Wikipedia

Matrilineality

(Redirected fromMatriline)

Matrilinealityis the tracing ofkinshipthrough the female line. It may also correlate with asocial systemin which each person is identified with their matriline, their mother'slineage,and which can involve theinheritanceof property and titles. A matriline is aline of descentfrom afemaleancestorto adescendantof eithergenderin which the individuals in all intervening generations are mothers. In a matrilinealdescent system,an individual is considered to belong to the samedescent groupas their mother. This ancient matrilineal descent pattern is in contrast to the currently more popular pattern ofpatrilineal descentfrom which afamily nameis usually derived. Thematrilineof historical nobility was also called theirenaticoruterineancestry, corresponding to thepatrilinealor "agnatic" ancestry.

Early human kinship

edit

In the late 19th century, almost all prehistorians and anthropologists believed, followingLewis H. Morgan's influential bookAncient Society,that early human kinship everywhere was matrilineal.[1]This idea was taken up byFriedrich EngelsinThe Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State.The Morgan-Engels thesis that humanity's earliest domestic institution was not thefamilybut the matrilinealclansoon became incorporated intocommunist orthodoxy.In reaction, most 20th century social anthropologists considered the theory of matrilineal priority untenable,[2][3]although during the 1970s and 1980s, a range offeministscholars often attempted to revive it.[4]

In recent years,evolutionary biologists,geneticists andpalaeoanthropologistshave been reassessing the issues, many citing genetic and other evidence that early human kinship may have been matrilineal after all.[5][6][7][8]One crucial piece of indirect evidence has been genetic data suggesting that over thousands of years, women amongsub-Saharan Africanhunter-gatherers have chosen to reside postmaritally not with their husbands' family but with their own mother and other natal kin.[9]Another line of argument is that when sisters and their mothers help each other with childcare, the descent line tends to be matrilineal rather than patrilineal.[10]Biological anthropologists are now widely agreed that cooperative childcare was a development crucial in making possible the evolution of the unusually large human brain and characteristically human psychology.[11]Although others refute the claims of supporters of the universality ofmatrilocalityorpatrilocality,pointing out that hunter-gatherer societies have a flexiblephilopatryor practice multilocality, which in turn leads to a more egalitarian society, since both men and women have the right to choose with whom to live.[12][13]According to some data, pastoralists and farmers strongly gravitate towards patrilocality, so patrilocality is a common phenomenon among non-Pygmies.[14]But among some hunter-gatherers, patrilocality is less common than among farmers. So for example, among the pygmies of Aka, which includes Biaka and Benzene, a young couple usually settles in her husband's camp after the birth of their first child.[15]However, the husband can stay in the wife's community, where one of his brothers or sisters can join him. This can happen in societies where the bride's service is practiced, or in any other societies. According to the data above, some scientists also say that kinship and residence in hunter-gatherer societies are complex and multifaceted. For example, when re-checking past data (which were not very reliable), the researchers note that about 40% of the groups were bilocal, 22.9% were matrilocal and 25% were patrilocal.[16]A number of scientists also advocate multilocality, refuting the concepts of exceptional matrilocality (matrilineality) or patrilocality (patrilineality).[12][17]

Matrilineal surname

edit
Main article:Matriname
Further information:Extinction of surnames

Matrilinealsurnamesare names transmitted from mother to daughter, in contrast to the more familiarpatrilineal surnamestransmitted from father to son, the pattern most common amongfamily namestoday. For clarity and for brevity, the scientific termspatrilineal surnameandmatrilineal surnameare usually abbreviated aspatrinameandmatriname.[18]

Cultural patterns

edit

There appears to be some evidence for the presence of matrilineality inPre-Islamic Arabia,in a very limited number of the Arabian peoples (first of all among theAmoritesof Yemen, and among some strata ofNabateansin Northern Arabia);[19]

A modern example from South Africa is the order of succession to the position of theRain Queenin a culture ofmatrilineal primogeniture:not only isdynasticdescent reckoned through the female line, but only females are eligible to inherit.[20]

In some traditional societies and cultures, membership in their groups was – and, in the following list, stillisif shown initalics– inherited matrilineally. Examples include theCherokee,Choctaw,Gitksan,Haida,Hopi,Iroquois,Lenape,NavajoandTlingitofNorth America;theCabécarandBribriof Costa Rica; theNasoandKuna peopleof Panama; theKogi,WayuuandCaribof South America; theMinangkabaupeople ofWest Sumatra,IndonesiaandNegeri Sembilan,Malaysia;theTrobrianders,DobuandNagovisiof Melanesia; theNairs,someThiyyas&MuslimsofKeralaand theMogaveeras,Billavas& theBuntsofKarnatakain southIndia;theKhasi,JaintiaandGaroofMeghalayain northeast India andBangladesh;theNgalopsandSharchopsofBhutan;theMosuoofChina;theKayahof Southeast Asia, thePictiofScotland,theBasquesofSpainandFrance;theAinuofJapan,theAkanincluding theAshanti,Bono,Akwamu,FanteofGhana;most groups across the so-called "matrilineal belt"of south-central Africa; theNubiansof SouthernEgypt&Sudanand theTuaregof west and north Africa; theSererofSenegal,The GambiaandMauritania.

Clan names vs. surnames

edit

Most of the example cultures in this article are based on (matrilineal)clans.Any clan might possibly contain from one to several or manydescent groupsorfamily groups– i.e., any matrilineal clan might be descended from one or several or many unrelated female ancestors. Also, each such descent group might have its ownfamily nameorsurname,as one possible cultural pattern. The following two example cultures each follow a different pattern, however:

Example 1. Members of the (matrilineal) clan cultureMinangkabaudo not even have asurnameorfamily name,seethis culture's own sectionbelow. In contrast, members do have aclan name,which is important in their lives although not included in the member's name. Instead, one's name is just one'sgiven name.

Example 2. Members of the (matrilineal) clan cultureAkan,seeits own sectionbelow, also do not have matrilinealsurnamesand likewise their importantclan nameis not included in their name. However, members' names do commonly include second names whichare called surnamesbut which arenotroutinely passed down from either father or mother to all their children as afamily name.[21]

Note well that if a culture did include one'sclan namein one's name and routinely handed it down to all children in thedescent groupthen it would automaticallybethefamily nameorsurnamefor one's descent group (as well as for all other descent groups in one's clan).

Care of children

edit

While amothernormally takes care of her own children in all cultures, in some matrilineal cultures an "uncle-father" will take care of his nieces and nephews instead: in other wordssocial fathershere are uncles. There is not a necessary connection between the role of father and genitor. In many such matrilineal cultures, especially where residence is alsomatrilocal,a man will exercise guardianship rights not over the children he fathers but over his sisters' children, who are viewed as 'his own flesh'. These children's biological father – unlike an uncle who is their mother's brother and thus their caregiver – is in some sense a 'stranger' to them, even when affectionate and emotionally close.[22]

According toSteven Pinker,attributing to Kristen Hawkes, among foraging groups matrilocal societies are less likely to commit female infanticide than are patrilocal societies.[23]

Matrilineality in specific ethnic groups

edit

Africa

edit

Akan

edit
Main articles:Akan peopleandAbusua

Some 20 millionAkanlive in Africa, particularly inGhanaandIvory Coast.(See as well their subgroups, theAshanti,also called Asante,Akyem,Bono,Fante,Akwamu.) Many but not all of the Akan still (2001)[24][25]practice their traditional matrilineal customs, living in their traditionalextended familyhouseholds, as follows. The traditional Akan economic, political and social organization is based on maternal lineages, which are the basis of inheritance and succession. A lineage is defined as all those related bymatrilineal descentfrom a particular ancestress. Several lineages are grouped into apolitical unitheaded by a chief and a council of elders, each of whom is the elected head of a lineage – which itself may include multiple extended-family households. Public offices are thus vested in the lineage, as are land tenure and other lineage property. In other words, lineage property is inherited only by matrilineal kin.[24][26]

"The principles governing inheritance stress sex, generation and age – that is to say, men come before women and seniors before juniors." When a woman's brothers are available, a consideration of generational seniority stipulates that the line of brothers be exhausted before the right to inherit lineage property passes down to the next senior genealogical generation of sisters' sons. Finally, "it is when all possible male heirs have been exhausted that the females" may inherit.[27]

Each lineage controls the lineage land farmed by its members, functions together in the veneration of its ancestors, supervises marriages of its members, and settles internal disputes among its members.[28]

The political units above are likewise grouped into eight larger groups calledabusua(similar toclans), named Aduana, Agona, Asakyiri, Asenie, Asona, Bretuo, Ekuona and Oyoko. The members of eachabusuaare united by their belief that they are all descended from the same ancient ancestress. Marriage between members of the sameabusuais forbidden. One inherits or is a lifelong member of the lineage, the political unit, and theabusuaof one's mother, regardless of one's gender and/or marriage. Note that members and their spouses thus belong to differentabusuas,mother and children living and working in one household and their husband/father living and working in a different household.[24][26]

According to this source[27]of further information about the Akan, "A man is strongly related to his mother's brother (wɔfa) but only weakly related to his father's brother. This must be viewed in the context of apolygamoussociety in which the mother/child bond is likely to be much stronger than the father/child bond. As a result, in inheritance, a man's nephew (sister's son) will have priority over his own son. Uncle-nephew relationships therefore assume a dominant position. "[27]

Certain other aspects of the Akan culture are determinedpatrilineallyrather than matrilineally. There are 12 patrilinealNtoro(which means spirit) groups, and everyone belongs to their father's Ntoro group but not to his (matrilineal) family lineage andabusua.Each patrilineal Ntoro group has its own surnames,[29]taboos, ritual purifications, and etiquette.[26]

A recent (2001) book[24]provides this update on the Akan: Some families are changing from the aboveabusuastructure to thenuclear family.[30]Housing, childcare, education, daily work, and elder care etc. are then handled by that individual family rather than by theabusuaor clan, especially in the city.[31]The above taboo on marriage within one's abusua is sometimes ignored, but "clan membership" is still important,[30]with many people still living in theabusuaframework presented above.[24]

Guanches

edit
Main article:Guanches

TheBerberinhabitants ofGran Canariaisland had developed a matrilineal society by the time theCanary Islandsand their people, calledGuanches,were conquered by the Spanish.[32]

Serer

edit
Main article:Serer maternal clans

TheSerer peopleofSenegal,theGambiaandMauritaniaare patrilineal (simanGolinSerer language[33]) as well as matrilineal (tim[34]). There are severalSerer matriclansandmatriarchs.Some of these matriarchs includeFatim Beye(1335) andNdoye Demba(1367) – matriarchs of theJoos matriclanwhich also became a dynasty inWaalo(Senegal). Somematriclansor maternal clans form part ofSerer medievalanddynastichistory, such as theGuelowars.The most revered clans tend to be rather ancient and form part ofSerer ancient history.Theseproto-Sererclans hold great significance inSerer religionandmythology.Some of these proto-Serer matriclans include theCegandumandKagaw,whose historical account is enshrined in Serer religion, mythology andtraditions.[35]

In Serer culture, inheritance is both matrilineal and patrilineal.[36]It all depends on the asset being inherited – i.e. whether the asset is a paternal asset – requiring paternal inheritance (kucarla[36]) or a maternal asset – requiring maternal inheritance (den yaay[34]orƭeen yaay[36]). The actual handling of these maternal assets (such as jewelry, land, livestock, equipment or furniture, etc.) is discussed in the subsectionRole of the Tokoorof one of the above-listed main articles.

Tuareg

edit
Main article:Tuareg people

TheTuareg(Arabic:طوارق, sometimes spelled Touareg in French, or Twareg in English) are a largeBerberethnic confederation found across several nations in north Africa, includingNiger,MaliandAlgeria.The Tuareg areclan-based,[37]and are (still, in 2007) "largely matrilineal".[37][38][39]The Tuareg areMuslim,but mixed with a "heavy dose" of their pre-existing beliefs including matrilineality.[37][39]

Tuareg women enjoy high status within their society, compared with theirArabcounterparts and with other Berber tribes: Tuareg social status is transmitted through women, with residence oftenmatrilocal.[38]Most women could read and write, while most men were illiterate, concerning themselves mainly with herding livestock and other male activities.[38]The livestock and other movable property were owned by the women, whereas personal property is owned and inherited regardless of gender.[38]In contrast to most other Muslim cultural groups, men wear veils but women do not.[37][39]This custom is discussed in more detail in the Tuareg article'sclothing section,which mentions it may be the protection needed against the blowing sand while traversing theSahara desert.[40]

Americas

edit

Bororo

edit
Main article:Bororo

The Bororo people of Brazil and Bolivia live in matrilineal clans, with husbands moving to live with their wives' extended families.

Bribri

edit
Main article:Bribri people

The clan system of the Bribri people of Costa Rica and Panama is matrilineal; that is, a child's clan is determined by the clan his or her mother belongs to. Only women can inherit land.

Cabécar

edit
Main article:Cabécar people

The social organization of the Cabécar people of Costa Rica is predicated on matrilineal clans in which the mother is the head of household. Each matrilineal clan controls marriage possibilities, regulates land tenure, and determines property inheritance for its members.

Guna

edit
Main article:Guna people

In the traditional culture of theGuna peopleof Panama and Colombia, families are matrilinear and matrilocal, with the groom moving to become part of the bride's family. The groom also takes the last name of the bride.

Hopi

edit
Main article:Hopi people

TheHopi(in what is now theHopi Reservationin northeasternArizona), according toAlice Schlegel,had as its "gender ideology... one of female superiority, and it operated within a social actuality of sexual equality."[41]According to LeBow (based on Schlegel's work), in the Hopi, "gender roles... are egalitarian.... [and] [n]either sex is inferior."[42]LeBow concluded that Hopi women "participate fully in... political decision-making."[43]According to Schlegel, "the Hopi no longer live as they are described here"[44]and "the attitude of female superiority is fading".[44]Schlegel said the Hopi "were and still are matrilinial"[45]and "the household... was matrilocal".[45]

Schlegel explains why there was female superiority as that the Hopi believed in "life as the highest good... [with] the female principle... activated in women and in Mother Earth... as its source"[46]and that the Hopi "were not in a state of continual war with equally matched neighbors"[47]and "had no standing army"[47]so that "the Hopi lacked the spur to masculine superiority"[47]and, within that, as that women were central to institutions of clan and household and predominated "within the economic and social systems (in contrast to male predominance within the political and ceremonial systems)",[47]theClan Mother,for example, being empowered to overturn land distribution by men if she felt it was unfair,[46]since there was no "countervailing... strongly centralized, male-centered political structure".[46]

Iroquois

edit
Main article:Iroquois

TheIroquois Confederacy or League,combining five to six Native AmericanHaudenosauneenations or tribes before theU.S.became a nation, operated byThe Great Binding Law of Peace,a constitution by which women retained matrilineal-rights and participated in the League's political decision-making, including deciding whether to proceed to war,[48]through what may have been a matriarchy[49]or "gyneocracy".[50]The dates of this constitution's operation are unknown: the League was formed in approximately 1000–1450, but the constitution was oral until written in about 1880.[51]The League still exists.

Other Iroquoian-speaking peoples such as theWyandotand theMeherrin,that were never part of the Iroquois League, nevertheless have traditionally possessed a matrilineal family structure.

Kogi

edit
Main article:Kogi people

The Kogi people of northern Colombia practice bilateral inheritance, with certain rights, names or associations descending matrilineally.

Lenape

edit
Main article:Lenape

Occupied for 10,000 years byNative Americans,the land that is present-dayNew Jerseywas overseen byclansof theLenape,who farmed, fished, and hunted upon it. The pattern of their culture was that of a matrilineal agricultural and mobile hunting society that was sustained with fixed, but not permanent, settlements in theirmatrilineal clanterritories. Leadership by men was inherited through the maternal line, and the women elders held the power to remove leaders of whom they disapproved.

Villages were established and relocated as the clans farmed new sections of the land when soil fertility lessened and when they moved among their fishing and hunting grounds by seasons. The area was claimed as a part of the DutchNew Netherlandprovince dating from 1614, where active trading in furs took advantage of the natural pass west, but the Lenape prevented permanent settlement beyond what is now Jersey City.

"Early Europeans who first wrote about these Indians found matrilineal social organization to be unfamiliar and perple xing. As a result, the early records are full of 'clues' about early Lenape society, but were usually written by observers who did not fully understand what they were seeing."[52]

Mandan

edit
Main article:Mandan

The Mandan people of the northern Great Plains of the United States historically lived in matrilineal extended family lodges.

Naso

edit
Main article:Naso people

The Naso (Teribe or Térraba) people of Panama and Costa Rica describe themselves as a matriarchal community, although their monarchy has traditionally been inherited in the male line.

edit
Main article:Navajo

The Navajo people of the American southwest are a matrilineal society in which kinship, children, livestock and family histories are passed down through the female. In marriage the groom moved to live with the brides family. Children also came from their mother's clan living in hogans of the females family.

Tanana Athabaskan

edit
Main article:Tanana Athabaskans

The Tanana Athabaskan people, the original inhabitants of the Tanana River basin in Alaska and Canada, traditionally lived in matrilineal semi-nomadic bands.

Tsenacommacah (Powhatan Confederacy)

edit
Main article:Tsenacommacah

ThePowhatanand other tribes of theTsenacommacah,also known as the Powhatan Confederacy, practiced a version of male-preference matrilinealseniority,favoring brothers over sisters in the current generation (but allowing sisters to inherit if no brothers remained), but passing to the next generation through the eldest female line. InA Map of VirginiaJohn Smith of Jamestownexplains:

His [Chief Powhatan's] kingdome descendeth not to his sonnes nor children: but first to his brethren, whereof he hath 3 namely Opitchapan,Opechancanough,and Catataugh; and after their decease to his sisters. First to the eldest sister, then to the rest: and after them to the heires male and female of the eldest sister; but never to the heires of the males.[53]

Upper Kuskokwim

edit
Main article:Upper Kuskokwim people

The Upper Kuskokwim people are the original inhabitants of the Upper Kuskokwim River basin. They speak an Athabaskan language more closely related to Tanana than to the language of the Lower Kuskokkwim River basin. They were traditionally hunter-gatherers who lived in matrilineal semi-nomadic bands.

Wayuu

edit
Main article:Wayuu people

The Wayuu people of Colombia and Venezuela live in matrilineal clans, with paternal relationships in the background.

Asia

edit

China

edit

Originally,Chinese surnameswere derived matrilineally,[54]although by the time of theShang dynasty(1600 to 1046BCE) they had become patrilineal.[55]

Archaeological data supports the theory that during theNeolithicperiod (7000 to 2000BCE) in China, Chinese matrilineal clans evolved into the usual patrilineal families by passing through a transitional patrilineal clan phase.[55]Evidence includes some "richly furnished" tombs for young women in the early NeolithicYangshaoculture, whose multiple other collective burials imply a matrilineal clan culture.[55]Toward the late Neolithic period, when burials were apparently of couples, "a reflection of patriarchy", an increasing elaboration of presumed chiefs' burials is reported.[55]

Relatively isolated ethnic minorities such as theMosuo(Na) in southwestern China are highly matrilineal.

India

edit
Main articles:Marumakkathayam,Aliyasantana,andMeghalaya § Social_institutions

Of communities recognized in thenational Constitutionas Scheduled Tribes, "some... [are] matriarchal and matrilineal"[56]"and thus have been known to be more egalitarian."[57]Several Hindu communities in South India practiced matrilineality, especially theNair[58][59](orNayar) andTiyyas[60]in the state ofKerala,and theBuntsandBillavain the states ofKarnataka.The system of inheritance was known asMarumakkathayamin theNaircommunity orAliyasantanain theBuntand theBillavacommunity, and both communities were subdivided intoclans.This system was exceptional in the sense that it was one of the few traditional systems in western historical records of India that gave women some liberty and the right to property.

In the matrilineal system, the family lived together in atharavaduwhich was composed of a mother, her brothers and younger sisters, and her children. The oldest male member was known as thekaranavarand was the head of the household, managing the family estate. Lineage was traced through the mother, and the children belonged to the mother's family. In earlier days,surnameswould be of the maternal side. All family property was jointly owned. In the event of a partition, the shares of the children were clubbed with that of the mother. The karanavar's property was inherited by his sisters' sons rather than his own sons. (For further information see the articlesNairandambalavasiandBuntsandBillava.)Amitav Ghoshhas stated that, although there were numerous other matrilineal succession systems in communities of the south Indian coast, the Nairs "achieved an unparalleled eminence in the anthropological literature on matrilineality".[61]

In thenortheast IndianstateMeghalaya,theKhasi,Garo,Jaintia peoplehave a long tradition of a largely matrilinear system in which the youngest daughter inherits the wealth of the parents and takes over their care.[62]

Indonesia

edit
Main article:Minangkabau people

In theMinangkabaumatrilinealclanculture inIndonesia,a person'sclanname is important in their marriage and their other cultural-related events.[63][64][65]Two totally unrelated people who share the same clan name can never be married because they are considered to be from the same clan mother (unless they come from distant villages). Likewise, whenMinangsmeet total strangers who share the same clan name, anywhere in Indonesia, they could theoretically expect to feel that they are distant relatives.[66]Minang people do not have a family name or surname; neither is one's important clan name included in one's name; instead one'sgiven nameis the only name one has.[67]

TheMinangsare one of the world's largest matrilineal societies/cultures/ethnic groups, with a population of 4 million in their home provinceWest Sumatrain Indonesia and about 4 million elsewhere, mostly in Indonesia. The Minang people are well known within their country for their tradition of matrilineality and for their "dedication to Islam" – despite Islam being "supposedly patrilineal".[63]This well-known accommodation, between their traditional complex of customs, calledadat,and their religion, was actually worked out to help end the Minangkabau 1821–37Padri War.[63]

TheMinangkabauare a prime example of a matrilineal culture with female inheritance. With Islamic religious background ofcomplementarianismand places a greater number of men than women in positions of religious and political power. Inheritance and proprietorship pass from mother to daughter.[68]

Besides Minangkabau, several other ethnics in Indonesia are also matrilineal and have similar culture as the Minangkabau. They are Suku Melayu Bebilang, Suku Kubu and Kerinci people. Suku Melayu Bebilang live in Kota Teluk Kuantan, Kabupaten Kuantan Singingi (also known as Kuansing), Riau. They have similar culture as the Minang. Suku Kubu people live in Jambi and South Sumatera. They are around 200 000 people. Suku Kerinci people mostly live in Kabupaten Kerinci, Jambi. They are around 300 000 people[citation needed]

Kurds

edit
Main articles:Mangur (Kurdish tribe)andMokryan

Matrilineality was occasionally practiced by mainstreamSorani,Zaza,Feyli,Gorani,andAleviKurds,though the practice was much rarer among non-AleviKurmanji-speakingKurds.[69]

TheMangurclan of the, Culturally,Mokritribal confederation and, politically,Bolbas Federation[70]is an enatic clan, meaning members of the clan can only inherit their mothers last name and are considered to be a part of the mothers family. The entire Mokri tribe may have also practiced this form of enaticy before the collapse of their emirate and its direct rule from the Iranian or Ottoman state, or perhaps the tradition started because of depopulation in the area due to raids.[71]

Malaysia

edit
Main article:Adat perpatih

A culture similar to lareh bodi caniago, practiced by theMinangkabau,is the basis foradat perpatihpractices in the state ofNegeri Sembilanand parts ofMalaccaas a product of West Sumatran migration into theMalay Peninsulain the 15th century.[72][73]

Sri Lanka

edit
Further information:India

Matrilineality among theMuslimsandTamilsin the Eastern Province ofSri Lankaarrived fromKerala,India via Muslim traders before 1200 CE.[74][75][76]Matrilineality here includeskinshipand social organization, inheritance and property rights.[77][78][79]For example, "the mother'sdowryproperty and/or house is passed on to the eldest daughter. "[80][81]TheSinhalese peopleare the third ethnic group in eastern Sri Lanka,[82]and have a kinship system which is "intermediate" between that of matrilineality and that ofpatrilineality,[83][84]along with "bilateral inheritance", intermediate between matrilineal and patrilineal inheritance.[78][85]While the first two groups speak theTamil language,the third group speaks theSinhala language.The Tamils largely identify withHinduism,the Sinhalese being primarilyBuddhist.[86]The three groups are about equal in population size.[87]

Patriarchalsocial structures apply to all of Sri Lanka, but in theEastern Provinceare mixed with the matrilineal features summarized in the paragraph above and described more completely in the following subsection:

According to Kanchana N. Ruwanpura,Eastern Sri Lanka"is highly regarded even among"feminist economists"for the relatively favourable position of its women, reflected" in women's equal achievements inHuman Development Indices"(HDIs) as well as matrilineal and"bilateral"inheritance patterns and property rights".[88][89] She also conversely argues that "feminist economistsneed to be cautious in applauding Sri Lanka's gender-based achievements and/or matrilineal communities ",[90]because these matrilineal communities coexist with "patriarchalstructures and ideologies "and the two" can be strange but ultimately compatible bedfellows ",[91]as follows:

She "positions Sri Lankan women within gradations ofpatriarchyby beginning with a brief overview of the main religious traditions, "Buddhism,Hinduism,andIslam,"and the ways in which patriarchal interests are promoted through religious practice" in Eastern Sri Lanka (but without being as repressive as classical patriarchy).[92]Thus, "feminists have claimed that Sri Lankan women are relatively well positioned in the"South Asianregion,[93][78]despite "patriarchal institutional laws that... are likely to work against the interests of women," which is a "co-operative conflict" between women and these laws.[94](Clearly "female-heads have no legal recourse" from these laws which state "patriarchal interests".)[95]For example, "the economic welfare of female-heads [heads of households] depends upon networks" ( "of kin and [matrilineal] community" ), "networks that mediate the patriarchal-ideological nexus."[96]She wrote that "some female heads possessed" "feminist consciousness"[97][a]and, at the same time, that "in many cases female-heads are not vociferous feminists... but rather 'victims' of patriarchal relations and structures that place them in precarious positions.... [while] they have held their ground... [and] provided for their children".[98]

On the other hand, she also wrote that feminists includingMalathi de AlwisandKumari Jayawardenahave criticized a romanticized view of women's lives in Sri Lanka put forward by Yalman, and mentioned the Sri Lankan case "where young women raped (usually by a man) are married-off/required to cohabit with the rapists!"[99]

Vietnam

edit

Most ethnic groups classified as "(Montagnards,Malayo-PolynesianandAustroasian) "are matrilineal.[100]

OnNorth Vietnam,according to Alessandra Chiricosta, the legend ofÂu Cơis said to be evidence of "the presence of an original 'matriarchy'... and [it] led to the double kinship system, which developed there.... [and which] combined matrilineal and patrilineal patterns of family structure and assigned equal importance to both lines."[101][b]

Europe

edit

Ancient Greece

edit

While men held positions of religious and political power, the Spartan constitution mandated that inheritance and proprietorship pass from mother to daughter.[102]

Ancient Scotland

edit

In Pictish society, succession in leadership (later kingship) was matrilineal (through the mother's side), with the reigning chief succeeded by either his brother or perhaps a nephew but not through patrilineal succession of father to son.[103]

Oceania

edit

Some oceanic societies, such as theMarshalleseand the Trobrianders,[104]thePalauans,[105]theYapese[106]and the Siuai,[107]are characterized by matrilineal descent. The sister's sons or the brothers of the decedent are commonly the successors in these societies.

Matrilineal identification within Judaism

edit
Main article:Matrilineality in Judaism

Matrilineality in Judaism or matrilineal descent in Judaism is the tracing ofJewishdescent through the maternal line. Close to all Jewish communities have followed matrilineal descent from at least earlyTannaitic(c. 10–70 CE) times through modern times.[108]

The origins and date-of-origin of matrilineal descent in Judaism are uncertain.Orthodox Judaismmaintains that matrilineal descent is anOral Lawfrom at least the time of the Receiving of the Torah onMount Sinai(c. 1310 BCE).[109]According to some modern academic opinions, it was likely instituted in either the earlyTannaitic period(c. 10–70 CE) or the time ofEzra(c. 460 BCE).[108]

In practice, Jewish denominations define "Who is a Jew?"via descent in different ways. All denominations of Judaism have protocols forconversionfor those who are not Jewish by descent.

Orthodox Judaism[110]andConservative Judaism[108][111]still practice matrilineal descent.Karaite Judaism,which rejects the Oral Law, generally practices patrilineal descent.Reconstructionist Judaismhas recognized Jews of patrilineal descent since 1968.[112]

In 1983, theCentral Conference of American RabbisofReform Judaismpassed a resolution waiving the need for formal conversion for anyone with at least one Jewish parent, provided that either (a) one is raised as a Jew, by Reform standards, or (b) one engages in an appropriate act of public identification, formalizing a practice that had been common in Reform synagogues for at least a generation. This 1983 resolution departed from the Reform Movement's previous position requiring formal conversion to Judaism for children without a Jewish mother.[113]However, the closely associatedIsrael Movement for Reform and Progressive Judaismhas rejected this resolution and requires formal conversion for anyone without a Jewish mother.[114]

Exception for the enslaved in the United States

edit

In the United States, the offspring of enslaved women inherited their mother's status. A significant consequence of this is that children resulting from rape or unions between enslaved women and their owners did not have any of the rights of the father as they would have had under the patrilineal succession that applied to everyone but the enslaved.

In mythology

edit

Certain ancient myths have been argued to expose ancient traces of matrilineal customs that existed before historical records.

The ancient historianHerodotusis cited byRobert Gravesin his translations of Greek myths as attesting that theLycians[115][116]of their times "still reckoned" by matrilineal descent, or were matrilineal, as were theCarians.[117]

In Greek mythology, while the royal function was amale privilege,power devolution often came through women, and the future king inherited power through marrying the queen heiress. This is illustrated in theHomericmyths where all the noblest men in Greece vie for the hand ofHelen(and the throne ofSparta), as well as the Oedipian cycle whereOedipusweds the recently widowed queen at the same time he assumes the Theban kingship.

This trend also is evident in manyCeltic myths,such as the (Welsh)mabinogistories ofCulhwch and Olwen,or the (Irish)Ulster Cycle,most notably the key facts to theCúchulainncycle that Cúchulainn gets his final secret training with awarriorwoman,Scáthach,and becomes the lover of her daughter; and the root of theTáin Bó Cuailnge,that whileAilillmay wear the crown ofConnacht,it is his wifeMedbwho is the real power, and she needs to affirm her equality to her husband by owning chattels as great as he does.

The Picts are widely cited as being matrilineal.[118][119]

A number of otherBretonstories also illustrate the motif. Even theKing Arthurlegends have been interpreted in this light by some. For example, theRound Table,both as a piece of furniture and as concerns the majority of knights belonging to it, was a gift to Arthur fromGuinevere's fatherLeodegrance.

Arguments also have been made that matrilineality lay behind variousfairy taleplots which may contain the vestiges of folk traditions not recorded.

For instance, the widespread motif of a father who wishes to marry his own daughter—appearing in such tales asAllerleirauh,Donkeyskin,The King who Wished to Marry His Daughter,andThe She-Bear—has been explained as his wish to prolong his reign, which he would lose after his wife's death to his son-in-law.[120]More mildly, the hostility of kings to their daughter's suitors is explained by hostility to their successors. In such tales asThe Three May Peaches,Jesper Who Herded the Hares,orThe Griffin,kings set dangerous tasks in an attempt to prevent the marriage.[121]

Fairy tales with hostility between the mother-in-law and the heroine—such asMary's Child,The Six Swans,and Perrault'sSleeping Beauty—have been held to reflect a transition between a matrilineal society, where a man's loyalty was to his mother, and a patrilineal one, where his wife could claim it, although this interpretation is predicated on such a transition being a normal development in societies.[122]

See also

edit

Notes

edit
  1. ^Feministconsciousness raising,a means of raising awareness of a feminist perspective or subject
  2. ^Patrilineal,belonging to the father's lineage, generally for inheritance

References

edit
  1. ^Murdock, G. P. 1949.Social Structure.London and New York: Macmillan, p. 185.
  2. ^Malinowski, B. 1956.Marriage: Past and Present. A debate between Robert Briffault and Bronislaw Malinowski,ed. M. F. Ashley Montagu. Boston: Porter Sargent.
  3. ^Harris, M. 1969.The Rise of Anthropological Theory.London: Routledge, p. 305.
  4. ^Leacock, E. B. 1981.Myths of Male Dominance. Collected articles on women cross-culturally.New York: Monthly Review Press.
  5. ^Hrdy, S. B. 2009.Mothers and others. The evolutionary origins of mutual understanding.London and Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.
  6. ^Knight, C. 2008.Early human kinship was matrilineal.Archived7 April 2014 at theWayback MachineIn N. J. Allen, H. Callan, R. Dunbar and W. James (eds.), Early Human Kinship. Oxford: Blackwell, pp. 61–82.
  7. ^Opie, K. and C. Power, 2009.Grandmothering and Female Coalitions. A basis for matrilineal priority?In N. J. Allen, H. Callan, R. Dunbar and W. James (eds.),Early Human Kinship.Oxford: Blackwell, pp. 168–186.
  8. ^Chris Knight, 2012.Engels was Right: Early Human Kinship was Matriliineal.
  9. ^Schlebusch, C.M. (2010) Genetic variation in Khoisan-speaking populations from southern Africa. Dissertation, University of Witwatersrand this is available online, see pages following p.68, Fig 3.18 and p.180-81, fig 4.23 and p.243, p.287
  10. ^Wu, J-J; He, Q-Q; Deng, L-L; Wang, S–C; Mace, R; Ji, T; Tao, Y (2013)."Communal breeding promotes a matrilineal social system where husband and wife live apart".Proc R Soc B.280(1758): 20130010.doi:10.1098/rspb.2013.0010.PMC3619460.PMID23486437.
  11. ^Burkart, J. M.; Hrdy, S. B.; van Schaik, C. P. (2009). "Cooperative breeding and human cognitive evolution".Evolutionary Anthropology.18(5): 175–186.CiteSeerX10.1.1.724.8494.doi:10.1002/evan.20222.S2CID31180845.
  12. ^abHill, Kim R.; Walker, Robert S.; Bozicević, Miran; Eder, James; Headland, Thomas; Hewlett, Barry; Hurtado, A. Magdalena; Marlowe, Frank; Wiessner, Polly; Wood, Brian (11 March 2011)."Co-residence patterns in hunter-gatherer societies show unique human social structure".Science.331(6022): 1286–1289.Bibcode:2011Sci...331.1286H.doi:10.1126/science.1199071.ISSN1095-9203.PMID21393537.S2CID93958.
  13. ^Dyble, M.; Salali, G. D.; Chaudhary, N.; Page, A.; Smith, D.; Thompson, J.; Vinicius, L.; Mace, R.; Migliano, A. B. (15 May 2015)."Human behavior. Sex equality can explain the unique social structure of hunter-gatherer bands".Science.348(6236): 796–798.doi:10.1126/science.aaa5139.ISSN1095-9203.PMID25977551.S2CID5078886.
  14. ^Verdu, Paul; Becker, Noémie S. A.; Froment, Alain; Georges, Myriam; Grugni, Viola; Quintana-Murci, Lluis; Hombert, Jean-Marie; Van der Veen, Lolke; Le Bomin, Sylvie; Bahuchet, Serge; Heyer, Evelyne (2013)."Sociocultural behavior, sex-biased admixture, and effective population sizes in Central African Pygmies and non-Pygmies".Molecular Biology and Evolution.30(4): 918–937.doi:10.1093/molbev/mss328.ISSN1537-1719.PMC3603314.PMID23300254.
  15. ^Destro-Bisol, Giovanni; Donati, Francesco; Coia, Valentina; Boschi, Ilaria; Verginelli, Fabio; Caglià, Alessandra; Tofanelli, Sergio; Spedini, Gabriella; Capelli, Cristian (1 September 2004)."Variation of Female and Male Lineages in Sub-Saharan Populations: the Importance of Sociocultural Factors".Molecular Biology and Evolution.21(9): 1673–1682.doi:10.1093/molbev/msh186.ISSN0737-4038.PMID15190128.
  16. ^Dyble, M. (2016). "The behavioural ecology and evolutionary implications of hunter-gatherer social organisation".S2CID202198539.{{cite journal}}:Cite journal requires|journal=(help)
  17. ^Marlowe, Frank W. (2004)."Marital Residence among Foragers".Current Anthropology.45(2): 277–283.doi:10.1086/382256.S2CID145129698.
  18. ^Sykes, Bryan (2001).The Seven Daughters of Eve.W.W. Norton.ISBN0-393-02018-5;pp. 291–2.Bryan Sykesuses "matriname" and states that women adding their own matriname to men's patriname (or "surname" as Sykes calls it) would really help in future genealogy work and historical record searches. Sykes also states (p. 292) that a woman's matriname will be handed down with hermtDNA,the main topic of his book.
  19. ^Korotayev, A. V. (1995)."Were There Any Truly Matrilineal Lineages in the Arabian Peninsula?".Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies.25:83–98.
  20. ^"The Balobedu Queenship Recognised and Dignity Restored".Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs.27 July 2016.Retrieved24 January2020.
  21. ^Witte, Marleen de (2001).Long Live the Dead!: Changing Funeral Celebrations in Asante, Ghana.Aksant Academic Publishers.ISBN978-90-5260-003-1.
  22. ^Schneider, D. M. 1961. The distinctive features of matrilineal descent groups. Introduction. In Schneider, D. M. and K. Gough (eds)Matrilineal Kinship.Berkeley: University of California Press, pp. 1–29.
  23. ^Pinker, Steven,The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined(N.Y.: Viking, hardback 2011 (ISBN978-0-670-02295-3)), p. 421 (author prof. psychology, Harvard Univ.).
  24. ^abcdeWitte, Marleen de (2001).Long Live the Dead!: Changing Funeral Celebrations in Asante, Ghana.Aksant Academic Publishers.ISBN978-90-5260-003-1.
  25. ^Studies, University of Ghana Institute of African (1988).Research Review - Institute of African Studies.Institute of African Studies.
  26. ^abcBusia, Kofi Abrefa (1970).Encyclopædia Britannica,1970. William Benton, publisher, The University of Chicago.ISBN0-85229-135-3,Vol. 1, p. 477. (This Akan article was written by Kofi Abrefa Busia, formerly professor of Sociology and Culture of Africa at the University of Leiden, Netherlands.)
  27. ^abcashanti.au (before 2010).http://ashanti.au/pb/wp_8078438f.html,"Ashanti Home Page: The Ashanti Family unit" Archivedhttps://web.archive.org/web/20070626101235/http:// ashanti.au/pb/wp_8078438f.htmlon 26 June 2007.
  28. ^Owusu-Ansah, David (November 1994).http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd/cstdy:@field%28DOCID+gh0048%29,"Ghana: The Akan Group". This source, "Ghana", is one of the Country Studies available from the US Library of Congress. Archivedhttps://archive.today/20120710173040/http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd/cstdy:@field(DOCID+gh0048)on 10 July 2012.
  29. ^de Witte (2001), p. 55 shows such surnames in afamily tree,which provides a useful example of names.
  30. ^abde Witte (2001), p. 53.
  31. ^de Witte (2001), p. 73.
  32. ^Jose Farrujia de la Rosa, Augusto (2014).An Archaeology of the Margins: Colonialism, Amazighity and Heritage Management in the Canary Islands.Springer Science & Business Media. p. 8.ISBN9781461493969.
  33. ^(in French)Kalis, Simone,"Médecine traditionnelle religion et divination chez les SeereerSineduSenegal",La connaissance de la nuit, L'Harmattan (1997), p 299,ISBN2-7384-5196-9
  34. ^abDupire, Marguerite,"Sagessesereer:Essais sur la penséesereer ndut,KARTHALA Editions (1994). Fortimandden yaay(see p. 116). The book also deals in depth about the Serer matriclans and means of succession through the matrilineal line. See also pages: 38, 95–99, 104, 119–20, 123, 160, 172–4(in French)[1]ISBN2865374874(Retrieved: 4 August 2012)
  35. ^(in French)Gravrand, Henry,"La Civilisation Sereer – Cosaan", p 200, Nouvelles Editions africaines (1983),ISBN2723608778
  36. ^abc(in French)Becker, Charles: "Vestiges historiques, trémoins matériels du passé clans les pays sereer", Dakar (1993), CNRS – ORS TO M.Excerpt(Retrieved: 4 August 2012)
  37. ^abcdHaven, Cynthia (23 May 07).http://news.stanford.edu/pr/2007/pr-tuareg-052307.html,"New exhibition highlights the 'artful' Tuareg of the Sahara," Stanford University. Archivedhttps://archive.today/20121210143001/http://news.stanford.edu/pr/2007/pr-tuareg-052307.htmlon 10 December 2012.
  38. ^abcdSpain, Daphne (1992).Gendered Spaces.University of North Carolina Press.ISBN0-8078-2012-1;p. 57.
  39. ^abcMurphy, Robert F. (1966)."Review of Ecology and Culture of the Pastoral Tuareg, with Particular Reference to the Tuareg of Ahaggar and Ayr".American Anthropologist.68(2): 554–556.doi:10.1525/aa.1966.68.2.02a00540.JSTOR669389.
  40. ^Bradshaw Foundation (2007 or later).http:// bradshawfoundation /tuareg/index.php,"The Tuareg of the Sahara". Archived athttps://archive.today/20120720193456/http:// bradshawfoundation /tuareg/index.phpon 20 July 2012.
  41. ^Schlegel, Alice,Hopi Gender Ideology of Female Superiority,inQuarterly Journal of Ideology: "A Critique of the Conventional Wisdom",vol. VIII, no. 4, 1984, p. 44 and see pp. 44–52 (essay based partly on "seventeen years of fieldwork among the Hopi", per p. 44 n. 1) (author of Dep't of Anthropology, Univ. of Ariz., Tucson).
  42. ^LeBow, Diana,Rethinking Matriliny Among the Hopi,op. cit.,p. [8].
  43. ^LeBow, Diana,Rethinking Matriliny Among the Hopi,op. cit.,p. 18.
  44. ^abSchlegel, Alice,Hopi Gender Ideology of Female Superiority,op. cit.,p. 44 n. 1.
  45. ^abSchlegel, Alice,Hopi Gender Ideology of Female Superiority,op. cit.,p. 45.
  46. ^abcSchlegel, Alice,Hopi Gender Ideology of Female Superiority,op. cit.,p. 50.
  47. ^abcdSchlegel, Alice,Hopi Gender Ideology of Female Superiority,op. cit.,p. 49.
  48. ^Jacobs, Renée E.,Iroquois Great Law of Peace and the United States Constitution: How the Founding Fathers Ignored the Clan Mothers,inAmerican Indian Law Review,vol. 16, no. 2, pp. 497–531, esp. pp. 498–509 (© author 1991).
  49. ^Jacobs, Renée,Iroquois Great Law of Peace and the United States Constitution,inAmerican Indian Law Review,op. cit.,pp. 506–507.
  50. ^Jacobs, Renée,Iroquois Great Law of Peace and the United States Constitution,inAmerican Indian Law Review,op. cit.,p. 505 & p. 506 n. 38, quoting Carr, L.,The Social and Political Position of Women Among the Huron-Iroquois Tribes, Report of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology,p. 223 (1884).
  51. ^Jacobs, Renée,Iroquois Great Law of Peace and the United States Constitution,inAmerican Indian Law Review,op. cit.,p. 498 & n. 6.
  52. ^This quote is fromLenape'sSocietysection.
  53. ^Smith, John.A Map of Virginia.Oxford: Joseph Barnes, 1612.http://etext.lib.virginia.edu/etcbin/jamestown-browse?id=J1008Archived4 April 2005 at theWayback Machine,also Repr. inThe Complete Works of John Smith (1580–1631).Ed. Philip L. Barbour. Chapel Hill: University Press of Virginia, 1983. Vol. 1, pp. 305–63.
  54. ^linguistics.berkeley.edu (2004).http:// linguistics.berkeley.edu/~rosemary/55-2004-names.pdf,"Naming practices". A PDF file with a section on "Chinese naming practices (Mak et al., 2003)".
  55. ^abcdZhimin, An (1988). "Archaeological Research on Neolithic China".Current Anthropology.29(5): 753–759.doi:10.1086/203698.JSTOR2743616.S2CID144920735.
  56. ^Sinha Mukherjee, Sucharita (2013). "Women's Empowerment and Gender Bias in the Birth and Survival of Girls in Urban India".Feminist Economics.19:1–28.doi:10.1080/13545701.2012.752312.S2CID155056803.,p. 9, citing Srinivas, Mysore Narasimhachar,The Cohesive Role of Sanskritization and Other Essays(Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989), & Agarwal, Bina,A Field of One's Own: Gender and Land Rights in South Asia(Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1994).
  57. ^Mukherjee, Sucharita Sinha,Women's Empowerment and Gender Bias in the Birth and Survival of Girls in Urban India,op. cit.,p. 9.
  58. ^Panikkar, Kavalam Madhava(July–December 1918)."Some Aspects of Nayar Life".The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland.48:254–293.doi:10.2307/2843423.JSTOR2843423.Retrieved9 June2011.
  59. ^Schneider, David Murray, and Gough, Kathleen (Editors) (1961).Matrilineal Kinship.Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 298–384 is the whole "Nayar: Central Kerala" chapter, for example.ISBN9780520025295.{{cite book}}:|first=has generic name (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)Accessible here, via GoogleBooks.
  60. ^Nossiter, Thomas Johnson(1982).Kerala's Identity: Unity and Diversity.InCommunism in Kerala: A Study in Political Adaptation.University of California Press.ISBN978-0-520-04667-2.Retrieved 2011-06-09. P. 30.
  61. ^Ghosh, Amitav (2003).The Imam and the Indian: prose pieces.Orient Blackswan. p. 193.ISBN9788175300477.To access it via GoogleBooks, click on book title.
  62. ^Sanghamitra Choudhury (5 February 2016).Women and Conflict in India.Taylor & Francis. p. 92.ISBN978-1-317-55361-8.
  63. ^abcSanday, Peggy Reeves (December 2002)."Commentary: Matriarchy and Islam Post-9/11: A Report from Indonesia".Anthropology News.43(9): 7–7.doi:10.1111/an.2002.43.9.7.
  64. ^Sanday, Peggy Reeves (2004).Women at the Center: Life in a Modern Matriarchy.Cornell University Press.ISBN0-8014-8906-7.Parts of this book are available online at books.google
  65. ^Fitzsimmons, Caitlin (21Oct09).http:// roamingtales /2009/10/21/a-matrilineal-islamic-society-in-sumatra/,"A matrilineal, Islamic society in Sumatra". Archivedhttps://archive.today/20130202004556/http:// roamingtales /2009/10/21/a-matrilineal-islamic-society-in-sumatra/on 2 February 2013.
  66. ^Sanday 2004, p.67
  67. ^Sanday 2004, p.241
  68. ^Peletz, Michael G. (2005). "The King Is Dead; Long Live the Queen!".American Ethnologist.32(1): 39–41.doi:10.1525/ae.2005.32.1.39.JSTOR3805147.
  69. ^Kevin McKiernan (7 March 2006).The Kurds.St. Martin's Press.ISBN9780312325466.
  70. ^Minorsky, V. (1957). "Mongol Place-Names in Mukri Kurdistan".Mongolica.19(1): 75.JSTOR609632.
  71. ^Abdurrahman Sharafkandi.Çêştî Micêvir.
  72. ^"Negeri Sembilan – History and Culture".Archived fromthe originalon 28 July 2018.Retrieved4 March2017.
  73. ^"The Minangkabau of Negeri Sembilan".4 April 2016.
  74. ^Ruwanpura, Kanchana N. (2006).Matrilineal Communities, Patriarchal Realities: A Feminist Nirvana Uncovered.Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, paperback (ISBN978-0-472-06977-4)(fieldwork in 1998–'99 during theSri Lankan civil war,per p. 45); see p. 51.
  75. ^This page 51 of the Ruwanpura book is accessible online via Google Books (books.google ). The book's TOC and pages 1–11 and 50–62 are currently accessible.
  76. ^McGilvray, Dennis B.(1989). "Households in Akkaraipattu: Dowry and Domestic Organization among Matrilineal Tamils and Moors of Sri Lanka," in J. N. Gray and D. J. Mearns (eds.)Society From the Inside Out: Anthropological Perspectives on the South Asian Household,pp. 192–235. London: Sage Publications.
  77. ^Humphries, Jane (1993). "Gender Inequality and Economic Development," in Dieter Bos (ed)Economics in a Changing World, Volume 3: Public Policy and Economic Organization.New York: St. Martin's Press; pp. 218–33.
  78. ^abcAgarwal, Bina (1996).A Field of One's Own: Gender and Land Rights in South Asia.New Delhi: Cambridge University Press. (First edition was 1994.)
  79. ^Ruwanpura, 2006, p. 1. Accessible online as above.
  80. ^Ruwanpura, 2006, p. 53. Accessible online as above.
  81. ^McGilvray, 1989, pp. 201–2.
  82. ^Ruwanpura, 2006, pp. 3–4(accessible online as above) and p. 39.
  83. ^Ruwanpura, 2006, p. 72.
  84. ^Yalman, Nur (1971).Under the Bo Tree: Studies in Caste, Kinship, and Marriage in the Interior of Ceylon.Berkeley: University of California Press.
  85. ^Ruwanpura, 2006, p. 71.
  86. ^Ruwanpura, 2006, pp. 3–4. Accessible online as above.
  87. ^Ruwanpura, 2006, p. 39.
  88. ^Ruwanpura, (2006), p.1. Accessible online as above.
  89. ^Humphries, 1993, p. 228.
  90. ^Ruwanpura, 2006, p. 3. Accessible online as above.
  91. ^Ruwanpura, 2006, p. 10 and see p. 6 ( "prevalence of patriarchal structures and ideologies" ). Accessible online as above.
  92. ^Ruwanpura, 2006, pp. 4–5. Accessible online as above.
  93. ^Ruwanpura, 2006, p. 4. Accessible online as above.
  94. ^Ruwanpura, 2006, p. 182.
  95. ^Ruwanpura, 2006, p. 182 (both quotations).
  96. ^Ruwanpura, 2006, pp. 145–146.
  97. ^Ruwanpura, 2006, p. 142 (both quotations).
  98. ^Ruwanpura, 2006, p. 37.
  99. ^Ruwanpura, 2006, p. 76 n. 7.
  100. ^Refugees, United Nations High Commissioner for."UNHCR – Document Not Found".UNHCR.
  101. ^Chiricosta, Alessandra,Following the Trail of the Fairy-Bird: The Search For a Uniquely Vietnamese Women's Movement,in Roces, Mina, & Louise P. Edwards, eds.,Women's Movements in Asia: Feminisms and Transnational Activism(London or Oxon: Routledge, pbk. 2010 (ISBN978-0-415-48703-0)), p. 125 and see p. 126 (single quotation marks so in original) (author Chiricosta philosopher & historian of religions, esp. intercultural philosophy, religious & cultural dialogue, gender, & anthropology, & taught at La Sapienza (univ.), Urbaniana (univ.), & Roma Tre (univ.), all in Italy, School of Oriental & African Studies, & Univ. of Ha Noi).
  102. ^Archived atGhostarchiveand theWayback Machine:Historia Civilis."The Constitution of the Spartans"– via YouTube.
  103. ^"Picts".World History Encyclopedia.
  104. ^Malinowski, Bronisław.Argonauts Of The Western Pacific,esp. or only chaps. I, II, & VI.
  105. ^The Palauan culture
  106. ^The Yapese kinship
  107. ^Hogbin, H. Ian (1950). "Studies in the Anthropology of Bougainville, Solomon Islands. Douglas L. Oliver".American Anthropologist.52(2): 250–251.doi:10.1525/aa.1950.52.2.02a00140.
  108. ^abcReviewed byLouis Jacobs,[2]Originally published in Judaism 34.1 (Winter 1985), 55–59.
  109. ^Numbers Rabbah19:3
  110. ^See Rabbi Moses Feinstein's re-affirmation of matrilineal descent, Elberg, Rabbi S., September, 1984, HaPardes Rabbinical Journal, Hebrew, vol.59, Is.1, p. 21.
  111. ^Rabbis Joel Roth and Akiba Lubow (1988)."A Standard of Rabbinic Practice Regarding Determinati·on of Jewish Identity"(PDF).rabbinicalassembly.org.The Rabbinical Assembly.Retrieved25 March2020.
  112. ^Staub, Jacob J. (2001)."A Reconstructionist View on Patrilineal Descent"(PDF).bjpa.org.
  113. ^"Reform Movement's Resolution on Patrilineal Descent (March 1983)".jewishvirtuallibrary.org.
  114. ^Reform Judaism in Israel: Progress and ProspectsArchived4 March 2016 at theWayback Machine
  115. ^Herodotus,before 425BCE.http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/History_of_Herodotus/Book_1,"History of Herodotus". Graves's notation is "i.173" meaning in Book 1 – Scroll down to paragraph 173 to find the (matrilineal) Lycians.
  116. ^Graves, Robert(1955, 1960).The Greek Myths,Vol. 1.Penguin Books.ISBN0-14-020508-X;p. 296 (myth #88, comment #2).
  117. ^Graves 1955,1960; p. 256 (myth #75, comment #5).
  118. ^http:// historyfiles.co.uk/KingListsBritain/GaelsPictland.htm"thanks to the practise of matrilineal descent followed by the Picts, and a large number of eligible would-be kings"
  119. ^http:// historyfiles.co.uk/KingListsBritain/EnglandMercia.htm"the Picts are known as strong adherents to the concept of matrilineal descent"
  120. ^Schlauch, Margaret(1969).Chaucer's Constance and Accused Queens.New York: Gordian Press.ISBN0-87752-097-6;p. 43.
  121. ^Schlauch 1969, p. 45.
  122. ^Schlauch 1969, p. 34.

Further reading

edit
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Matrilineality&oldid=1259535301"