertains to their encomenderos."[35]: Libro vi:Título vii;ley xvi [36]
Through this law, the local Filipino nobles (under the supervision of the Spanish colonial officials) becameencomenderos(trustees) also of the king of Spain, who ruled the country indirectly through these nobles. Corollary to this provision, all existing doctrines and laws regarding the Indian caciques were extended to Filipinoprincipales.[ac]Their domains became self‑ruledtributarybarangaysof the Spanish Empire.[34]: 32–33
The system of indirect government helped in the pacification of the rural areas, and institutionalized the rule and role of an upper class, referred to as the "principalía"or the"principales",until the fall of the Spanish regime in the Philippines in 1898.[21]: 726–727;735
The Spanish dominion brought serious modifications to the life and economy of the indigenous society. The shift of emphasis to agriculture marginalized, weakened, and deprived thehildalgo‑like warriors of their significance in the barangays, especially in the trade‑raiding societies in the Visayas (which needed the Viking‑like services of the"timawas"). By the 1580s, many of these noblemen found themselves reduced to leasing land from their datus. Their military functions were eclipsed by farming. Whatever remained would quickly be disoriented, deflected, and destroyed by the superior military power of Spain.[25]: 117–118
By the end of the 16th century, any claim to Filipino royalty, nobility orhidalguíahad disappeared into a homogenized, Hispanicized and Christianized nobility – theprincipalía.[25]: 118 This remnant of the pre‑colonial royal and noble families continued to rule their traditional domain until the end of the Spanish regime. However, there were cases when succession in leadership was also done through election of new leaders (cabezas de barangay), especially in provinces near the Manila where the ancient ruling families lost their prestige and role. It appears that proximity to the seat of colonial government diminished their power and significance. In distant territories, where the central authority had less control and where order could be maintained without using coercive measures, hereditary succession was still enforced, until Spain lost the archipelago to the Americans. These distant territories remained patriarchal societies, where people retained great respect for theprincipalía.[ad]
Emergence of the mestizo class
editTheprincipalíawas larger and more influential than the pre‑conquestindigenousnobility. It helped create and perpetuate anoligarchicsystem in the Spanish colony for more than three hundred years,[1]: 331 [16]: 218 serving as a link between the Spanish authorities and the local inhabitants.[29]
The Spanish colonial government's prohibition for foreigners to own land in the Philippines contributed to the evolution of this form of oligarchy. In some provinces of the Philippines, many Spaniards and foreign merchants intermarried with the rich and landed Malayo‑Polynesian local nobilities. From these unions, a new cultural group was formed, themestizoclass.[ae]Their descendants emerged later to become an influential part of the government, and of theprincipalía.[37]
The increase of population in the archipelago, as well as the growing presence ofChineseandmestizosalso brought about social changes that necessitated the creation of new members of theprincipalíafor these sectors of Filipino colonial society.[af][g]In this regard, pertinent laws were promulgated, such as the above-mentioned royal decree issued on December 20, 1863 (signed in the name ofQueen Isabella IIby the minister of the colonies, José de la Concha), which indicate certain conditions for promotion to theprincipalíaclass, among others, the capacity to speak theCastilian language.[ag][ah]The reform also paved way to the creation of authorities among the Chinese guilds in enclaves of big settlements like Manila, on condition that these leaders were Christianized.[ai]Furthermore, Chinesegobernadorcilloswere not given jurisdiction over municipal districts. Their jurisdiction was exceptional and they only exercised this over persons belonging to their guilds.[aj]
Royal Cedula of Charles II
editThe emergence of themestizoclass was a social phenomenon not localized in the Philippines, but was also very much present in the American continent. On March 22, 1697,Charles II of Spainissued a royal cedula, related to this phenomenon. The cedula gave distinctions to classes of persons in the social structure of the Crown colonies, and defined the rights and privileges of colonial functionaries. In doing so, the Spanish monarch touched another aspect of the colonial society, i.e., the status of indigenous nobles, extending to these indigenous nobles, as well as to their descendants, the preeminence and honors customarily attributed to thehidalgosofCastile.The royal cedula stipulates:
"Bearing in mind the laws and orders issued by my Progenies, Their Majesties the Kings, and by myself, I order the good treatment, assistance, protection and defense of the native Indians of America, that they may be taken cared of, maintained, privileged and honored like all other vassals of my Crown and that, in the course of time, the trial and use of them stops. I feel that its timely implementation is very suitable for public good, for the benefit of the Indians and for the service of God and mine. That, consequently, with respect to the Indianmestizos,theArchbishopsandBishopsof the Indias are charged by Article 7, Title VII, Book I of theLaws of the Indies,for ordaining priests, being attentive to the qualities and circumstances present, and if somemestizasask to be religious, they (Bishops) shall give support to those whom they admit in monasteries and for vows. But in particular, with regard to the requirements for Indians in order to accede to ecclesiastical or secular, governmental, political and military positions, which all requirepurity of bloodand, by its Statute, the condition of nobility, there is distinction between the Indians andmestizos,inasmuch as there is between the [1] descendants of the notable Indians called caciques, and [2] those who are issues of less notable Indian tributaries, who in their pagan state acknowledged vassalage. It is deemed that all preeminence and honors, customarily conferred on theHijosdalgosofCastile,are to be attributed to the first and to their descendants, both ecclesiastical and secular; and that they can participate in any communities which, by their statutes require nobility; for it is established that these, in their heathenism, were nobles to whom their subordinates acknowledged vassalage and to whom tributes were paid. Such kind of nobility is still retained and acknowledged, keeping these as well as their privileges wherever possible, as recognized and declared by the whole section on the caciques, which is Title VII, Book VI of theLaws of the Indies,wherein for the sake of distinction, the subordinate Indians were placed under (these noble's) dominion called «cacicazgo», transmissible from elder to elder, to their posteriority... "[12]: 234–235 [ak]
The royal cedula was enforced in the Philippines and benefited many indigenous nobles. It can be seen very clearly and irrefutably that, during the colonial period, indigenous chiefs were equated with the Spanishhidalgos,and the most resounding proof of the application of this comparison is the General Military Archive inSegovia,where the qualifications of "nobility"(found in the Service Records) are attributed to those Filipinos who were admitted to the Spanish military academies and whose ancestors werecaciques,encomenderos,notable Tagalogs, chieftains,governorsor those who held positions in the municipal administration or government in all different regions of the large islands of the archipelago, or of the many small islands of which it is composed.[al]In the context of the ancient tradition and norms of Castilian nobility, all descendants of a noble are considered noble, regardless of fortune.[38]: 4
At theReal Academia de la Historia('Royal Academy of History') in Spain, there is also a substantial amount of records giving reference to the Philippine Islands, and while most part corresponds to the history of these islands, theacademiadid not exclude among its documents the presence of many genealogical records. The archives of theacademiaand its royal stamp recognized the appointments of hundreds of natives of the Philippines who, by virtue of their social position, occupied posts in the administration of the territories and were classified as"nobles".[am]The presence of these notables demonstrates the cultural concern of Spain in those Islands to prepare the natives and the collaboration of these in the government of the archipelago. This aspect of Spanish rule in the Philippines appears much more strongly implemented than in the Americas. Hence in the Philippines, the local nobility, by reason of charge accorded to their social class, acquired greater importance than in theIndiesof theNew World.[an]
Class symbols
editAt the later part of the Spanish period, this class of elite Christian landowners started to adopt a characteristic style of dress and carry regalia.[14]: 223 [1]: 331 They wore a distinctive type ofsalakot,a Philippine headdress commonly used in the archipelago since the pre‑colonial period. Instead of the usual headgear made ofrattan,ofreedscallednitó,[39]: 26 or of various shells such ascapiz shells,which common Filipinos would wear, theprincipaleswould use more prized materials like tortoise shell. The specialsalakotof the ruling upper class was often adorned with ornate capping spike crafted in metals of value like silver,[40]or, at times, gold.[39]: 26 This headgear was usually embossed also with precious metals and sometimes decorated with silver coins or pendants that hung around the rim.[41]: Volume 4, pp 1106–1107 'Ethnic Headgear'
It was mentioned earlier that the royalties and nobilities of the pre-colonial societies in the Visayas, Northern Mindanao, and Luzon (Cebu, Bohol, Panay, Mindoro and Manila) also shared the many customs of royalties and nobles in Southeast Asian territories (with Hindu and Buddhist cultures), especially in the generous use of gold and silk in their costumes, as the Boxer Codex demonstrate. The measure of the prince's possession of gold and slaves was proportionate to his greatness and nobility.[42]When the Spaniards reached the shores of the archipelago, they observed that there was hardly any "indian" who did not possess chains and other articles of gold.[43]
However, this way of dressing was slowly changed as colonial power took firmer grips of the local nobilities and finally ruled the Islands. By the middle of the 19th century, the usual attire of theprincipalíaconsisted of a black jacket, European trousers,salakot,and colored (velvet) slippers. Many would even wear varnished shoes, such as high quality leather shoes. Their shirt was worn outside thetrousers.Some sources claim that the Spaniards did not allow the native Filipinos to tuck their shirts under their waistbands, nor were they allowed to have any pockets. It is said that the intention of the colonizers was to remind the natives that they remainindiosregardless of the wealth and power they attain. It is claimed that this was a way for discriminating the natives from their Spanishoverlords.The locals also used native fabrics of transparent appearance. It is believed that transparent, sheer fabric were mainly for discouraging theindiosfrom hiding any weapons under their shirts. However, the native nobles did not wish to be outdone in the appearance of their apparel. And so, they richly embroidered their shirts with somewhatbaroquedesigns on delicatePiñafabric. This manner of sporting what originally was a European attire for men led the way to the development of theBarong,which later became the national costume for Filipino men.[44]
Distinctivestaffs of officewere associated with the Filipino ruling class. Thegobernadorcillowould carry a tasseled cane (baston) decorated with precious metals, while his lieutenants would use some kind ofwandsreferred to asvara(rama). On occasions and ceremonies of greater solemnity, they would dress formally in frock coat and high crowned hat.[14]: 223 [1]: 331
One distinctive status symbol of theprincipalíafamilies of the rural pueblos, which remain handed down to their descendants until the present time, is the ownership of asantoor religious statue.Principalíafamilies in provinces were mostlyhacienderos,who had the means and manpower to maintain and decoratecarrozasor floats of sacred images, which are often processed during various religious occasions, most importantly the town fiesta andHoly Week.Those who were endowed with more material possessions and power would own images with ivory heads and hands, and crowned with gold or silver halos. From the 17th to the 19th century, Spanish missionaries established a system of sponsorship for religious images. Those who sponsoredsantoswere called"camareros".The prestige associated with beingcamarerosinfluenced the contemporary trend among well-to-do Filipino Catholic families to sponsorcarrozasfor processions organized during various religious festivities in the country.[45]
Race and status
editAlthough theprincipalíahad many privileges, there were limitations to how much power they were entitled to under Spanish rule. A member of theprincipalíacould never become thegovernor‑general(gobernador y capitán general), nor could he become the provincial governor (alcalde mayor).Hypothetically, a member of theprincipalíacould obtain the position of provincial governor if, for example, a noblewoman of theprincipalíamarried a Spanish man born in the Philippines (anInsular) of an elevated social rank. In which case her children would be classified as white (orblanco). However, this did not necessarily give a guarantee that her sons would obtain the position of provincial governor. Beingmestizoswas not an assurance that they would be loyal enough to the Spanish Crown. Such unquestionable allegiance was necessary for the colonizers in retaining control of the archipelago.[14]: 211–225
The children born of the union between theprincipalesand theinsulares,or better still, thepeninsulares(a Spanish person born in Spain) are neither assured access to the highest position of power in the colony.[46]Flexibility is known to have occurred in some cases, including that ofMarcelo Azcárraga Palmerowho even becameinterimprime minister of Spain on August 8, 1897, until October 4 of that same year. Azcárraga also went on to become Prime Minister of Spain again in two more separate terms of office. In 1904, he was granted knighthood in the very exclusive Spanish chilvalricOrder of the Golden Fleece— the onlymestizorecipient of this prestigious award.
In the archipelago, however, most often ethnic segregation did put a stop to social mobility, even for members of theprincipalía– a thing that is normally expected in a colonial rule. It was not also common forprincipalesto be too ambitious so as to pursue very strong desire for obtaining the office of Governor-General. For most part, it appears that the local nobles were inclined to be preoccupied with matters concerning their barangays and towns.[14]: 211–225
The town mayors received an annual salary of 24 pesos, which was nothing in comparison to the provincial governor's 1,600 pesos and the Governor‑General's 40,000 pesos. Even though the salary of agobernadorcillowas not subject to tax, it was not enough to carry out all the required duties expected of such a position.[14]: 223 This explains why among theprincipales,those who had more wealth were likely to be elected to the office of gobernadorcillo (municipal governor).[1]: 326 [19]: 294
Principalestend to marry those who belong to their class, to maintain wealth and power. However, unlike most European royalties who marry their close relatives, e.g. first cousins, for this purpose, Filipino nobles abhorredincestuousunions. In some cases, members of theprincipaliamarried wealthy and non‑noble Chinese (Sangley) merchants, who made their fortune in the colony.Principalesborn of these unions had possibilities to be elected gobernadorcillo by their peers.[37]
Wealth was not the only basis for inter‑marriage between theprincipalesand foreigners, which were commonly prearranged by parents of the bride and groom. Neither did having a Spaniard as one of the parents of a child ennobles him. In a traditionally conservative Catholic environment with Christian mores and norms strictly imposed under the tutelage and prying eyes of Spanish friars, marriage to a divorcée or secondhand spouse (locally referred to as"tirá ng ibá",literally "others' leftovers" ) was scornfully disdained by Filipino aristocrats. Virgin brides were a must for theprincipalía,as well as for the Filipinos in general.[47]: 138 [ao]
Children who were born outside of marriage, even of Spaniards, were not accepted in the circle ofprincipales.These were severelyostracizedin the conservative colonial society and were pejoratively called an"anák sa labás",i.e., "child from outside" (viz.,outside marriage), a stigma that still remains part of the contemporary social mores.[48]
During the last years of the regime, there were efforts to push for a representation of the archipelago in theSpanish Cortesamong a good number of principales. This move was prevalent especially among those who have studied in Spain and other parts of Europe (ilustrados). That initiative, however, was met with snobbery by the colonizers, who denied the natives of equal treatment, in any way possible.[46]
Towards the end of the 19th century, civil unrest occurred more frequently. This situation was exposed by the writer and leader of thePropaganda Movement,José Rizal,in his two novels:Noli Me Tángere,andEl Filibusterismo(dedicated to thethree Filipino Catholic priests,who were executed on February 17, 1872, by Spanish colonial authorities, on charges of subversion arising from the 1872Cavite mutiny).[46]Because of this growing unrest that turned into an irreversible revolution, the position of provincial governor became awarded more and more often to thepeninsulares.In the ecclesiastical sector, a decree was made, stating there were to be no further appointments of Filipinos as parish priests.[14]: 107
Status quaestionis
editThe recognition of the rights and privileges of the Filipinoprincipalíaas equivalent to those of thehidalgosofCastileappears to facilitate entrance of Filipino nobles into institutions under the Spanish Crown, either civil or religious, which required proofs of nobility. However, such approximation may not be entirely correct since in reality, although the principales were vassals of the Spanish Crown, their rights as sovereign in their former dominions were guaranteed by the Laws of the Indies, more particularly the royal decree of Philip II of 11 June 1594, which Charles II confirmed for the purpose stated above, to satisfy the requirements of the existing laws in the peninsula.[12]: 234–235 [ap]
From the beginning of the Spanish colonial period, Miguel López de Legazpi retained the hereditary rights of the local ancient sovereigns of the archipelago who vowed allegiance to the Spanish Crown. Many of them accepted the Catholic religion and became Spanish allies at this time. He only demanded from these local rulersvassalageto the Spanish Crown,[aq]replacing the similaroverlordship,which previously existed in a few cases, e.g.,Sultanate of Brunei's overlordship of theKingdom of Maynila.Other independentpolities,which were not vassals to other states, e.g., theConfederation of Madja-asand theRajahnate of Cebu,werede factoprotectorates/suzeraintieshaving had alliances with the Spanish Crown before the kingdom took total control of most parts of the archipelago.[15]: 33 [25]: 4
A question remains after the cessession of Spanish rule in the Philippines regarding any remainingrankequivalency of Filipinoprincipalía.Reassuming their ancestral titles as datus while retaining thehidalgosof Castile (their former protector state), assubsidiary title,is the logical consequence of the above-mentioned recognition byCharles II of Spain.As guaranteed by this Spanish monarch's royal decree, the ancient nobility of thecasiqueswithin his realm (which includes the Filipinoprincipales)"is still retained and acknowledged".[12]: 235
Besides, the principales retained many of the ordinary obligations of local rulers as manifested in constructing local infrastructures and in maintaining the government offices without funds from Spain. Expenditures of the local government came from the private and personal resources of theprincipales.[1]: 326 [19]: 294 These were not taxes that citizens were obliged to pay astributesrequired by their Spanish Crown from its subjects.[g]In many ways, theprincipalesretained much of the responsibilities, powers and obligations of the pre-colonial datus – their predecessors, except for the right to organize their own armed forces. Only the right ofgobernadorcillosto appointalguacilsand "cuadrilleros"(police patrol or assistance) seem to point out to some kind of vestige of this pre-colonial sign of the datu's coercive power and responsibility to defend his domain.[1]: 329
Like deposed royal families elsewhere in the world, which continue to claim hereditary rights aspretendersto the former thrones of their ancestors, the descendants of theprincipalíahave similar claims to the historical domains of their forebears. Many were, however, able to integrate into the new socio-political structure, retaining some degree of influence and power.[49][50]
See also
edit- Filipino styles and honorifics
- Gobernadorcillo
- Cabeza de Barangay
- Barangay state
- Datu
- Lakan
- Maginoo
- Maharlika
- Timawa
- Babaylan
- History of the Philippines (1521–1898)
- Confederation of Madja-as
- Maragtas
- Kingdom of Maynila
- Kingdom of Namayan
- Kingdom of Butuan
- Rajahnate of Cebu
- Sultanate of Maguindanao
- Sultanate of Sulu
- List of political families in the Philippines
- Culture of the Philippines
Notes
edit- ^In 1893, theMaura Lawwas passed to reorganize town governments with the aim of making them more effective and autonomous, changing the designation of town leaders from gobernadorcillo to capitan municipal in 1893.
- ^Durante la dominación española, el 'cacique', jefe de un barangay, ejercía funciones judiciales y administrativas. A los tres años tenía el tratamiento de 'don' y se reconocía capacidad para ser 'gobernadorcillo', con facultades para nombrarse un auxiliar llamado 'primogenito', siendo hereditario el cargo de jefe.[3]: 624
- ^Article 16 of the Royal Decree of December 20, 1863, says:After a school has been established in any village for fifteen years, no natives who cannot speak, read and write the Castilian language shall form part of the principalía unless they enjoy that distinction by right of inheritance. After the school has been established for thirty years, only those who possess the above‑mentioned condition shall enjoy exemption from the personal service tax, except in the case of the sick.Isabel II[4]: 85
- ^The royal decree was implemented in the Philippines by theGovernor‑Generalthrough a circular signed on August 30, 1867. Section III of the circular says:The law has considered them very carefully and it is fitting for the supervisor to unfold before the eyes of the parents so that their simple intelligence may well understand that not only ought they, but that it is profitable for them to send their children to school, for after the schools have been established for fifteen years in the village of their tribes those who cannot speak, read, or write Castilian: cannot be gobernadorcillos; nor lieutenants of justice; nor form part of the principalía;unless they enjoy that privilege because of heredity...General Gándara,Circular of the Superior Civil Government Giving Rules for the Good Discharge of School Supervision[4]: 133
- ^The increase of population during the colonial period consequently needed the creation of new leaders, with this quality. The emergence of the mestizo culture (both Filipinos of Spanish descent and Filipinos of Chinese descent) had also necessitated this, and even the subsequent designation of separate institutions or offices of gobernadorcillos for the different mestizo groups and for the indigenous tribes living in the same territories or cities with large population.[1]: 324–326
- ^The cabezas, their wives, and first‑born sons enjoyed exemption from the payment of tribute to the Spanish crown.[8]: 5
- ^abcdL'institution des chefs de barangay a été empruntée aux Indiens chez qui on la trouvée établie lors de la conquête des Philippines; ils formaient, à cette époque une espèce de noblesse héréditaire. L'hérédité leur a été conservée aujourd hui: quand une de ces places devient vacante, la nomination du successeur est faite par le surintendant des finances dans les pueblos qui environnent la capitale, et, dans les provinces éloignées, par l'alcalde, sur la proposition du gobernadorcillo et la présentation des autres membres du barangay; il en est de même pour les nouvelles créations que nécessite de temps à autre l'augmentation de la population. Le cabeza, sa femme et l'aîné de ses enfants sont exempts du tributo[11]: 356
- ^Esta institucion (Cabecería de Barangay), mucho más antigua que la sujecion de las islas al Gobierno, ha merecido siempre las mayores atencion. En un principio eran las cabecerías hereditarias, y constituian la verdadera hidalguía del país; mas del dia, si bien en algunas provincias todavía se trasmiten por sucesion hereditaria, las hay tambien eleccion, particularmente en las provincias más inmediatas á Manila, en donde han perdido su prestigio y son una verdadera carga. En las provincias distantes todavía se hacen respetar, y allí es precisamente en donde la autoridad tiene ménos que hacer, y el órden se conserva sin necesidad de medidas coercitivas; porque todavía existe en ellas el gobierno patriarcal, por el gran respeto que la plebe conserva aún á lo que llaman aquíprincipalía.[10]: 61
- ^"There were no kings or lords throughout these islands who ruled over them as in the manner of our kingdoms and provinces; but in every island, and in each province of it, many chiefs were recognized by the natives themselves. Some were more powerful than others, and each one had his followers and subjects, by districts and families; and these obeyed and respected the chief. Some chiefs had friendship and communication with others, and at times wars and quarrels. Theseprincipalitiesandlordshipswere inherited in the male line and by succession of father and son and their descendants. If these were lacking, then their brothers and collateral relatives succeeded... When any of these chiefs was more courageous than others in war and upon other occasions, such a one enjoyed more followers and men; and the others were under his leadership, even if they were chiefs. These latter retained to themselves the lordship and particular government of their own following, which is called barangay among them. They had datos and other special leaders [mandadores] who attended to the interests of the barangay. "[15]: ChapterVIII
- ^Por otra parte, mientras en las Indias la cultura precolombiana había alcanzado un alto nivel, en Filipinas la civilización isleña continuaba manifestándose en sus estados más primitivos. Sin embargo, esas sociedades primitivas, independientes totalmente las unas de las otras, estaban en cierta manera estructuradas y se apreciaba en ellas una organización jerárquica embrionaria y local, pero era digna de ser atendida. Precisamente en esa organización local es, como siempre, de donde nace la nobleza. El indio aborigen, jefe de tribu, es reconocido como noble y las pruebas irrefutables de su nobleza se encuentran principalmente en las Hojas de Servicios de los militares de origen filipino que abrazaron la carrera de las Armas, cuando para hacerlo necesariamente era preciso demostrar el origen nobiliario del individuo.[12]: 232
- ^Durante la dominación española, elcacique,jefe de un barangay, ejercía funciones judiciales y administrativas. A los tres años tenía el tratamiento dedony se reconocía capacidad para ser gobernadorcillo.[3]: 624
- ^"También en este sector, el uso de las palabras doña y don se limito estrechamente a vecinas y vecinos distinguidos."[18]: 114
- ^There was only a very small standing army to protect the Spanish government in the Philippines. This ridiculous situation made an old viceroy of New Spain say:"En cada fraile tenía el Rey en Filipinas un capitán general y un ejército entero."("In each friar in the Philippines theKinghad a captain general and a whole army. ")[11]: 389
- ^"Of little avail would have been the valor and constancy with which Legaspi and his worthy companions overcame the natives of the islands, if the apostolic zeal of the missionaries had not seconded their exertions, and aided to consolidate the enterprise. The latter were the real conquerors; they who without any other arms than their virtues, gained over the good will of the islanders, caused the Spanish name to be beloved, and gave the king, as it were by a miracle, two millions more of submissive and Christian subjects."[20]: 209
- ^"C'est par la seule influence de la religion que l'on a conquis les Philippines, et cette influence pourra seule les conserver."("It is only by the influence of religion that Philippines was conquered. Only this influence could keep them.")[11]: 40
- ^The American Era in the Philippines provides a unique opportunity to explore concepts that shapedAmerican imperialism.The nature of imperialism in the Philippines is understood not only in the policy decisions of governments but also in the experience of particular social groups who lived there. Therefore, this study emphasizes the cultural and economic interchange between American colonists and Filipinos from 1901 until 1940. American colonialism in the Philippines fostered complex cultural relationships as seen through individual identity. To some extent Americans developed a transnational worldview by living within the Philippines while maintaining connections to America. Filipinos viewed American colonialism from the perspective of their Spanish traditions, a facet often undervalued by the new regime... Many Americans who lived in the Islands engaged in commerce. Trade served as a natural domain for foreigners as it had over the centuries. Filipinos retained ownership of large tracts of the countryside supported by Washington's policies that limited American investments, especially through tariff structures. The emphasis on business in the Islands followed a broader trend during the 1920s of rejecting progressive regulation in favor of the free market. These men and women developed a mentality of Americans in the Philippines, an important distinction. They lived in the Islands while confining social contacts to their peers by means of restrictive clubs and associations.[22]: Abstract
- ^For more information regarding the social system inbarangaysof the Indigenous Philippine society before the Spanish colonization, seeEnciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europeo-Americana,Vol. VII.[3]: 624 The article also says:Losnoblesde un barangay eran los más ricos ó los más fuertes, formándose por este sistema losdattosómaguinoos,principesá quienes heredaban los hijos mayores, las hijas á falta de éstos, ó los parientes más próximos si no tenían descendencia directa; pero siempre teniendo en cuenta las condiciones de fuerza ó de dinero...Los vassalos plebeyos tenían que remar en los barcos delmaguinoo,cultivar sus campos y pelear en la guerra. Los siervos, que formaban el término medio entre los esclavos y los hombres libres, podían tener propriedad individual, mujer, campos, casa y esclavos; pero los tagalos debían pagar una cantidad en polvo de oro equivalente á una parte de sus cosechas, los de los barangayes bisayas estaban obligados á trabajar en las tieras del señor cinco días al mes, pagarle un tributo anual en arroz y hacerle un presente en las fiestas. Durante la dominación española, elcacique,jefe de un barangay, ejercía funciones judiciales y administrativas. A los tres años tenía el tratamiento dedony se reconocía capacidad para sergobernadorcillo,con facultades para nombrarse un auxiliar llamadoprimogenito,siendo hereditario el cargo de jefe.
- ^It should also be noted that the more popular and official term used to refer to the leaders of the district or to thecaciqueduring the Spanish period wasCabeza de Barangay.
- ^In Panay, the existence of highly developed and independent principalities of Ogtong (Oton) and that of Araut (Dumangas) were well known to early Spanish settlers in the Philippines. The Augustinian historian Gaspar de San Agustin, for example, wrote about the existence of an ancient and illustrious nobility in Araut, in his book he said:"También fundó convento el Padre Fray Martin de Rada en Araut – que ahora se llama el convento de Dumangas – con la advocación de nuestro Padre San Agustín...Está fundado este pueblo casi a los fines del río de Halaur, que naciendo en unos altos montes en el centro de esta isla (Panay)...Es el pueblo muy hermoso, ameno y muy lleno de palmares de cocos. Antiguamente era el emporio y corte de la más lucidanoblezade toda aquella isla. "[23]: 374–375
- ^"There were no kings or lords throughout these islands who ruled over them as in the manner of our kingdoms and provinces; but in every island, and in each province of it, many chiefs were recognized by the natives themselves. Some were more powerful than others, and each one had his followers and subjects, by districts and families; and these obeyed and respected the chief. Some chiefs had friendship and communication with others, and at times wars and quarrels. These principalities and lordships were inherited in the male line and by succession of father and son and their descendants. If these were lacking, then their brothers and collateral relatives succeeded... When any of these chiefs was more courageous than others in war and upon other occasions, such a one enjoyed more followers and men; and the others were under his leadership, even if they were chiefs. These latter retained to themselves the lordship and particular government of their own following, which is called barangay among them. They had datos and other special leaders [mandadores] who attended to the interests of the barangay."[15]: Chapter VIII
- ^"There were no kings or lords throughout these islands who ruled over them as in the manner of our kingdoms and provinces; but in every island, and in each province of it, many chiefs were recognized by the natives themselves. Some were more powerful than others, and each one had his followers and subjects, by districts and families; and these obeyed and respected the chief. Some chiefs had friendship and communication with others, and at times wars and quarrels. These principalities and lordships were inherited in the male line and by succession of father and son and their descendants. If these were lacking, then their brothers and collateral relatives succeeded... When any of these chiefs was more courageous than others in war and upon other occasions, such a one enjoyed more followers and men; and the others were under his leadership, even if they were chiefs. These latter retained to themselves the lordship and particular government of their own following, which is called barangay among them. They had datos and other special leaders [mandadores] who attended to the interests of the barangay."[15]: Chapter VIII
- ^Historians classify four types of unHispanicized societies in the Philippines, some of which still survive in remote and isolated parts of the country:Classless societies;Warrior societies:characterized by a distinct warrior class, in which membership is won by personal achievement, entails privilege, duty and prescribed norms of conduct, and is requisite for community leadership;Petty Plutocracies:which are dominated socially and politically by a recognized class of rich men who attain membership through birthright, property and the performance of specified ceremonies. They are "petty" because their authority is localized, being extended by neither absentee landlordism nor territorial subjugation;Principalities:[25]: 139
- ^"En las Visayas ayudaba siempre a los amigos, y sujetaba solamente con las armas a los que los ofendian, y aun despues de subyugados no les exigia mas que un reconocimiento en especie, a que se obligan."("In the Visayas [Legaspi] always helped friends, and wield weapons only against those who offended them (his friends), and even after he subjugated them (those who offended his friends), he did not demand more than some kind of acknowledgment from those whom he conquered.")[10]: 146
- ^The word "sakop" means "jurisdiction", and "kinadatuan" refers to the realm of the datu – his principality.
- ^In Panay, even at present, the landed descendants of the principales are still referred to asagalonoramoby their tenants. However, the tenants are no longer called oripun (inKaray‑a,i.e., the Ilonggo sub‑dialect) or olipun (inSinâ,i.e., Ilonggo spoken in the lowlands and cities). Instead, the tenants are now commonly referred to astinawo(subjects).
- ^Tous les descendants de ces chefs étaient regardés comme nobles et exempts des corvées et autres services auxquels étaient assujettis les roturiers que l'on appelait "timaguas". Les femmes étaient nobles comme les hommes.[11]: 53
- ^Durante la dominación española, elcacique,jefe de un barangay, ejercía funciones judiciales y administrativas. A los tres años tenía el tratamiento dedony se reconocía capacidad para ser gobernadorcillo.[3]: 624
- ^The fanciful designs referred to by Blair and Robertson hint of the existence of some family symbols of theDatuClass, which existed before the Spanish conquest of the islands. Unfortunately, there has been no study of these symbols, which might be equivalent to whatheraldryis in western countries.
- ^abcEn el Título VII, del Libro VI, de la Recopilación de las leyes de los reynos de Las Indias, dedicado a los caciques, podemos encontrar tres leyes muy interesantes en tanto en cuanto determinaron el papel que los caciques iban a desempeñar en el nuevo ordenamiento social indiano. Con ellas, la Corona reconocía oficialmente los derechos de origen prehispánico de estos principales. Concretamente, nos estamos refiriendo a las Leyes 1, 2, dedicadas al espacio americano. Y a la Ley 16, instituida por Felipe II el 11 de junio de 1594 -a similitud de las anteriores-, con la finalidad de que los indios principales de las islas Filipinas fuesen bien tratados y se les encargase alguna tarea de gobierno. Igualmente, esta disposición hacía extensible a los caciques filipinos toda la doctrina vigente en relación con los caciques indianos...Los principales pasaron así a formar parte del sistema político-administrativo indiano, sirviendo de nexo de unión entre las autoridades españolas y la población indígena. Para una mejor administración de la precitada población, se crearon los «pueblos de indios» -donde se redujo a la anteriormente dispersa población aborigen-.[29]
- ^Esta institucion (Cabecería de Barangay), mucho más antigua que la sujecion de las islas al Gobierno, ha merecido siempre las mayores atencion. En un principio eran las cabecerías hereditarias, y constituian la verdadera hidalguía del país; mas del dia, si bien en algunas provincias todavía se tramiten por sucesion hereditaria, las hay tambien eleccion, particularmente en las provincias más inmediatas á Manila, en donde han perdido su prestigio y son una verdadera carga. En las provincias distantes todavía se hacen respetar, y allí es precisamente en donde la autoridad tiene ménos que hacer, y el órden se conserva sin necesidad de medidas coercitivas; porque todavía existe en ellas el gobierno patriarcal, por el gran respeto que la plebe conserva aún á lo que llaman aquíprincipalía.[10]: 61
- ^also v.encomienda;hacienda
- ^(The creation of new principales, i.e., cabezas de barangay, was done by the Superintendent of Finance in cases of those towns near Manila. For those in distant provinces, the alcaldes named the new leader, proposed by the gobernadorcillo of the town where the barangay is located. The candidate proposed by the gobernadorcillo is the person presented by the members of the barangay.)
- ^Article 16 of the Royal Decree of December 20, 1863, says:After a school has been established in any village for fifteen years, no natives who cannot speak, read and write the Castilian language shall form part of the principalía unless they enjoy that distinction by right of inheritance. After the school has been established for thirty years, only those who possess the above‑mentioned condition shall enjoy exemption from the personal service tax, except in the case of the sick.Isabel II[4]: 85
- ^The royal decree was implemented in the Philippines by theGovernor‑Generalthrough a circular signed on August 30, 1867. Section III of the circular says:The law has considered them very carefully and it is fitting for the supervisor to unfold before the eyes of the parents so that their simple intelligence may well understand that not only ought they, but that it is profitable for them to send their children to school, for after the schools have been established for fifteen years in the village of their tribes those who cannot speak, read, or write Castilian: cannot be gobernadorcillos; nor lieutenants of justice; nor form part of theprincipalía;unless they enjoy that privilege because of heredity...General Gándara,Circular of the Superior Civil Government Giving Rules for the Good Discharge of School Supervision[4]: 133
- ^Los chinos forman grémio en Manila regido por autoridades de su seno á condicion de ser cristianos.[8]: 5
- ^Los Gobernadorcillos de chinos no tiene distrito municipal. Su jurisdiccion es privilegiada ó escepcional y solo la ejerce sobre los individuos del grémio...[8]: 6
- ^Por cuanto teniendo presentes las leyes y cédulas que se mandaron despachar por los Señores Reyes mis progenitores y por mí, encargo el buen tratamiento, amparo, protección y defensa de los indios naturales de la América, y que sean atendidos, mantenidos, favorecidos y honrados como todos los demás vasallos de mi Corona, y que por el trascurso del tiempo se detiene la práctica y uso de ellas, y siento tan conveniente su puntual cumplimiento al bien público y utilidad de los Indios y al servicio de Dios y mío, y que en esta consecuencia por lo que toca a los indios mestizos está encargo a los Arzobispos y Obispos de las Indias, por la Ley Siete, Título Siete, del Libro Primero, de la Recopilación, los ordenen de sacerdotes, concurriendo las calidades y circunstancias que en ella se disponen y que si algunas mestizas quisieren ser religiosas dispongan el que se las admita en los monasterios y a las profesiones, y aunque en lo especial de que quedan ascender los indios a puestos eclesiásticos o seculares, gubernativos, políticos y de guerra, que todos piden limpieza de sangre y por estatuto la calidad de nobles, hay distinción entre los Indios y mestizos, o como descendentes de los indios principales que se llaman caciques, o como procedidos de indios menos principales que son los tributarios, y que en su gentilidad reconocieron vasallaje, se considera que a los primeros y sus descendentes se les deben todas las preeminencias y honores, así en lo eclesiástico como en lo secular que se acostumbran conferir a los nobles Hijosdalgo de Castilla y pueden participar de cualesquier comunidades que por estatuto pidan nobleza, pues es constante que estos en su gentilismo eran nobles a quienes sus inferiores reconocían vasallaje y tributaban, cuya especie de nobleza todavía se les conserva y considera, guardándoles en lo posible, o privilegios, como así se reconoce y declara por todo el Título de los caciques, que es el Siete, del Libro Seis, de la Recopilación, donde por distinción de los indios inferiores se les dejó el señorío con nombre de cacicazgo, transmisible de mayor en mayor, a sus posterioridades...
- ^Por ella se aprecia bien claramente y de manera fehaciente que a los caciques indígenas se les equiparada a los Hidalgos españoles y la prueba más rotunda de su aplicación se halla en el Archivo General Militar de Segovia, en donde las calificaciones de «Nobleza» se encuentran en las Hojas de Servicio de aquellos filipinos que ingresaron en nuestras Academias Militares y cuyos ascendientes eran caciques, encomenderos, tagalos notables, pedáneos, por los gobernadores o que ocupan cargos en la Administración municipal o en la del Gobierno, de todas las diferentes regiones de las grandes islas del Archipiélago o en las múltiples islas pequeñas de que se compone el mismo.[12]: 235
- ^Por otra parte, mientras en las Indias la cultura precolombiana había alcanzado un alto nivel, en Filipinas la civilización isleña continuaba manifestándose en sus estados más primitivos. Sin embargo, esas sociedades primitivas, independientes totalmente las unas de las otras, estaban en cierta manera estructuradas y se apreciaba en ellas una organización jerárquica embrionaria y local, pero era digna de ser atendida. Precisamente en esa organización local es, como siempre, de donde nace la nobleza. El indio aborigen, jefe de tribu, es reconocido como noble y las pruebas irrefutables de su nobleza se encuentran principalmente en las Hojas de Servicios de los militares de origen filipino que abrazaron la carrera de las Armas, cuando para hacerlo necesariamente era preciso demostrar el origen nobiliario del individuo.[12]: 232
- ^También en la Real Academia de la Historia existe un importante fondo relativo a las Islas Filipinas, y aunque su mayor parte debe corresponder a la Historia de ellas, no es excluir que entre su documentación aparezcan muchos antecedentes genealógicos... El Archivo del Palacio y en su Real Estampilla se recogen los nombramientos de centenares de aborígenes de aquel Archipiélago, a los cuales, en virtud de su posición social, ocuparon cargos en la administración de aquellos territorios y cuya presencia demuestra la inquietud cultural de nuestra Patria en aquéllas Islas para la preparación de sus naturales y la colaboración de estos en las tareas de su Gobierno. Esta faceta en Filipinas aparece mucho más actuada que en el continente americano y de ahí que en Filipinas la Nobleza de cargo adquiera mayor importancia que en las Indias.[12]: 234
- ^"The question of the validity of marriages performed by other persons than the parish priests has been much discussed in the Philippines. There have been many marriages of American citizens between themselves and of Americans to Spanish and Filipino women. The subject is of vast importance, involving, as it does, the legitimacy of issue and the validity of marriage. The law of marriage in the Philippines is a canonical law and nothing else. When a man wishes to get married he goes to the parish priest and the parish priest examines the woman and finds out whether she wishes to marry the man and what her race is – whether Spanish, Mestizo, Chinese, or any other – and then ascertains whether the fathers of both parties are willing that the marriage should be solemnized. The law which is in force in Spain and also in the Philippines in regard to marriages of natives, Spaniards, and Spanish half- castes, is that they can not marry without the consent of their parents or family unless they are 23 years of age; but this is not true in the case of Chinese Mestizos, who can marry at the age of 16 without the family's consent. This applies to both sexes. This privilege of the Mestizo Chinese, which was granted by the Pope had this object in view: The increase of this race, which is the race considered to be the most industrious. The priest then finds out if there is any impediment to the marriage and if he finds none he calls the banns openly in the church for three Sundays, and if no one makes any objection to the marriage the contractants are allowed to marry on the day following the third Sunday."
- ^Por cuanto teniendo presentes las leyes y cédulas que se mandaron despachar por los Señores Reyes mis progenitores y por mí, encargo el buen tratamiento, amparo, protección y defensa de los indios naturales de la América, y que sean atendidos, mantenidos, favorecidos y honrados como todos los demás vasallos de mi Corona, y que por el trascurso del tiempo se detiene la práctica y uso de ellas, y siento tan conveniente su puntual cumplimiento al bien público y utilidad de los Indios y al servicio de Dios y mío, y que en esta consecuencia por lo que toca a los indios mestizos está encargo a los Arzobispos y Obispos de las Indias, por la Ley Siete, Título Siete, del Libro Primero, de la Recopilación, los ordenen de sacerdotes, concurriendo las calidades y circunstancias que en ella se disponen y que si algunas mestizas quisieren ser religiosas dispongan el que se las admita en los monasterios y a las profesiones, y aunque en lo especial de que quedan ascender los indios a puestos eclesiásticos o seculares, gubernativos, políticos y de guerra, que todos piden limpieza de sangre y por estatuto la calidad de nobles, hay distinción entre los Indios y mestizos, o como descendentes de los indios principales que se llaman caciques, o como procedidos de indios menos principales que son los tributarios, y que en su gentilidad reconocieron vasallaje, se considera que a los primeros y sus descendentes se les deben todas las preeminencias y honores, así en lo eclesiástico como en lo secular que se acostumbran conferir a los nobles Hijosdalgo de Castilla y pueden participar de cualesquier comunidades que por estatuto pidan nobleza, pues es constante que estos en su gentilismo eran nobles a quienes sus inferiores reconocían vasallaje y tributaban, cuya especie de nobleza todavía se les conserva y considera, guardándoles en lo posible, o privilegios, como así se reconoce y declara por todo el Título de los caciques, que es el Siete, del Libro Seis, de la Recopilación, donde por distinción de los indios inferiores se les dejó el señorío con nombre de cacicazgo, transmisible de mayor en mayor, a sus posterioridades...
- ^"En las Visayas ayudaba siempre a los amigos, y sujetaba solamente con las armas a los que los ofendian, y aun despues de subyugados no les exigia mas que un reconocimiento en especie, a que se obligan."English translation:"In the Visayas [Legaspi] always helped friends, and wield weapons only against those who offended them (his friends), and even after he subjugated them (those who offended his friends), he did not demand more than some kind of acknowledgment from those whom he conquered."[10]: 146
Further reading
edit- Luque Talaván, Miguel,Análisis Histórico-Jurídico de la Nobleza Indiana de Origen Prehispánico(Conferencia en la Escuela «Marqués de Aviles» de Genealogía, Heráldica y Nobiliariade la«Asociación de Diplomados en Genealogía, Heráldica y Nobiliaria»).[29]
- Vicente de Cadenas y Vicent,Las Pruebas de Nobleza y Genealogia en Filipinas y Los Archivios en Donde se Pueden Encontrar Antecedentes de EllasinHeraldica, Genealogia y Nobleza en los Editoriales de «Hidalguia», 1953–1993: 40 años de un pensamiento,Madrid: 1993, Graficas Ariás Montano, S.A.-MONTOLES, pp. 232–235.[12][8][8][8][8][8]
- José Feced y Temprado,Manual del Gobernadorcillo en el Ejercicio de sus Atribuciones Judiciales y Escriturárias(Guia del Hombre de Negocios en Filipinas), Manila: 1867, Imp. de Ramirez y Giraudier.] Don José Feced y Temprado, Manual del Gobernadorcillo en el Ejercicio de sus Atribuciones Judiciales y Escriturárias (Guia del Hombre de Negocios en Filipinas), Manila: 1867, Imp. de Ramirez y Giraudier.
- Rafael Moreno y Diez,Manual del Cabeza de Barangay en Castellano y en Tagalog,Manila: 1874, Imprenta "Amigos del Pais".
- Regalado Trota Jose,The Many Images of Christ(particularly in the section:Spain retains the old class system) in DALISAY, Jose Y, ed. (1998),Kasaysayan: The Story of the Filipino People.[51]: Vol 3, pp 178–179
- See also: Alfredo Reyes; CORDERO-FERNANDO, Gilda; QUIRINO, Carlos & GUTIERREZ, Manuel C, eds.Filipino Heritage: the Making of a Nation(10 vols), Manila: 1997, Lahing Pilipino Publications.[41]: Volume 5, pp1155–1158: 'The Ruling Class'
- Celdrán Ruano, Julia, ed. (2009).La configuración del sistema jurídico hispano en las Islas Filipinas: orígenes y evolución (siglos XVI-XVIII)inAnales de Derecho,Vol. 27 (2009) (pdf) (in Español).
- Jorge Alberto Liria Rodríguez,LA PECULIAR ADMINISTRACIÓNESPAÑOLA EN FILIPINAS (1890–1898),Las Palmas de Gran Canaria: Anroart, Asociación canaria para la difusión de la cultura y el arte, 2004.
- Maura Law.
References
edit- ^abcdefghijklBLAIR, Emma Helen&ROBERTSON, James Alexander,eds. (1904).The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898.Vol. 17 of 55 (1609–1616). Historical introduction and additional notes byEdward Gaylord Bourne;additional translations byHenry B. Lathrop.Cleveland, Ohio:Arthur H. Clark Company.ISBN978-1426486869.OCLC769945708.
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century.
- ^Maura Law, Art. 7.
- ^abcdef"Barangay".Enciclopedia universal ilustrada europeo-americana.Vol. VII. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, S.A. 1921.
- ^abcdBLAIR, Emma Helen&ROBERTSON, James Alexander,eds. (1907).The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898.Vol. 46 of 55 (1721–1739). Historical introduction and additional notes byEdward Gaylord Bourne.Cleveland, Ohio:Arthur H. Clark Company.OCLC769944922.
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century.
- ^José de la Concha, El ministro de Ultramar (December 24, 1863)."Real Decreto"[Spanish Royal Decree of 20 December 1863](PDF).Gaceta de Madrid(in Spanish).RetrievedOctober 25,2014.
- ^Maura Law, Art. 7–9.
- ^"Se entenderá por Principalía la agrupación que en cada pueblo estará formada sin número fijo por losantes llamados Gobernadorcillos,Tenientes de justicia, por los Cabezas de Barangay en ejercicio ó que hubiel sen desempeñado el cargo durante diez años consecutivos sin mala nota alguna, porlos Capitanes parados,los Tenientes municipales que hubiesen desempeñado bucargo durante el tiempo legal sin nota desfavorable y los vecinos que paguen 50 pesos por contribución territorial. "Maura Law, Art. 7.
- ^abcFeced y Temprado, José,ed. (1867).'Manual del Gobernadorcillo en el Ejercicio de sus Atribuciones Judiciales y Escriturárias(Guia del Hombre de Negocios en Filipinas)(in Spanish). Manila: Imp. de Ramirez y Giraudier.
- ^The original manuscript of the report of R.P. Fray Bernardo Arquero, O.S.A., dated January 1, 1897, on the statistical data and historical information of the Parish of St. John the Baptist in Banate, Iloilo (Philippines). The first column of the document (Personas con Cedula Personal) identifies the classes of citizens of the town: the"de privilegio y gratis"(principales) and the"de pago".This document can be found in the Archives of the Monastery of the Augustinian Province of the Most Holy Name of Jesus of the Philippines in Valladolid, Spain.
- ^abcdefghFERRANDO, Fr Juan&FONSECA, Fr Joaquin(1870–1872).Historia de los PP. Dominicos en las Islas Filipinas y en las Misiones del Japon, China, Tung-kin y Formosa (Vol. 1 of 6 vols)(in Spanish). Madrid: 1870: Imprenta y esteriotipia de M Rivadeneyra.OCLC9362749.
{{cite book}}
:CS1 maint: location (link) - ^abcdMALLAT de BASSILAU, Jean (1846).Les Philippines: Histoire, géographie, moeurs. Agriculture, industrie et commerce des Colonies espagnoles dans l'Océanie (2 vols)(in French). Paris:Arthus Bertrand Éd.ISBN978-1143901140.OCLC23424678.
- ^abcdefghiDE CADENAS Y VICENT, Vicente(1993).Las Pruebas de Nobleza y Genealogia en Filipinas y Los Archivios en Donde se Pueden Encontrar Antecedentes de EllasinHeraldica, Genealogia y Nobleza en los Editoriales de "Hidalguia", 1953–1993: 40 años de un pensamiento(in Spanish). Madrid: HIDALGUIA.ISBN9788487204548.
- ^de los Reyes, Isabelo,ed. (1889).Las Islas Visayas en la Época de la Conquista(Segunda edición)(Book)(in Spanish). Manila: Tipo-Litografia de Chofré y C.a.
- ^abcdefgForeman, John,ed. (1907).The Philippine Islands: a political, geographical, ethnographical, social and commercial history of the Philippine Archipelago, embracing the whole period of Spanish rule, with an account of the succeeding American insular government(book).New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.
- ^abcdefghBLAIR, Emma Helen&ROBERTSON, James Alexander,eds. (1904).The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898(in Spanish). Vol. 15 of 55 (1609). Completely translated into English and annotated by the editors. Cleveland, Ohio:Arthur H. Clark Company.ISBN978-1231213940.OCLC769945706.
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century. — From their discovery by Magellan in 1521 to the beginning of the XVII Century; with descriptions of Japan, China and adjacent countries, byDr. ANTONIO DE MORGAAlcalde of Criminal Causes,in theRoyal Audiencia of Nueva Espana,and Counsel for theHoly Office of the Inquisition.
- ^abBLAIR, Emma Helen&ROBERTSON, James Alexander,eds. (1906).The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898.Vol. 40 of 55 (1690–1691). Historical introduction and additional notes byEdward Gaylord Bourne.Cleveland, Ohio:Arthur H. Clark Company.ISBN978-0559361821.OCLC769945730.
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century.
- ^An example of a document pertaining to the Spanish colonial government mentioning the"vecinos distinguidos"is the 1911 Report written by R. P. Fray Agapito Lope, O.S.A. (parish priest of Banate, Iloilo in 1893) on the state of the Parish of St. John the Baptist in this town in the Philippines. The second page identifies the "vecinos distinguidos" of the Banate during the last years of the Spanish rule. The original document is in the custody of the Monastery of theAugustinian Province of the Most Holy Name of Jesus of the PhilippinesinValladolid,Spain.Cf. Fray Agapito Lope 1911 Manuscript, p. 1.Also cf. Fray Agapito Lope 1911 Manuscript, p. 2.
- ^Bernd Schröter; Christian Büschges, eds. (1999).Beneméritos, aristócratas y empresarios: Identidades y estructuras sociales de las capas altas urbanas en América hispánica(book)(in Spanish). Frankfurt; Madrid: Vervuert Verlag; Iberoamericana.ISBN84-95107-60-0.
- ^abcZAIDE, Gregorio F(1979).The Pageant of Philippine History: Political, economic, and socio-cultural.Philippine Education Company.ASINB0000E9CJ1.
- ^de COMYN, Tomas (1821) [1810].Estado de las islas Filipinas en 1810[State of the Philippine islands: being an historical, statistical, and descriptive account of that interesting portion of the Indian archipelago]. Translated from Spanish with notes and a preliminary discourse by William Walton 1821. London: T. and J. Allman.OCLC10569141.645339.
- ^abLiria Rodríguez, Jorge Alberto,ed. (1998).1890. La peculiar administración española en FilipinasinXIII Coloquio de historia canario – americano,Coloquio 13(pdf)(in Spanish).
- ^KASPERSKI, Kenneth F.(2012).Noble colonials: Americans and Filipinos, 1901--1940 (Ph.D. Dissertation/Thesis: University of Florida).Ann Arbor.ISBN9781267712370.ProQuest1086350649.
{{cite book}}
:CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - ^de SAN AGUSTIN OSA (1650–1724), Fr Gaspár;DIAZ OSA, Fr Casimiro(1698).Conquistas de las Islas Philipinas. Parte primera: la temporal, por las armas del señor don Phelipe Segundo el Prudente, y la espiritual, por los religiosos del Orden de Nuestro Padre San Augustin; fundacion y progreso de su Provincia del Santissimo Nombre de Jesus(in Spanish). Madrid: Imprenta de Manuel Ruiz de Murga.ISBN978-8400040727.OCLC79696350.
The second part of the work, compiled by Casimiro Díaz Toledano from the manuscript left by Gaspár de San Agustín, was not published until 1890 under the title:Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas, Parte segunda.
{{cite book}}
:CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link) - ^Manuel Merino, O.S.A., ed.,Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas,Madrid 1975.
- ^abcdefghijklmnoSCOTT, William Henry(1982).Cracks in the Parchment Curtain, and Other Essays in Philippine History.Quezon City: New Day Publishers.ISBN978-9711000004.OCLC9259667.
- ^Seclusion and Veiling of Women: A Historical and Cultural Approach
- ^abcBLAIR, Emma Helen&ROBERTSON, James Alexander,eds. (1905).The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898.Vol. 29 of 55 (1638–1640). Historical introduction and additional notes byEdward Gaylord Bourne;additional translations by Arthur B. Myrick. Cleveland, Ohio:Arthur H. Clark Company.ISBN978-1150502040.OCLC769945242.
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century.
- ^BLAIR, Emma Helen&ROBERTSON, James Alexander,eds. (1905).The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898.Vol. 36 of 55 (1649–1666). Historical introduction and additional notes byEdward Gaylord Bourne;additional translations by Henry B. Lathrop. Cleveland, Ohio:Arthur H. Clark Company.ISBN978-1103146949.OCLC769944919.
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century.
- ^abcdeLuque Talaván, Miguel,ed. (2002).Análisis Histórico-Jurídico de la Nobleza Indiana de Origen Prehispánico (Conferencia en laEscuela "Marqués de Aviles" de Genealogía, Heráldica y Nobiliariade la"Asociación de Diplomados en Genealogía, Heráldica y Nobiliaria" )(pdf)(in Spanish).
- ^Carta de Las Casas a Miranda,en FABIÉ, A. M. Vida y escritos de Don Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas. Madrid: [s.n.], 1879, tomo II.
- ^de Santo Tomas, Domingo,ed. (1560).Lexicon o Vocabulario de la lengua general del Peru Domingo de Santo Tomas(PDF)(in Spanish).
- ^BLAIR, Emma Helen&ROBERTSON, James Alexander,eds. (1903).The Philippine Islands, 1493–1803.Vol. 05 of 55 (1582–1583). Historical introduction and additional notes byEdward Gaylord Bourne.Cleveland, Ohio:Arthur H. Clark Company.ISBN978-0554259598.OCLC769945704.
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the beginning of the nineteenth century.
- ^abBLAIR, Emma Helen&ROBERTSON, James Alexander,eds. (1903).The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898.Vol. 27 of 55 (1636–37). Historical introduction and additional notes byEdward Gaylord Bourne;additional translations by Arthur B. Myrick. Cleveland, Ohio:Arthur H. Clark Company.ISBN978-1-333-01347-9.OCLC769945242.
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century.
- ^abCeldrán Ruano, Julia,ed. (2009)."La configuración del sistema jurídico hispano en las Islas Filipinas: orígenes y evolución (siglos XVI-XVIII)inAnales de Derecho,Vol. 27 (2009) "(pdf).Anales de Derecho(in Spanish).27:28–65.
- ^de León Pinelo, Antonio Rodríguez&de Solórzano Pereira, Juan[in Spanish],eds. (1680).Recopilación de Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias(pdf)(in Spanish). Vol. Libro Sexto.
Títulos:iDe los Indios.iiDe la libertad de los Indios.iiiDe las Reducciones, y Pueblos de Indios.ivDe las caxas de censos, y bienes de Comunidad, y su administracion.vDe los tributos, y tassas de los Indios.viDe los Protectores de Indios.viiDe los Caciques.viiiDe los repastimientos, encomiendas, y pensiones de Indios, y calidades de los titulos.ixDe los Encomenderos de Indios.xDe el buen tratamiento de los Indios.xiDe la sucession de encomiendas, entretenimientos, y ayudas de costa.xiiDel servicio personal.xiiiDel servicio en chacras, viñas, olivares, obrajes, ingenios, perlas, tambos, requas, carreterias, casas, ganados, y bogas.xivDel servicio en coca, y añir.xvDel servicio en minas.xviDe los Indios de Chile.xviiDe los Indios de Tucuman, Paraguay, y Rio de la Plata.xviiiDe los Sangleyes.xixDe las confirmaciones de encomiendas, pensiones, rentas, y situaciones.
- ^A printed copy of the Laws of the Indies in the original Spanish language, showing Philip II's Decree of 11 June 1594.
- ^abThe impact of Spanish rule in the Philippines.
- ^Ceballos-Escalera y Gila, Alfonso,ed. (2016).Los Saberes de la Nobleza Española y su Tradición: Familia, corte, librosinCuadernos de Ayala,N. 68 (Octubre-Diciembre 2016)(PDF)(in Spanish).
- ^abLaureano, Felix,ed. (1895).Recuerdos de Filipinas: Libro-Album(book)(in Spanish). Vol. Primero. Barcelona: A. Lopez Robert.
- ^Manuel Buzeta y Felipe Bravo,Diccionario geografico, estadistico, historico de las Islas Filipinas,Charleston, South Carolina: 2011, Nabu Press, Vol. I, p. 241.
- ^abROCES, Alfredo Reyes;CORDERO-FERNANDO, Gilda;QUIRINO, Carlos& GUTIERREZ, Manuel C, eds. (1977).Filipino Heritage: the Making of a Nation (10 vols).Manila: Lahing Pilipino Pub.ISBN978-9718574010.OCLC6088188.1328526.
Contents:Vol 1The stone age in the Philippines;Vol 2The metal age in the Philippines;Vol 3The age of trade and contacts;Vol 4The Spanish colonial period (16th century);Vol 5The Spanish colonial period (17th/18th centuries);Vol 6The Spanish colonial period (18th/19th centuries);Vol 7The Spanish colonial period (late 19th century);Vol 8The period of armed struggle (1896–1900);Vol 9The American colonial period (1900–1941);Vol 10Birth of a nation (1941–1946).
- ^Cf.Report of the Franciscan Fray Letona to Fray Diego Zapata, high Official of the Franciscan Order and of the Inquisitionin Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson,The Philippine Islands (1493–1898),Cleveland: The A.H. Clark Company, 1903, Vol. XXIX, p. 281.
- ^Cf. Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson,The Philippine Islands (1493–1898),Cleveland: The A.H. Clark Company, 1905, Vol. XXXVI, p. 201.
- ^"History of Barong Tagalog".
- ^"IJIH - International Journal of Intangible Heritage:: Article".
- ^abcEmerson Salvador,Liberalism in the Philippines, The Revolution of 1898: The Main Facts(Article published in the Newsletter of the Society of St. Pius X, District of Asia), Jan -Mar 2002.[1]
- ^Philippine Commission,ed. (1900).Annual report of the Philippine Commission / Bureau of Insular Affairs, War Department to the President of the United States (The Law of Marriage)(book).Vol. I. Washington D.C.: Government Publishing Office.
- ^Julliane Love De Jesus,Bill seeks to omit 'legitimate, illegitimate' children in Family CodeinInquirer.Net(September 21, 2013).[2]
- ^Valynseele, Joseph.Les Prétendants aux trônes d'Europe.Paris, 1967, p. 11, 187–190 (French).
- ^Curley, Jr., Walter J.P. Monarchs-in-Waiting. New York, 1973, pp. 4–6, 10.ISBN0-396-06840-5.
- ^DALISAY, Jose Y,ed. (1998).Kasaysayan: The Story of the Filipino People (10 vols).Project Director: Teresa Maria CUSTODIO. Manila / Pleasantville NY: Asia Publishing Company (Reader's Digest).ISBN9789622582248.OCLC39734321.557730.
Contents:Vol 1The Philippine Archipelago;Vol 2The earliest Filipinos;Vol 3The Spanish conquest;Vol 4Life in the colony;Vol 5Reform and revolution;Vol 6Under stars and stripes;Vol 7The Japanese occupation;Vol 8Up from the ashes;Vol 9A nation reborn;Vol 10A timeline of Philippine history.