Wikipedia

Red Clydeside

Red Clydesidewas the era ofpolitical radicalisminGlasgow,Scotland,and areas around the city, on the banks of theRiver Clyde,such asClydebank,Greenock,DumbartonandPaisley,from the 1910s until the early 1930s. Red Clydeside is a significant part of the history of thelabour movementin Britain as a whole, and Scotland in particular.

Some newspapers of the time used the term "Red Clydeside" to refer, largely derisively, to the groundswell of popular and political radicalism that had erupted in Scotland. A confluence of charismatic individuals, organised movements and socio-political forces led to Red Clydeside, which had its roots inworking-classopposition toBritain's participation in theFirst World War,although the area had a long history of politicalradicalismgoing back to theSociety of the Friends of the Peopleand the "Radical War"of 1820.[1][2]

1911 strike at Singer

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The 11,000 workers at the largestSingersewing machines factory, in Clydebank, went onstrikein March–April 1911, ceasing to work in solidarity with 12 female colleagues protesting against work process reorganisation. This reorganisation involved an increase in workload and a decrease in wages.[3]Following the end of the strike, Singer fired 400 workers, includingJane Rae[4]one of the women activists, and all strike leaders and purported members of theIndustrial Workers of Great Britain,among themArthur McManus,who later went on to become the first chairman of theCommunist Party of Great Britainbetween 1920 and 1922.[5]

Labour unrest, in particular by women and unskilled labourers, greatly increased between 1910 and 1914 in Clydeside, with four times more days on strike than between 1900 and 1910. During these four years precedingWorld War I,membership of those affiliated to theScottish Trades Union Congressrose from 129,000 in 1909 to 230,000 in 1914.[5]

Anti-war activism

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Willie Gallacher

To mobilise the workers of Clydeside against the First World War, theClyde Workers' Committee(CWC) was formed, withWillie Gallacheras its head andDavid Kirkwoodits treasurer. The CWC led the campaign against the coalition governments ofH. H. AsquithandDavid Lloyd Georgeand theMunitions of War Act 1915,which forbade engineers leaving the company they were employed in. The CWC met with government leaders, but no agreement could be reached and consequently both Gallacher and Kirkwood were arrested under the terms of theDefence of the Realm Actand jailed for their activities.

Anti-waractivity also took place outside the workplace and on the streets in general. TheMarxistJohn Macleanand theIndependent Labour Party(ILP) memberJames Maxtonwere both jailed for their anti-war propagandizing.

Helen Crawfurdwas opposed to conscription and, although there were anti-war and anti-conscription campaigns in organisations such as the WIL being organised and run by middle-class women, few working-class women were involved in Scotland. Frustration on her part on their lack of representation,Helen Crawfurdorganised a grassroots meeting called 'The Great Women's Peace Conference' involving socialist-minded women in June 1916. From this meeting, and alongside her fellow Rent StrikerAgnes Dollan,TheWomen's Peace Crusade(WPC) arose in November 1916 inGovan,Glasgow.As intended, the organisation initially attracted working-class women in Govan to activism, and with open air meetings throughout Glasgow,Edinburghand withinLowland Scotlandthey began to extend their reach.[6]By 1917, street meetings were regularly being held all around the districts of Glasgow and beyond, includingPartick,Maryhill,Bridgeton,Parkhead,Govan,Govanhill,Whiteinch,Shettleston,Springburn,Possilpark,Bellahouston,Rutherglen,Paisley,OvernewtonBarrhead,Cambuslang,Blantyre,Alloa,Cowdenbeath,Drongan,Drumpark,Douglas WaterandLanark.As a further indicator of their success, a mass demonstration was organised by the WPC on Sunday 8 July 1917, in which processions marched to the sound of music and the flying of banners from two sides of the city to the famousGlasgow Greenin the centre of the city. As the two streams of Crusaders approached the green they merged into a huge colourful and noisy demonstration of around 14,000 participants.[7][8]

By the time that the Peace Crusade disbanded it had become a UK-wide organisation.

Rent strikes

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Main article:1915 Glasgow rent strike
Mary Barbour

At the turn of the twentieth century the Clydeside area in Glasgow experienced rapid industrial and population growth during which time Glasgow became Scotland's largest city, Its population grew from almost 200,000 in 1851 to over 1,000,000 in 1921. Despite this exponential growth, housing remained a huge problem for its inhabitants as few houses were added to Glasgow's housing stock to accommodate the influx of immigrants from all over Scotland, other areas of Britain and Europe.[9]Eleven percent of Glasgow's housing stock was vacant due to speculation and few new houses were built as landlords benefited from renting out overcrowded and increasingly dilapidated flats. As Highlanders and Irish migrants came to Glasgow, the city's population increased by 65,000 people between 1912 and 1915 while only 1,500 new housing units were built. Glaswegian activists had demanded legislation and the building of municipal housing as early as 1885, when theRoyal Commission on Housing and the Working Classnoted the housing crisis. The Scottish Housing Council organised in 1900 and under pressure from trade unions the Housing Letting and Rating Act 1911[10]was passed. The act introduced letting by month, previously workers with unstable jobs had been forced to put up a year's rent payment. But as landlords increased rents protests by tenants became more frequent.[11]

John Macleanof theBritish Socialist Partyorganised the Scottish Federation of Tenants' Associations[12]in 1913 to fight against rent increases and championed public housing. In 1914 the Independent Labour Party Housing Committee and the Women's Labour League formed theGlasgow Women's Housing Association.Under the leadership ofMary Barbour,Mary Laird,Helen Crawfurd,Mary Jeff,Jessie Stephen[13]andJessie Fergusson[14]the Glasgow Women's Housing Association became the driving force behind the rent strike that started in May 1915 in the industrialised area ofGovan.Tenants refused to pay the latest increase in rents and staged mass demonstrations against evictions, resulting in violent confrontations. With the start of the First World War local young men left Glasgow to serve in the army overseas, and the first violent protest in the Govan district took place in April to resist the eviction of a soldier's family. As evictions were repeatedly attempted with support from the police, women attacked the factors and the sheriffs' men.[15][16]

In early summer 1915, the rent strikers were supported by mass demonstrations and by August, the rent strikers had found widespread support in Glasgow. Rent strikes spread from heavily industrialised areas of the city to artisanal areas and slum areas. Strikes ignited in Partick, Parkhead, Pollokshaws, Pollok, Cowcaddens, Kelvingrove, Ibrox, Govanhill, St Rollox, Townhead, Springburn, Maryhill, Fairfield, Blackfriars, and Woodside. In October 1915, 15,000 tenants were on rent strike and a demonstration led by women converged onSt Enoch Square.By November, 20,000 tenants were on rent strike as violent resistance against evictions continued. Trade unions threatened factory strikes if evictions supported by the police continued and following demonstrations on 17 November, legal action against rent strikers was halted.[16]State Secretary of ScotlandThomas McKinnon Woodasked the Cabinet to freeze all rents at pre-war levels and in December, theRents and Mortgage Interest Restriction Act 1915received royal assent.[15]

In March 2018, to mark International Women's Day, a bronze sculpture of Barbour was unveiled in Govan, Glasgow portraying Barbour leading a line of strikers.[17]

The 40 Hour Strike

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Main article:1919 Battle of George Square
Medium Mark Ctanks and government soldiers deployed to the city on 31 January 1919

The left-wing activities continued after the end of the war. The campaign for a 40-hour week, with improved conditions for the workers, occupied the exertions of organised labour. On 31 January 1919, a massive rally, organised by thetrade unions,took place onGeorge Squarein the city centre of Glasgow. Although it has been claimed that as many as 90,000 people were present, contemporary sources suggest 20-25,000.[18]Once again, although it is claimed that theRed Flagwas raised in the centre of the crowd, this had in reality happened on Monday 27 January.[18]The failure of the tram drivers to join the strike had led to growing hostility, and some of the strikers tried to block the tram traffic in the Square. Police attempts to clear the way led to violence and a series of baton charges.[18]TheRiot Actwas read, and attacks were made on strike leader David Kirkwood as he exited the City Chambers.

The Sheriff of Lanarkshire, who had earlier checked that troops would be available if he needed them, called for military aid. Mainly Scottish and mainly veteran troops were sent from bases elsewhere in Scotland, and one battalion was sent up from the north of England. Claims that the troops were sent by the government, as well as claims that Scottish troops were locked in their barracks during the incident, are part of the extensive mythology surrounding the event.[19]It was only fourteen months since theRussian Revolution,and theGerman Revolutionwas still in progress in January 1919. The troops started arriving at 10 pm that evening, after the violence was over. Six tanks arrived from Dorset on Monday, 3 February.[18]

A revolutionary moment?

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Manny Shinwell

There remains a debate on the left, over whether the Red Clydeside movement constituted a revolutionary opportunity for the working-class, though on the face of it, it would appear that the revolutionary potential of the Clydeside working-class has been exaggerated. Firstly, except Maclean, none of the labour leaders developed a class analysis of the war, nor did they seriously consider threatening the power and authority of the state. Furthermore, it was the behaviour of those conducting the war, not the war itself that provoked opposition within the labour movement. TheIndependent Labour Party'sMay DayManifesto of 1918 makes this very clear in calling forA Living Wage for allandJustice for our Soldiers and their Dependants.Moreover, the massive demand for men to fight in the war meant that few Glaswegian families escaped personal loss of some kind. To undermine the war effort was to risk alienating the working-class, which many labour leaders were unwilling to do-–apart from Maxton, Gallacher and Maclean.[20]

William Gallacher,who would later become aCommunistMP claimed that, whilst the leaders of the rally were not seeking revolution, in hindsight they should have been. He claimed that they should have marched to the Maryhill Barracks and tried to persuade the troops stationed there to come out on the protesters' side.

The trade union leaders, who had organised the meeting, were arrested. Most were acquitted, although both Gallacher andManny Shinwellwere put in jail for their activities that day, Shinwell also being charged with an inflammatory speech the week before in James Watt Street in the city's docks, in an episode that later erupted into a race riot.

"Reds" in Parliament

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The ensuing 1922 general election saw the rise of Labour in the Clyde valley.

The aura ofRed Clydesidegrew as delegations of organised labour replaced theLiberal Partyas the political formation most popular among theworking class.This manifested itself at the1922 general election,when several of theRed Clydesiderswere elected to serve in theHouse of Commons(most of themIndependent Labour Partymembers). They included Maxton, Wheatley, Shinwell, Kirkwood,Neil MacleanandGeorge Buchanan.

According to theLabour Party,theRed Clydesiderswere viewed as having a dissident left-wing character. Many of them, most notably Maxton and Wheatley, were great critics of the first and second Labour governments, elected in1924and1929respectively.

TheRed Clydesideera still impacts upon the politics of the area today. Ever since,Glasgowhas been known for political and industrial militancy. TheUpper Clyde Shipbuilders Work Inof 1971 offers a pertinent example. TheLabour Partyhas been historically dominant in Glasgow where they held the vast majority of parliamentary seats until SNP gains in2015from where they held all seats (with the exception ofGlasgow North Eastbetween 2017-2019) until their return to Labour in2024.

This period in Glasgow's colourful past remains a significant landmark for those on the political left in Scotland. The story of theRed Clydesiderscan still be politically motivating. At the1989 Glasgow Central by-election,theScottish National PartycandidateAlex Neilcalled himself and the SNP member of Parliament for Govan at the time,Jim Sillars;the "new Clydesiders".

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The albumRed ClydesidebyAlistair HulettandDave Swarbrickcontains nine songs about the movement, particularly the anti-war protests and the rent strike. The Red Clydeside movement was also featured inJohn McGrath's playLittle Red Hen,performed by7:84.

References

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  1. ^William Kenefick,Red Scotland! The Rise and Fall of the Radical Left, c. 1872 to 1932(Edinburgh University Press, 2007).
  2. ^Robert Keith Middlemas,The Clydesiders: A Left Wing Struggle for Parliamentary Power(Hutchinson & Co., 1965).
  3. ^"Red Clydeside: The Singer strike 1911".
  4. ^Ewan, Elizabeth; Innes, Sue; Reynolds, Siân; Pipes, Rose, eds. (2006). "Rae, Jane".The Biographical Dictionary of Scottish Women.Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. pp. 295–296.ISBN9780748632930.
  5. ^abThe Singer strike 1911,Glasgow Digital Library
  6. ^Patterson, David S. (10 September 2012).The Search for Negotiated Peace: Women's Activism and Citizen Diplomacy in World War I.Routledge.ISBN978-1-135-89860-1.
  7. ^"Glasgow's Peace Movement".www.firstworldwarglasgow.co.uk.3 August 2014.Retrieved4 July2020.
  8. ^Patterson, David S. (10 September 2012).The Search for Negotiated Peace: Women's Activism and Citizen Diplomacy in World War I.Routledge.ISBN9781135898601.
  9. ^Meek, Jeff (May 2016)."Boarding and lodging practices in early twentieth-century Scotland".Continuity and Change.31:79–100.doi:10.1017/S0268416016000084.ISSN0268-4160.S2CID148118333.
  10. ^"House Letting and Rating (Scotland) Act 1911 (Hansard)".api.parliament.uk.Retrieved4 July2020.
  11. ^Castells, Manuel (1983).The City and the Grassroots: A Cross-Cultural Theory of Urban Social Movements.University of California Press. pp. 28–29.ISBN978-0-520-05617-6.
  12. ^Castells, Manuel (1983).The City and the Grassroots: A Cross-cultural Theory of Urban Social Movements.University of California Press.ISBN978-0-520-05617-6.
  13. ^"Jessie Stephen: Working Class Movement Library".
  14. ^"Remembering the Rent Strikes: guest post".Govan's Hidden Histories.15 May 2016.Retrieved7 June2022.
  15. ^abCastells, Manuel (1983).The City and the Grassroots: A Cross-Cultural Theory of Urban Social Movements.University of California Press. p. 29.ISBN978-0-520-05617-6.
  16. ^abGallacher, William(1978).Revolt on the Clyde.Lawrence and Wishart. pp. 52–58.ISBN0-85315-425-2.
  17. ^"Mary Barbour".statuesforequality.com.Retrieved30 March2021.
  18. ^abcdHeren, Louise & Barclay, Gordon (2023).Tanks on the Streets? The Battle of George Square Glasgow 1919.Barnsley: Pen & Sword.ISBN9781526782656.{{cite book}}:CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  19. ^Barclay, Gordon J. (2019)."'Churchill rolled the tanks into the crowd': mythology and reality in the military deployment to Glasgow in 1919 ".Scottish Affairs.28(1): 32–62.doi:10.3366/scot.2019.0264.ISSN0966-0356.S2CID159122876.
  20. ^W. Knox,James Maxton(Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1987) p30.

Further reading

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  • Dawson, Alan. "Red Clydeside: a digital history of the labour movement in Glasgow 1910-1932".Dunaskin News5 (2004)online.
  • Dowse, Robert E.Left in the Centre: The Independent Labour Party 1893–1940.London: Longman's, 1966.
  • Duncan, Robert and McIvor, Arthur, eds.Militant Workers: Labour and class conflict on the Clyde 1900–1950(Edinburgh: John Donald, 1992) [essays]
  • Gallacher, William. (1978) [1936].Revolt on the Clyde: An Autobiography(4th ed. London: Lawrence and Wishart).
  • Griffin, Paul. "Diverse political identities within a working class presence: Revisiting Red Clydeside."Political Geography65 (2018): 123–133.
  • Kenefick, William.Red Scotland! The Rise and Fall of the Radical Left, c. 1872 to 1932(Edinburgh University Press, 2007). Pp. 230.
  • Jenkinson, Jacqueline. "Black Sailors on Red Clydeside: rioting, reactionary trade unionism and conflicting notions of ‘Britishness’ following the First World War,"Twentieth Century British History(2008) 19#1 pp 29-60.
  • MacLean, Ian.The legend of Red Clydeside(Edinburgh: J. Donald, 1983)
  • Melling, Joseph. "Whatever Happened to Red Clydeside?'"International Review of Social History(1990) 35#1 pp 3–32.
  • Middlemas, Robert Keith.The Clydesiders: A Left Wing Struggle for Parliamentary Power.London: Hutchinson & Co., 1965.
  • Walker, Graham. "Maxton, James (1885–1946)",Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2011online
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