Spanish Socialist Workers' Party

TheSpanish Socialist Workers' Party(Spanish:Partido Socialista Obrero Español[paɾˈtiðosoθjaˈlistaoˈβɾeɾoespaˈɲol];abbr.PSOE[peˈsoe]) is asocial-democraticpolitical party in Spain.The PSOE has been in government longer than any other political party in modern democratic Spain: from 1982 to 1996 underFelipe González,2004 to 2011 underJosé Luis Rodríguez Zapatero,and since 2018 underPedro Sánchez.

Spanish Socialist Workers' Party Partido Socialista Obrero Español
Abbreviation	PSOE
Secretary General	Pedro Sánchez
Deputy Secretary General	María Jesús Montero
President	Cristina Narbona
Founder	Pablo Iglesias Posse
Founded	2 May 1879(1879-05-02)
Headquarters	C/ Ferraz, 70 28008,Madrid
Newspaper	El Socialista
Student wing	Campus Joven
Youth wing	Socialist Youth of Spain
Membership(2022)	159,943
Ideology	Social democracy
Political position	Centre-left
National affiliation	Republican–Socialist Conjunction(1909–1919, 1931–1933) Alliance of the Left(1918) Popular Front(1936–1939)
European affiliation	Party of European Socialists
European Parliament group	Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats
International affiliation	Progressive Alliance Socialist International
Colours	Red
Anthem	"Himno del PSOE" "Anthem of the PSOE"
Congress of Deputies	120 / 350
Senate	88 / 266
European Parliament(Spanish seats)	20 / 61
Regional Parliaments	324 / 1,261
Regional Governments	5 / 19
Local government	20,784 / 60,941
Election symbol
Website
www.psoe.es
Politics of Spain Political parties Elections

The PSOE was founded in 1879, making it the oldest party currently active in Spain. The PSOE played a key role during theSecond Spanish Republic,being part of thecoalition governmentfrom 1931 to 1933 and 1936 to 1939, when the republic was defeated in theSpanish Civil War.The party was then banned under theFrancoist dictatorshipand its members and leaders were persecuted or exiled; the ban was only lifted in 1977 in thetransition to democracy.HistoricallyMarxist,it abandoned the ideology in 1979.Like most mainstream Spanish political organizations since the mid–1980s, the PSOE has been considered by experts to have embraced a positive outlook towardsEuropean integration.

The PSOE has historically had strong ties with theGeneral Union of Workers(UGT), a major Spanish trade union. For a couple of decades, UGT membership was a requirement for PSOE membership. However, since the 1980s the UGT has frequently criticised the economic policies of the PSOE, even calling forgeneral strikesagainst the PSOE governments on 14 December 1988,28 May 1992, 27 January 1994 and 29 September 2010, jointly with theWorkers' Commissions,another major trade union in Spain. Both the trade unions and thelefthave often criticised the economic policies of the PSOE for theireconomically liberalnature. They have denounced policies includingderegulationand the increase inprecariousandtemporary work,cuts in unemployment and retirement benefits, and theprivatisationof big state-owned organisations andpublic services.The PSOE has traditionally attracted a higher share of female voters than its rivals.Same-sex marriageandadoptionwere legalised in 2005 under theZapatero Governmentand, more recently, a transgender rights bill was passed to allow more freedom in regards to gender identity.

The PSOE is a member of theParty of European Socialists,Progressive Allianceand theSocialist International.The PSOE's 21Members of the European Parliamentsit in theSocialists and DemocratsEuropean parliamentary group.

History

Restoration regime (1879–1931)

Pablo Iglesias Posseaddressing the workers during a 1905 demonstration in Madrid

The PSOE was founded byPablo Iglesiason 2 May 1879 in theCasa Labratavern in Tetuán Street near thePuerta del Solat the centre ofMadrid.Iglesias was a typesetter who had previously come in contact with the Spanish section of theInternational Workingmen's Associationand withPaul Lafargue.The first program of the new political party was passed in an assembly of 40 people on 20 July of that same year. The bulk of the growth of the PSOE and its affiliated trade union, theUnión General de Trabajadores(UGT) was chiefly restricted to theMadrid-Biscay-Asturiastriangle up until the 1910s.The obtaining of a seat at the Congress by Pablo Iglesias at the1910 Spanish general electionin which the PSOE candidates presented within the broadRepublican–Socialist Conjunctionbecame a development of great symbolical transcendence and gave the party more publicity at the national level.

Julián Besteiro,Daniel Anguiano, Andrés Saborit andFrancisco Largo Caballeroin the prison of Cartagena in 1918

The PSOE and the UGT took a leading role in the general strike of August 1917 in the context of the events leading to theSpanish crisis of 1917during the conservative government ofEduardo Dato.The strike was crushed by the army as a result of further undermining of the constitutional order.The members of the organizing committee (Julián Besteiro,Francisco Largo Caballero,Daniel AnguianoandAndrés Saborit) were accused ofseditionand sentenced tolife imprisonment.Sent to the prison ofCartagena,they were released a year later after being elected to theCortesin the1918 Spanish general election.During the 1919−1921 crisis of the socialist internationals, the party experienced tensions between the members endorsing theSocialist Internationaland the advocates for joining theCommunist International.Two consecutive splits of dissidents willing to join the Communist International, namely theSpanish Communist Partyin 1920and theSpanish Communist Workers' Partyin 1921,broke away from the PSOE and soon merged to create theCommunist Party of Spain(PCE). The PSOE was a member of theLabour and Socialist Internationalbetween 1923 and 1940.

After the death of Pablo Iglesias in 1925, Julián Besteiro replaced him as president of both the PSOE and the UGT. During the 1923–1930 dictatorship ofMiguel Primo de Rivera,corporatistPSOE and UGT elements were willing to engage in limited collaboration with the regime, against the political stance defended by other socialists such asIndalecio PrietoandFernando de los Ríos,who instead advocated a closer collaboration withrepublicanforces.The last years of the dictatorship saw a divergence emerge among the corporatist which was personified byFrancisco Largo Caballero,who began to endorse the rapport with bourgeois republicans; and Julián Besteiro, who continued to show great distrust towards them.Besteiro's refusal to participate in the Revolutionary Committee led to his resignation as president both of the party and the trade union in February 1931.He was replaced as president of the party byRemigio Cabello.

Second Republic and Civil War (1931–1939)

The PSOE entered the provisional government of the Second Republic in 1931 withIndalecio Prieto,Fernando de los Ríosand Largo Caballero as ministers

After the proclamation of theSecond Spanish Republicon 14 April 1931, three PSOE members were included in the cabinet of theprovisional government,namelyIndalecio Prieto(Finance),Fernando de los Ríos(Education) andFrancisco Largo Caballero(Labour). The socialist presence remained in the rest of cabinets of theSocial-Azañist Biennium(1931–1933).

After theNovember 1933 general electionwhich marked a win for the centre-right forces in a climate of increasing polarization and growing unemployment, along with a desire to make amends for the mistake of not having sided with the republicans in the election against the united right, Largo Caballero adopted arevolutionaryrhetoric, calling for violent revolution and a transitionarydictatorship of the proletariat.Indalecio Prieto had also participated in the increasingly aggressive rhetoric, having already condemned the heavy-hand repression of the December 1933 largely anarchist uprising by the government, that has been cheered on by theCEDAleaders on parliament.TheSocialist Youth of Spain(JSE) also engaged into a shrilling revolutionary rhetoric while Besteiro firmly opposed the insurrectionary drift of the militancy.

Workers arrested bycivil guardsandassault guardsduring the1934 Asturian revolutionary strike

The formation of a new cabinet that included CEDA ministers in October 1934 was perceived among the left as areaction,with the CEDA party being indistinguishable from contemporaryfascismto most workerswhile CEDA leaderGil-Robleshad advocated the establishment of a corporative state already in the 1933 electoral campaign.The UGT called for a nationwide general strike for 5 October which developed into a full-blown insurrection (theRevolution of 1934) in the mining region of Asturias which was vocally supported by socialists such as Largo Caballero and Prieto. After the end of the revolt, whose repression was entrusted to generalsFrancisco FrancoandManuel Goded,most PSOE and UGT leaders were jailed.

Francisco Largo Caballero chairing a meeting of the Council of Ministers during wartime

A growing rift between Prieto and Largo Caballero (with disparate views of politics, albeit sharing a general pragmatist approach) formed in 1935 while Besteiro's hold on the party diminished significantly.Followers of Indalecio Prieto would ultimately become "estranged from the party left".The PSOE formed part of the broad left-wingPopular Frontelectoral coalition that stood for election in the1936 Spanish general electionand achieved a victory in seats over the right.

In September 1936, a few months into theSpanish Civil War(which lasted until 1939), a cabinet presided over by Largo Caballero was formed (he also held the functions of Minister of War). In November, Largo Caballero succeeded in bringing someCNTmembers into his government. The left socialistcaballeristaswere revolutionary in rhetoric, although in reality they proposed moderate reformist policies while in government.TheMay Daysof 1937 in Barcelona destabilised the government which was replaced by a new cabinet led byJuan Negrín,another socialist.

Clandestinity and exile (1939–1974)

Rodolfo Llopisled the PSOE in exile for nearly three decades

With the PSOE reduced to clandestinity during theFrancoist dictatorship,its members were persecuted, with many leaders, members and supporters being imprisoned or exiled and even executed. Prime Minister Negrín fled to France in March 1939 after the final collapse of the Republican front and his fall from office.The aging and ill Julián Besteiro, who preferred to stay in Spain over exile, died in a Francoist prison in 1940.Julián Zugazagoitia,government minister in 1937–1938, was captured in exile by theGestapo,handed over to Spain and executed in 1940. The party was legalised again only in 1977 during theSpanish transition to democracy.

Disputes between the followers of Indalecio Prieto (who had exiled to Mexico) and Juan Negrín over the political strategy of theRepublican government in exilesoon arose. Negrín, whose 1937–1939 spell at the government in wartime was seen negatively by large elements of bothcaballeristaandprietistaextraction, had become vilified.The party was re-organized along new lines in 1944 in the 1st Congress in Exile that took place inToulouseand in whichRodolfo Llopisbecame the party's new secretary-general.

The PSOE congresses in exile during the post-war period were marked by stronganti-communistpositions as a reflection of how the exiles remembered the last events of the Civil War (which featured bitter strifes with the communists) and in line with the stance of other parties of theSocialist Internationalduring theCold War,neglecting any kind of rapprochement with theCommunist Party of Spain(PCE).The relative void left in Spain by the PSOE, with a Toulouse-based direction lacking in dynamism and innovation, was filled by the PCE and other new clandestine organizations such as theAgrupación Socialista Universitaria(ASU), thePopular Liberation Front(FELIPE) or later theEnrique Tierno Galván'sSocialist Party of the Interior.The Toulouse executive board became increasingly detached from the party in Spain in the 1960s an insurmountable chasm between the former and the party in the interior was already defined by 1972.

Return to democracy

González leadership (1974–1996)

Felipe Gonzálezduring a speech in 1977

The 25th party congress was held inToulousein August 1972. In 1974,Felipe Gonzálezwas elected Secretary-General at the 26th party congress inSuresnes,replacing Llopis. González was from the reform wing of the party and his victory signaled a defeat for the historic and veteran wing of the party. The direction of the PSOE shifted from the exiles to the young people in Spain who had not fought the war.Llopis led a schism to form theSpanish Socialist Workers' Party (historic).González showed intentions to move the party away from its Marxist and socialist background, turning the PSOE into a social-democratic party, similar to those of the rest of western Europe. In 1977, the PSOE became the unofficialoppositionleading party with 29.2% of the vote and 118 seats in theCortes Generales(which until then it had been the PCE, leading more aggressively among a larger representation of underground parties since the last free popular vote during the Civil War on Republican territory). Their standing was further boosted in 1978 when thePopular Socialist Partyagreed to merge into the PSOE.

At the 27th party congress in May 1979, González resigned because the party would not abandon its Marxist character. In September of that year, the extraordinary 28th congress was called in which González was re-elected when the party agreed to move away from Marxism. Western European social-democratic parties supported González's stand and theSocial Democratic Party of Germanygranted them money. PSOE party symbol was changed from the anvil with the book to the social democraticfist and rosecreated in the FrenchSocialist Party,redrawn for the PSOE byJosé María Cruz Novillo.In the1978 Spanish constitutional referendum,the PSOE supported theSpanish constitutionwhich was approved. In the1979 Spanish general election,the PSOE gained 30.5% of the vote and 121 seats, remaining the main opposition party. In the1982 Spanish general election,the PSOE was victorious with 48.1% of the vote (10,127,392 total). González becamePrime Minister of Spainon 2 December, a position he held until May 1996.

Although the party had opposedNATO,most party leaders supported keeping Spain inside the organisation after reaching the government. The González administration organised a referendum on the question in 1986, calling for a favourable vote, and won. The administration was criticised for avoiding the official names ofNorth Atlantic Treaty OrganisationandNATO,using the unofficialAtlantic Allianceterms. A symbol of this U-turn isJavier Solanawho campaigned against NATO but ended up years later as its Secretary General. The PSOE supported the United States in theGulf War(1991). PSOE won the 1986, 1989 and 1993 general elections. Under the Gonzalez administration, public expenditure on education, health, and pensions rose in total by 4.1 points of the country's GDP between 1982 and 1992.

Economic crisis andstate terrorism(GAL) against the violent separatist groupETAeroded the popularity of González. In the1996 Spanish general election,the PSOE lost to the conservativePeople's Party(PP) (PP). Between 1996 and 2001, the PSOE weathered a crisis, with Gonzalez resigning in 1997. The PSOE suffered a heavy defeat in the2000 Spanish general election,with 34.7% of the popular vote. However, the PSOE remained as the ruling party in theautonomous communitiesofAndalusia,Asturias,Castilla-La ManchaandExtremadura.

Zapatero and Rubalcaba leadership (2000–2014)

Main article:Governments of Rodríguez Zapatero

In 2000,José Luis Rodríguez Zapaterowas elected as the newSecretary-General,reforming the party. Later, the PSOE won the2003 Spanish local elections.The PSOE strongly opposed theIraq Warwhich was supported by theAznar government.

José Luis Rodríguez Zapateroduring the 2010 Progressive Governance Conference

In the2003 Catalan regional election,the PSOE'sSocialists' Party of Catalonia(PSC) increased its vote total, but ended up in second place afterConvergence and Union.After a period of negotiations, the party formed a pact with theInitiative for Catalonia Greens,theRepublican Left of Cataloniaand theUnited and Alternative Left,governing Catalonia until 2010.

In the2004 Spanish general election,the PSOE won with almost 43% of the votes following the11Mterrorist (11 March) attacks. It was alleged by PP that the PSOE, with the help of the national newspaperEl País,did not observe the "reflection journey" which forbade political parties from trying to sway public opinion (forbidden by Spanish law), calling the opposing political party "assassins" and blaming the terrorist attack on them. The PSOE maintained their lead in the2004 European Parliament election.

In 2005, the PSOE called for a yes vote on theEuropean Constitution.The PSOE also favoured the negotiations between the government and the ETA during the 2006 cease-fire which had ade factoend with theMadrid–Barajas Airportterrorist attack.In the2008 Spanish general election,the PSOE won again, with Zapatero remaining prime minister. The PSOE increased their share of seats in theCongress of Deputiesfrom 164 to 169 after the latest election.

PSOE leading figures during the38th Federal Congress of the PSOEin whichAlfredo Pérez Rubalcaba(centre) was elected as Secretary-General

After waning popularity throughout their second term, mainly due to their handling of the worsening economic climate in Spain in the aftermath of the2007–2008 financial crisis,the PSOE was defeated in the2011 Spanish general electionby the conservative People's Party.Shortly after, anextraordinary congresswas held in whichAlfredo Pérez Rubalcaba,former Deputy to Zapatero and Minister of the Interior, was elected Secretary-General defeatingCarme Chacón,the other candidate, who stood for the Zapatero platform. This victory caused huge internal divisions and weakened the party's external image.

In 2013, the PSOE held a political conference which introduced a completely new platform, widely seen as a move to the left in an attempt to regain votes from parties such as theUnited Left,whose popularity rose steadily due to the general discontent with the two-party system and spending cuts. That platform was the basis for the2014 European Parliament electionmanifesto, promoted as a solid alternative to the conservative plan for Europe. The expectations inside the party which choseElena Valencianoas their election candidate were optimistic, but the PSOE suffered another defeat due to the appearance of new parties such asPodemoswhich managed to gain the support of left-wing voters, with PSOE winning 14 seats. Shortly thereafter, Rubalcaba resigned as Secretary-General and anExtraordinary Congresswas convoked.

Sánchez leadership (2014–present)

This party congresswas the first to use aprimary electionsystem with three candidates, namelyPedro Sánchez,Eduardo MadinaandJosé Antonio Pérez Tapias.Sánchez was elected with 49% of the vote of the affiliates and therefore became Secretary-General on 27 July 2014.

In the2015 Spanish municipal elections,the PSOE won 25% of the vote, one of its worst results since the restoration of democracy. Together with the fall of the People's Party which won 27% of votes, it meant the end of the two-party system in Spain in favor of new parties. The PSOE alone lost 943 councilors. The2015 Spanish general electionproduced ahung parliamentbroken into four major parties. Due to the large increase of parties such as Podemos (left) andCitizens(centre-right), the PSOE got about 20% of the vote, its worst result since democracy was restored. The parliament was so fragmented that no government could be formed and six months later new elections were held. The2016 Spanish general electionresulted in the PSOE losing a further five seats despite gaining 0.6% of the vote (still the party's second-worst popular vote total after 2015 since the restoration of democracy), leaving the party with 85 seats in the parliament, their lowest total since the restoration of democracy and the fewest since the1933inRepublican Spainleft the party with 59 seats in the 473-member parliament.

Pedro Sánchez(who led the party through itscrisis in 2016) singingThe Internationaleafter winning the 2017 primary election for Secretary-General

With the exception of the2015 Andalusian regional election,elections held during the early leadership of Sánchez were losses for the PSOE. In addition, the policy of pacts conducted by Sánchez after the 2016 general election, based on Sánchez's outright refusal to facilitate a People's Party government, caused a faction within the party critical of Sánchez to gain momentum, led by President ofAndalusiaSusana Díaz.On 28 September 2016, the Secretary of Federal Policy Antonio Pradas went to the party's headquarters and presented theen blocresignation of 17 members of the Federal Executive and the demands of those who resigned for the party to be run by an interim manager and to pressure Sánchez to resign as secretary-general. The Executive later lost two more members in theen blocresignation, bringing the total number of resignations to 19. Resigning executives included the president of the partyMicaela Navarro,the former MinisterCarme Chacón,the President ofValenciaXimo Puigand the President ofCastilla–La ManchaEmiliano García-Page.This launched the2016 PSOE crisis.On the afternoon of 1 October 2016, after holding a tense Federal Committee meeting, Sánchez resigned as party General-Secretary, forcing anextraordinary party congressto choose a new General-Secretary. That night, it was reported that an interim manager would be chosen, later confirmed to be the President ofAsturiasJavier Fernández Fernández.Sánchez announced his intention to run for General-Secretary of the party as did Susana Díaz (one of the leaders of the anti-Sánchez faction of the party) andPatxi López,former President of theBasque Autonomous Community.At the 39th federal congress in June 2017, Díaz received 48.3% of endorsements, outpacing both Sánchez (43.0% of endorsements) and López (8.7% of endorsements), but Sánchez won an absolute majority of the party's popular vote at 50.3% (Díaz received 39.9% and López 9.8%). Both Díaz and López withdrew before the delegate vote, returning Sánchez as the General-Secretary and ending the crisis. Sánchez won every region of Spain except for the home regions of López and Díaz.

In mid-2018, theNational Courtfound that the conservative People's Party profited from the illegal kickbacks-for-contracts scheme of theGürtel case,confirming the existence of an illegal accounting and financing structure that ran in parallel with the party's official one since 1989 and that sentenced that the PP helped to establish "a genuine and effective system of institutional corruption through the manipulation of central, autonomous and local public procurement". The PSOE Parliamentary Group in the Congress of Deputies filed amotion of no confidenceagainst the government of Prime MinisterMariano Rajoy,presenting Sánchez as alternative candidate. The PSOE's motion passed with the support ofUnidos Podemos(UP),Republican Left of Catalonia(ERC),Catalan European Democratic Party(PDeCAT),Basque Nationalist Party(PNV),Coalició Compromís,EH BilduandNew Canaries(NCa), bringing down the Rajoy government. The PP voted against the proposal, joined byCitizens(C's), theNavarrese People's Union(UPN) and theAsturias Forum(FAC). TheCanarian Coalition(CC) abstained. Following the successful motion of no confidence, Sánchez became prime minister on 2 June 2018 in a minority government. In December 2018, the PSOE'sbranch in Andalusiawas defeated in the2018 Andalusian regional electionfor the first time since the restoration of democracy, with a centre-right coalition of PP, C's and the resurgentright-wing nationalistsVoxtaking power in the region.

For most of his first term as prime minister, Sánchez relied on support from the UP and the NC to get his agenda passed, occasionally being forced into negotiating with the Catalan separatist parties the ERC and the PDeCAT and the PNV on individual issues. In February 2019, the ERC, the PDeCAT andEn Mareawithdrew their support of Sánchez's government by voting against and helping defeat the 2019General State Budgetand Sánchez called an early election for 28 April 2019. TheApril 2019 Spanish general electionresulted in victory for the PSOE, with the party winning 123 seats on 28.7% of the vote in the Cortes and an absolute majority of 139 in the Senate, gains of 38 and 79 seats respectively. The PSOE also finished eight percentage points ahead of the PP which finished second in both seats and in the popular vote. At election night, party supporters demanded Sánchez to reject any coalition with Cs.On the same day as the April 2019 general election, the2019 Valencian regional electionresulted in theValencian branch of the PSOEbeing re-elected in coalition with theValencianistpartyCompromísand UP.

On 26 May 2019, the PSOE became the largest Spanish party in theEuropean Parliamentfollowing the2019 European Parliament election.The PSOE gained six seats to bring their total to 20 and won all but eight provinces in the country. 26 May also sawregional electionsfor every region in the country except Valencia, Catalonia, Andalusia, the Basque Country and Galicia. In every region, the PSOE gained seats and votes from the 2015 regional elections. The PSOE finished first in terms of votes and seats in every region except forCantabria,where theRegionalist Party of Cantabria(PRC) finished first and the PSOE third behind the PP; andNavarra,where the conservative regionalistNA+finished first and theSocialist Party of Navarrefinished second. PSOE governments were re-elected inCastilla-La ManchaandExtremadura,with the party receiving an absolute majority of seats in both regions. The party took over the Presidency of theCanary Islandswith the support ofNew CanariesandPodemos,ending 26 years ofCanarian Coalitiongovernment. On the same date, the PSOE became the largest party in themunicipalitiesfollowing thelocal elections.

Following months of political deadlock, Sánchez called a second general election in seven months. In theNovember 2019 Spanish general election,the PSOE lost only three members of parliament and 0.7% of the popular vote in the election, but the PP and VOX gained 23 and 28 seats respectively, further worsening the deadlock. As of 23 December, there was still no government in place, although members of PSOE, PSC and UP have voted overwhelmingly to join in a coalition government, agreed to by Sánchez and UP Secretary-GeneralPablo Iglesias Turrión.On 5 January 2020, the PSOE–UP government failed its first investiture vote, with 166 votes in favor and 165 opposed with 18 abstentions and one UP parliamentarian absent, therefore the government fell short of an absolute majority. On 7 January, the investiture motion, this time requiring only asimple majority,passed with 167 votes in favour and 165 against. PSOE, UP,En Comú Podem,Grupo Común da Esquerda,PNV,Más País,Compromís, NCa, theGalician Nationalist Bloc(BNG) andTeruel Existe(TE) voted in favor of the government, with PP, Vox, Cs,Together for Catalonia(JxCat), thePopular Unity Candidacy(CUP), NA+, CC, PRC and FAC voting against while ERC and EH Bildu both abstained.

On 2021, PSOE started apodcastcalledDonde hay partido.

Ideology

From Marxism to social democracy

Pablo Iglesias founded the party in 1879

The PSOE was founded with the purpose of representing and defending the interests of theproletariatformed during theIndustrial Revolutionin the 19th century.In its beginnings, the PSOE's main objective was the defense of worker's rights and the achievement of the ideals ofsocialism,emerging from contemporary philosophy andMarxistpolitics, by securingpolitical powerfor theworking classand establish adictatorship of the proletariatin order to achieve social ownership of themeans of production.The ideology of the PSOE has evolved throughout the 20th century according to relevant historical events and the evolution of Spanish society.

In 1979, the party abandoned its definitive Marxist thesis at the hands of its Secretary-GeneralFelipe González,not before overcoming great tensions and two party congresses, the first of which preferred to maintain Marxism. Before this situation, notable internal leaders such asPablo CastellanoandLuis Gómez Llorentefounded the internal faction of Left Socialists which included the militants who would not renounce Marxism. This allowed for the consolidation of the leftist forces in the PSOE. From this moment, the diverse events both outside and within the party led to projects that resembled those of other Europeansocial-democraticparties and acceptance of the defence of the market economy. Thedemocratic socialistfaction has been especially critical of the party'sThird Waymove to the centre starting in the 1980s for itseconomic liberalnature, denouncing the policies ofderegulation,cuts in social benefits, andprivatisations.

The PSOE defines itself as social democratic,left-wingandprogressive.It is grouped with other self-styled socialists, social democrats and labour parties in theParty of European Socialists,and supportspro-Europeanism.During his shift to the left in 2017, party leaderPedro Sánchezstood for a refoundation of social democracy in order to transition to apost-capitalistsociety and endneoliberalcapitalismas well as for the indissoluble link between social democracy and Europe.

Federalism

During theSecond Spanish Republic,the structure of the state was still open within the party, with two differing views, namely acentralistview as well as afederalone competing against one another.The later years of theFrancoist dictatorshipsaw a period in which the PSOE defended the right to "self-determination of the peoples of Spain", as a reflection of a newer ideological and apragmatistapproach of the party.Ultimately, the party, while sticking to their preference for a federal system, gradually ceased to mention the notion ofself-determinationduring theSpanish transition to democracy.Ideas in support of to the independence of theautonomous territoriesofCatalonia,theBasque CountryandGalicia,have been adopted by some elements of the party, while the others in the PSOE are heavily critical of said notions, because, as they see it, the principle of territorial equality among the autonomous communities would be under threat if the autonomous territories becameindependent.

Electoral performance

Restoration and Republican Cortes

Restoration Cortes(1876–1923) Republican Cortes(1931–1939)
Election	Leading candidate	Coalition	Seats	+/–	Status
1907	Pablo Iglesias Posse	None	0 / 404	0	No seats
1910		withinCRS	1 / 404	1	Opposition
1914		withinCRS	1 / 408	0	Opposition
1916		withinCRS	1 / 409	0	Opposition
1918		withinAI	6 / 409	5	Opposition
1919		withinCRS	6 / 409	0	Opposition
1920		None	4 / 409	2	Opposition
1923		None	7 / 409	3	Opposition
1931	Francisco Largo Caballero	withinCRS	116 / 470	109	Coalition(1931–1933)
					Opposition(1933)
1933		None	59 / 473	57	Opposition
1936	Indalecio Prieto	withinFP	99 / 473	40	Opposition(1936)
					Coalition(1936–1939)

Cortes Generales

Cortes Generales
Election	Leading candidate	Congress				Senate		Government
		Votes	%	Seats	+/–	Seats	+/–
1977	Felipe González	5,371,866	29.32 (#2)	118 / 350	—	54 / 207	—	Opposition
1979		5,469,813	30.40 (#2)	121 / 350	3	69 / 208	15	Opposition
1982		10,127,392	48.11 (#1)	202 / 350	81	134 / 208	65	Majority
1986		8,901,718	44.06 (#1)	184 / 350	18	124 / 208	10	Majority
1989		8,115,568	39.60 (#1)	175 / 350	9	107 / 208	17	Minority
1993		9,150,083	38.78 (#1)	159 / 350	16	96 / 208	11	Minority
1996		9,425,678	37.63 (#2)	141 / 350	18	81 / 208	15	Opposition
2000	Joaquín Almunia	7,918,752	34.16 (#2)	125 / 350	16	60 / 208	21	Opposition
2004	José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero	11,026,163	42.59 (#1)	164 / 350	39	89 / 208	29	Minority
2008		11,289,335	43.87 (#1)	169 / 350	5	96 / 208	7	Minority
2011	Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba	7,003,511	28.76 (#2)	110 / 350	59	54 / 208	42	Opposition
2015	Pedro Sánchez	5,545,315	22.00 (#2)	90 / 350	20	47 / 208	7	Snap election
2016		5,443,846	22.63 (#2)	85 / 350	5	43 / 208	4	Opposition(2016–2018)
								Minority(2018–2019)
Apr. 2019		7,513,142	28.67 (#1)	123 / 350	38	123 / 208	81	Snap election
Nov. 2019		6,792,199	28.00 (#1)	120 / 350	3	93 / 208	30	Coalition
2023		7,821,718	31.68 (#2)	121 / 350	1	72 / 208	21	Coalition

European Parliament

European Parliament
Election	Leading candidate	Votes	%	Seats	+/–	EP Group
1987	Fernando Morán	7,522,706	39.06 (#1)	28 / 60	New	SOC
1989		6,275,552	39.57 (#1)	27 / 60	1
1994		5,719,707	30.79 (#2)	22 / 64	5	PES
1999	Rosa Díez	7,477,823	35.33 (#2)	24 / 64	2
2004	Josep Borrell	6,741,112	43.46 (#1)	25 / 54	1
2009	Juan Fernando López Aguilar	6,141,784	38.78 (#2)	23 / 54	8	S&D
2014	Elena Valenciano	3,614,232	23.01 (#2)	14 / 54	9
2019	Josep Borrell	7,369,789	32.86 (#1)	21 / 59	7
2024	Teresa Ribera	5,290,945	30.20 (#2)	20 / 61	1

Results timeline

Year	ES	EU		AN	AR	AS	CN	CB	CM	CL	CT	CE	EX	GL	IB	RI	MD	ML	MC	NC	PV	CV
1977	29.3	N/A		N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A
1978
1979	30.4																			18.9
1980											22.4										14.2
1981														19.6
1982	48.1			52.6
1983					46.8	52.0	41.5	38.4	46.7	44.4			53.0		34.7	47.2	50.5		52.2	35.6		51.4
1984											30.1										23.0
1985														28.7
1986	44.1			47.0																	22.0
1987		39.1			35.7	38.9	27.8	29.6	46.3	34.0			49.2		32.5	39.6	38.4		43.7	27.7		41.3
1988											29.8
1989	39.6	39.6												32.7
1990				49.6																	19.8
1991					40.3	41.0	33.0	34.8	52.2	36.4			54.2		30.1	42.4	36.6		45.3	33.4		42.8
1992											27.5
1993	38.8													23.7
1994		30.8		38.7																	16.8
1995					25.7	33.8	23.1	25.1	45.7	29.7	24.9	13.1	43.9		24.0	34.1	29.7	19.9	31.9	20.9		34.0
1996	37.6			44.1
1997														19.5
1998																					17.4
1999		35.3			30.8	46.0	24.0	33.1	53.4	33.1	37.9	7.4	48.5		22.0	35.3	36.4	9.4	35.9	20.3		33.9
2000	34.2			44.3
2001														21.8							17.8
2002
2003					37.9	40.5	25.4	30.0	57.8	36.8	31.2	8.7	51.7		24.5	38.2	40.0	12.0	34.1	21.2		36.0
																	39.0
2004	42.6	43.5		50.4
2005														33.2							22.5
2006											26.8
2007					41.1	42.0	34.5	24.5	52.0	37.7		8.7	53.0		27.6	40.4	33.6	18.2	32.0	22.5		34.5
2008	43.9			48.4
2009		38.8												31.0							30.4
2010											18.4
2011	28.8				29.0	29.9	21.0	16.4	43.4	29.7		11.7	43.4		21.4	30.3	26.3	8.6	23.9	15.9		28.0
2012				39.6		32.1					14.4			20.6							18.9
2013
2014		23.0
2015	22.0			35.4	21.4	26.5	19.9	14.0	36.1	25.9	12.7	14.0	41.5		18.9	26.7	25.4	12.6	23.9	13.4		20.6
2016	22.6													17.9							11.9
2017											13.9
2018				27.9
2019	28.7	32.9			30.8	35.3	28.9	17.6	44.1	34.8		25.6	46.8		27.4	38.7	27.3	14.4	32.5	20.6		24.2
	28.0
2020														19.4							13.5
2021											23.0						16.8
2022				24.1						30.1
2023	31.7				29.6	36.5	27.2	20.6	45.1			21.0	39.9		26.5	31.9	18.2	10.7	25.6	20.7		28.7
2024		30.2									28.0			14.0							14.1
Year	ES	EU		AN	AR	AS	CN	CB	CM	CL	CT	CE	EX	GL	IB	RI	MD	ML	MC	NC	PV	CV
Boldindicates best result to date. To be decided Present in legislature (in opposition) Junior coalition partner Senior coalition partner

Organization

Former logos

• 
  1976–1977 (provisional)
• 
  1977–2001 (co-existed with the 1994 logo until 2001)
• 
  1994–2001
• 
  2013–2015 (variation)
• 
  2017 (variation)
• 
  2019 (variation)

Leaders

TheSecretary Generalis the head of the party as well as its parliamentary chair.

President Term Pablo Iglesias 1879–1925 Julián Besteiro 1925–1931 Remigio Cabello 1931–1932 Francisco Largo Caballero 1932–1935 Indalecio Prieto 1935–1948 Trifón Gómez 1948–1955 Vacant 1955–1964 Pascual Tomás 1964–1967 Ramón Rubial 1967–1970 In exile 1970–1976 Ramón Rubial 1976–1999 Manuel Chaves 1999–2012 José Antonio Griñán 2012–2014 Micaela Navarro 2014–2016 Cristina Narbona 2017–present

Secretary-General Term Ramón Lamoneda 1936–1944 Rodolfo Llopis 1944–1972 In exile 1972–1974 Felipe González 1974–1997 Joaquín Almunia 1997–2000 José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero 2000–2012 Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba 2012–2014 Pedro Sánchez 2014–2016; 2017–present

Deputy Secretary-General Term Alfonso Guerra 1979–1997 Vacant 1997–2008 Pepe Blanco 2008–2012 Elena Valenciano 2012–2014 Vacant 2014–2017 Adriana Lastra 2017–2022 María Jesús Montero 2022–present

Prime Ministers of Spain Term Francisco Largo Caballero 1936–1937 Juan Negrín López 1937–1939 Felipe González 1982–1996 José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero 2004–2011 Pedro Sánchez 2018–present

Regional secretary-generals

• Andalusia:Juan Espadas(since 2021)
• Aragon:Javier Lambán(since 2012)
• Asturias:Adrián Barbón(since 2017)
• Balearic Islands:Francina Armengol(since 2012)
• Basque Country:Eneko Andueza(since 2021)
• Canary Islands:Ángel Víctor Torres(since 2017)
• Cantabria:Pablo Zuloaga(since 2017)
• Castile and León:Luis Tudanca(since 2014)
• Castilla-La Mancha:Emiliano García-Page(since 2012)
• Catalonia:Salvador Illa(since 2021)
• Ceuta:Vacant(since 2024)
• Community of Madrid:Juan Lobato(since 2021)
• Extremadura:Miguel Ángel Gallardo(since 2024)
• Galicia:José Ramón Gómez Besteiro(since 2024)
• La Rioja:Concha Andreu(since 2021)
• Melilla:Sabrina Moh Abdelkader(since 2024)
• Murcia:José Vélez(since 2021)
• Navarre:María Chivite(since 2014)
• Valencian Community:Diana Morant(since 2024)

Notable members

For a list of all PSOE members with an English Wikipedia article, seeCategory:Spanish Socialist Workers' Party politicians.

Terms

• Baron:unofficial term for the party's regional leaders. They can be very powerful, especially if they run an autonomous community. There have been conflicts between barons and the central directorate in the past. SomebaronswerePasqual Maragall(Catalonia), who did not run for re-election in 2006;Juan Carlos Rodríguez Ibarra(Extremadura), who did not run for re-election in 2007;Manuel Chaves(Andalusia), who renounced Andalucia's presidency in 2009 to assume the Third Vice Presidency of the Spanish Government; andJosé Montilla(Catalonia). The termbaronis more colloquial than official, representing the great power regional leaders have in the party, but it has been falling out of use since 2016.
• Compañero( "companion", "comrade" ): a term of address among Socialists, analogous to the Englishcomradeand the Russiantovarisch.
• There have been several currents or internal groups within the PSOE based on personal or ideological affinities. Some of them have ended with separation from the PSOE. The failed trial ofprimary electionsfor PSOE candidates was an attempt to conciliate currents. Examples of currents areGuerristas(followers ofAlfonso Guerra),Renovadores(Renewers, right-wing of the party) orIzquierda Socialista(Socialist Left).

See also

• List of political parties in Spain
• Politics of Spain
• First Congress of the PSOE

References

Informational notes

Citations

Bibliography

• Álvarez Junco, José(2018)."Pablo Iglesias".In Adrian Shubert; José Álvarez Junco (eds.).The History of Modern Spain: Chronologies, Themes, Individuals.Bloomsbury Publishing.pp. 414–420.ISBN978-1-4725-9198-2.
• Anttiroiko, Ari-Veikko; Mälkiä, Matti (2007),Encyclopedia of Digital Government,Idea Group Inc (IGI), 1916,ISBN978-1-59140-790-4
• Amoretti, Ugo M.; Bermeo, Nancy Gina (2004),Federalism and Territorial Cleavages,JHU Press, p. 498,ISBN9780801874086
• Bueno Aguado, Mario (2016)."Del PSOE (Histórico) al PASOC. Un acercamiento a su evolución política e ideológica (1972-1986)".Stvdia Historica. Historia Contemporánea.34.Salamanca:University of Salamanca.ISSN0213-2087.
• Campoy-Cubillo, Adolfo (2012),Memories of the Maghreb: Transnational Identities in Spanish Cultural Production,Palgrave Macmillan, 230,ISBN9781137028150
• Casanova, Julián;Gil Andrés, Carlos (2014) [2009].Twentieth-Century Spain: A History.(translated by Martin Douch).Cambridge University Press.ISBN978-1-107-01696-5.
• Egido León, Ángeles (2011)."La II República: la caída de la monarquía y el proceso constituyente. El bienio republicano-socialista".Historia Contemporánea de España desde 1923: Dictadura y democracia.Madrid: Editorial Universitaria Ramón Areces &UNED.p. 27.ISBN978-84-9961-037-5.
• Field, Bonnie N.; Botti, Alfonso (2013),Politics and Society in Contemporary Spain: From Zapatero to Rajoy,Palgrave Macmillan, 256,ISBN978-1-137-30662-3
• Gibbons, John (1999),Spanish Politics Today,Manchester University Press, 174,ISBN9780719049460
• Gil Pecharromán, Julio(2016)."Prólogo".El quiebro del PSOE (1933-1934). Tomo 1: Del gobierno a la revolución.by Víctor Manuel Arbeloa (main author). Madrid: ACCI.ISBN978-84-15705-64-2.
• Graham, Helen(1988). "The Spanish Socialist Party in Power and the Government of Juan Negrín, 1937-9".European History Quarterly.18(2): 175–206.doi:10.1177/026569148801800203.S2CID145387965.
• Heywood, Paul(1987). "Mirror-images: The PCE and PSOE in the transition to democracy in Spain".West European Politics.10(2): 193–210.doi:10.1080/01402388708424627.
• — (2002) [1990].Marxism and the Failure of Organised Socialism in Spain, 1879-1936.Cambridge University Press.ISBN0-521-37492-8.
• Hoyos Puente, Jorge de (2016)."La evolución del negrinismo en el exilio republicano en México".Historia y Política: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales(36). Madrid:UCM;CEPC&UNED:313–337.doi:10.18042/hp.36.13.ISSN1575-0361.
• Ruiz Jiménez, Antonia M.; Egea de Haro, Alfonso (2011). "Spain: Euroscepticism in a Pro-European Country?".South European Society and Politics.16(1): 105–131.doi:10.1080/13608741003594379.S2CID154858489.
• Juliá, Santos(1983)."Corporativistas obreros y reformadores políticos: crisis y escisión del PSOE en la II República".Stvdia Historica. Historia Contemporánea.1.Salamanca:University of Salamanca:41–52.ISSN0213-2087.
• Molina Jiménez, Daniel (2013)."La cuestión territorial en el PSOE durante la II República".Estudios Humanísticos. Historia(12). León:University of León:259–287.doi:10.18002/ehh.v0i12.968.ISSN1696-0300.
• Preston, Paul(1978).The Coming of the Spanish Civil War.Macmillan.ISBN978-0-333-23724-3.
• Quiroga Fernández de Soto, Alejandro (2008)."Amistades peligrosas. La izquierda y los nacionalismos catalanes y vascos (1975-2008)".Historia y Política: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales(20). Madrid:UCM;CEPC&UNED:97–127.ISSN1575-0361.
• Robles Egea, Antonio (2015)."Las coaliciones de izquierdas en Francia y España (1899-1939)".Cahiers de civilisation espagnole contemporaine(2). Paris:Paris Nanterre University.doi:10.4000/ccec.5404.ISSN1957-7761.
• Romero Salvadó, Francisco J. (2010). "Spain's Revolutionary Crisis of 1917: A Reckless Gamble". In Francisco J. Romero Salvadó; Angel Smith (eds.).The Agony of Spanish Liberalism. From Revolution to Dictatorship 1913–23.Palgrave Macmillan.pp. 62–91.doi:10.1057/9780230274648.ISBN978-1-349-36383-4.
• Reynoso, Diego (2004),Votos ponderados: sistemas electorales y sobrerrepresentación distrital,FLACSO México, 249,ISBN978-970-701-521-0
• Tuñón de Lara, Manuel."Transformaciones Políticas e Ideológicas de España durante el Primer Tercio del Siglo XX (1898-1936)".Historia Contemporánea(4). Bilbao:University of the Basque Country:231–259.ISSN1130-2402.
• Vadillo, Julián (2007). "Desarrollo y debates en los grupos anarquistas de la FAI en el Madrid republicano".Germinal: Revista de estudios libertarios(4): 27–65.ISSN1886-3019.

External links

• Official website(in Spanish)