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Dagon

For other uses, seeDagon (disambiguation).

Dagon(Hebrew:דָּגוֹן,Dāgōn) orDagan(Sumerian:𒀭𒁕𒃶,romanized:dda-gan;[1]Phoenician:𐤃𐤂𐤍,romanized:Dāgān) was a god worshipped inancient Syriaacross the middle of theEuphrates,with primary temples located inTuttulandTerqa,though many attestations of his cult come from cities such asMariandEmaras well. In settlements situated in the upper Euphrates area, he was regarded as the "father of gods" similar toMesopotamianEnlilorHurrianKumarbi,as well as a lord of the land, a god of prosperity, and a source of royal legitimacy. A large number oftheophoric names,both masculine and feminine, attests that he was a popular deity. He was also worshiped further east, in Mesopotamia, where many rulers regarded him as the god capable of granting them kingship over the western areas.

Dagan
God of prosperity and Syrian father of gods
AUgariticstele detailing a sacrifice for Dagan,c.13th century BCE
Major cult centerTuttul,Terqa,Mari,Emar
Genealogy
ConsortShalash
ChildrenHadad(UgariticBaal), possiblyHebat
Equivalents
Mesopotamian equivalentEnlil
Hurrian equivalentKumarbi
Ugaritic equivalentEl

Attestations of Dagan from coastal areas are much less frequent and come mostly from the northern city ofUgarit,where Dagan's cult had a limited scope. According to theHebrew Bible,Dagan was also the national god of thePhilistines,with temples atAshdodandGaza,but there is no extrabiblical evidence confirming this.[2]The extrasolar object designatedFomalhaut bis named after Dagon.

Etymology

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Multiple origins have been proposed for Dagan's name.

According toPhilo of Byblos,the Phoenician authorSanchuniathonexplainedDagonas a word for "grain" (siton).[3]HistorianManfred Hutterconsiders it possible that the god's name derives from the root *dgn(to be cloudy), which he interprets as a sign that he was originally a weather god.[4]However, the notion of Dagan being a weather god is rejected by most researchers of this deity (see theDagan and weather godssection below).

Lluís Feliu in his monographThe God Dagan in Bronze Age Syriarejects both of these theories and concludes that Dagan's name originated in a pre-Semitic language spoken in inland Syria.[5]This theory is supported by Alfonso Archi as well.[6]Multiple other ancient Syrian deities are regarded as originating in such asubstratum,includingAštabi,IsharaandKubaba.[7][8][9][10]

The association with a Hebrew word for "fish" (as inHebrew:דג,Tib./dɔːg/) in medieval exegesis has led to an incorrect interpretation of Dagan as a fish god.[3]

Divine genealogy and syncretism

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No known text deals with the parentage or creation of Dagan.[11]His wife wasShalash;while well attested in Tuttul and elsewhere, she is seemingly absent in sources pertaining to Dagan's cult in Terqa.[12]Their children wereHadad(analogous toUgariticBaal)[13]and possiblyHebat,[14]who is attested alongside Dagan and Shalash in a mourning ritual from ancientAleppo.[15]Daniel Schwemer considers it possible that Dagan, while always viewed as a "father of gods," only became the father of the weather god underHurrianinfluence.[13]

WhileWilfred G. Lambertproposed in 1980 thatIsharawas sometimes regarded as the wife of Dagan,[16]and this theory is repeated as fact in older reference works such asJeremy Black's and Anthony Green'sGods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia,[17]it is no longer considered the consensus.[18][19]Lluís Feliu in his study of Dagan concludes that the association between these two deities was limited to sharing temples in Mesopotamia, and was most likely based on their origin in the western region and shared status as foreign deities in the eyes of Mesopotamian theologians. He also points out that there is no indication that they were closely connected outside ofBabylonia,especially in parts of Syria where they were most commonly worshiped.[18]He additionally remarks that Lambert mistakenly assumed Ishara is one and the same asHaburitum,goddess of the riverHabur,who also appears in Mesopotamian texts in association with Dagan.[20]Both Feliu[20]and Alfonso Archi point out that Haburitum and Ishara could appear side by side in the same documents, and therefore cannot be two names of the same deity.[21]Archi considers it more likely that Haburitum was analogous toBelet Nagar.[21][19]Like Feliu, he considers it implausible that Dagan was ever regarded as Ishara's husband.[19]He points out that the latter's character was similar toIshtar's.[19]

Dagan, Enlil and Kumarbi

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InMesopotamia,Dagan was equated withEnlildue to their shared role as "fathers of gods." This equation was eventually codified by the god listAn = Anum,which additionally equated their spouses with each other.[22]However, which of the two parts of this equation was viewed as the primary god varied. InMari,it was Dagan who received Enlil's epithets, and inEmarthelogographicwritingdKUR, a shortened version of Enlil's epithetdKur-gal (Great Mountain), stood for Dagan's name in the late Bronze Age.[23]It is unclear if this equation was responsible for the logographic writing of the name of Emar's city god asdNIN.URTA, as the god of Emar is unlikely to be Dagan's primary son Hadad (whose name was written logographically asdIŠKUR), and in Hurrian sources from SyriadNIN.URTA is the war godAštabirather than a weather god.[24]

InHurriantradition, Dagan was equated withKumarbi,[25]though only because of shared senior position in the respective pantheons.[26]Kumarbi was nonetheless called "the Dagan of the Hurrians,"[10]and Shalash was viewed as his spouse due to thissyncretic process.[27]However, she is absent from Hurrian myths about Kumarbi.

Dagan and weather gods

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Due to the similarity between the names of Dagan's wife Shalash and Shala, wife of Adad in Mesopotamia, some researches conclude that the two goddesses were the same and that Dagan was possibly a weather god himself.[28]However, there is no clear proof that Dagan fulfilled such a function or that he was conflated with any weather gods.[29][30]

Dagan and Nisaba

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In some documents from Syrian cities, for example Halab and Ugarit, thelogogramdNISABAdesignates Dagan.[31]As noted by Alphonso Archi, inWestern Semiticlanguages such as Ugaritic Dagan's name was homophonous with the word for grain (dgninAlpha betic Ugaritictexts), and the logographic writing of his name asdNISABA was likely a form of wordplay popular among scribes, relying on the fact that the name of Nisaba, the Mesopotamian goddess of writing, could simply be understood as "grain" too.[32]

Character

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Dagan's character is difficult to study in comparison to that of gods who held a comparable position in Mesopotamia (such as Enlil orMarduk) due to the lack of mythical narratives or hymns about him and comparatively small number of other documents, though researchers were nonetheless able to determine some of his functions.[33][34]

Sources from Emar, Aleppo and Mari attest that Dagan was an archetypal "father of gods" and a creator figure.[35]This aspect of his character was likely exemplified by the epithet "lord of the offspring" connected to thezukrufestival from Emar.[36]His connection to funerary offerings was most likely an extension of his role as a divine ancestor, and modern theories regarding him as an underworld god are most likely erroneous.[37]

One of Dagan's best documented functions was guaranteeing abundant harvests of grain.[30]However, he was not an agricultural god but rather the source of prosperity in general.[31]

In 3rd millennium BCE Tuttul Dagan was the god believed to bestow kingship upon rulers.[38]He had a similar role in Mari.[39][13]There is also some evidence that he could be invoked as a divine witness of oaths.[40]

According to texts from Ebla, Dagan's attributes were a chariot and a mace.[41]

Worship

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Dagan's primary cult centers wereTuttul,where his clergy was likely involved in the traditional form of governance,[42]and Terqa (near Mari), where his templeE-kisiga( "the house, the silent place" ) was located.[42]The worship of Dagan evidently spread over a large area from these cities, even though its principal centers were not a major political power in their own right, a situation which according to Alfonso Archi can be compared to that ofHadabal(a 3rd millennium BCE god of the upper Orontes valley[43]) andHadadofHalab.[44]In addition to Tuttul and Terqa, settlements in which Dagan possessed a temple or shrine includeMari,Subatūm (located in the proximity of the aforementioned city),[45]Urah (on the left bank of the Euphrates),[46]Hakkulân,[47]Šaggarātum, Zarri-amnān,[48]Dašrah, Ida-Maras (in the Habur triangle), Admatum (a village in the kingdom of Ašlakkā),[49]as well as Emar and various difficult to locate villages in its proximity.[42]

In Ebla, Dagan was usually referred to with titles such as "lord of Tuttul" (dBAD Du-du-luki) or "lord of the country" (dBAD KALAMTIM), but a phonetic spelling can be found in personal names.[50]References to him as Bel Terqa – "Lord of Terqa" – are known from Eblaite sources too.[39][51]Shalash was already regarded as his wife in this period.[50]Representatives of the city ofNagarswore allegiance to the king of Ebla in the temple of Dagan in Tuttul,[52]which was viewed as a neutral third party.[53]While certain other gods known from the Eblaite texts, such as Hadabal andKura,disappear from records after the fall of the city, Dagan's cult continued and retained its prestige.[54]

In Mari, Dagan and Addu (Hadad) were protectors of the king and played a role inenthronement ceremony.[13]Multiple kings of Mari regarded Dagan as the source of their authority.[39]During the rein ofZimri-Lim,Dagan was one of the gods who received the most offerings during festivals, with other deities comparably celebrated in official offering lists including the local dynasty's tutelary deityItūr-Mēr,Annunitum,Nergal,Shamash,Ea,Ninhursag,Addu (Hadad) and Belet Ekalli (Ninegal).[55]In a letter Zimri-Lim's wifeŠibtuenumerated Dagan, Shamash, Itūr-Mēr, Belet Ekalli and Addu as "the allies for me" and the deities who "go by my lord's side."[56]The Terqa temple was closely associated with Zimri-Lim.[57]A source from the period of his reign attests that to celebrate his coronation, a weapon was sent from Hadad's temple in Aleppo to Dagan's inTerqa,likely to legitimize his rule.[58]It is possible that this ritual object represented themacewielded by theweather godin his battle with the sea (analogous to the battle betweenBaalandYamin theUgariticBaal cycle).[59]Despite the close connection between the clergy of Dagan from Terqa and Zimri-Lim, he was viewed unfavorably by the population of Tuttul and the presence of his officials was in at least one case regarded as a disturbance of Dagan's rites.[57]

InEmar,Dagan was the most senior god in offering lists, preceding the weather god (Baal/Hadad) and the city god, whose name was written logographically as NIN.URTA.[60]An important celebration dedicated to him in this location was so-callederēb Dagan,"entry of Dagan."[61]It took the form of a cultic journey of a statue, similar to celebrations of deities such asLagamalorBelet Nagarattested in the same region.[61]He was also celebrated during thezukrufestival.[62]Another festival dedicated to him known from documents from Emar waskissu,[63]which most likely took place in Šatappi, a city possibly located further south.[64]The precise meaning of the termkissuremains uncertain, making the nature of these celebrations, and roles of specific deities in them, difficult to ascertain.[64]It has been proposed that the presence of underworld deities –ShuwalaandUgur– indicates that it represented the periodicdeath and return to life of a deity,possibly Dagan's spouse, but this remains speculative.[65]

Ḫammu-rāpi, who around 1400 BCE ruled the area comprising the former independentKingdom of Khana,used the title "governor ofIlabaand Dagan. "[66]

Due to the scarcity of sources, the later history of Dagan's cult remains unclear, though it is evident that he was no longer the head god of the upper Euphrates area in later times. The head of theArameanpantheon known from sources from the first millennium BCE was Hadad.[67]

Mesopotamian reception

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Mesopotamian rulers saw Dagan as the lord of the western lands (e.g., ancient Syria) and thanked him for enabling their conquests in that area.[68]Inscriptions credit Dagan with grantingSargon of Akkadrule over the "Upper Land" and the cities of Ebla, Mari and Yarmuti in particular, as well as over areas as distant as the "cedar forest and silver mountains."[69]To gain Dagan's favor, Sargon prayed to him inTuttul.[70]An inscription from the reign ofNaram-Sindescribes inhabitants of the western frontier of his empire "as far as (the city of) Ulišum" as "people whom the god Dagan had given to him."[71]

In Mesopotamian sources, Dagan is sometimes regarded as equal in rank to the great city gods ofSumerandAkkad.[50]One text uses the formula "IshtarinEanna,EnlilinNippur,Dagan in Tuttul,Ninhursagin Kesh,EainEridu."[50]

In theUr III period,marriages between rulers of Syrian and Mesopotamian politites likely contributed to the spread of the worship of Dagan, as well other western deities likeIsharaand Haburitum, in the south of Mesopotamia.[50]InNippur,Dagan shared a temple with Ishara, first attested during the reign ofAmar-Suen.Both deities were likely introduced from Mari and were linked only by their northwestern origin.[72]Ishbi-ErraofIsin,assumed to be of Amorite origin[73]and described byIbbi-SinofUras "man of Mari" and "traveling rubbish salesman of non-Sumerianorigin "[19]frequently mentioned Dagan in documents.[19]Several of Ishbi-Erra's successors on the throne hadtheophoricnames invoking Dagan, among themIddin-DaganandIshme-Dagan.[39]They were also involved in restoring his temples in Isin and in Ur.[39]Some aspects of the syncretism between Dagan and Enlil seemingly can be attributed to this dynasty.[22]

A few of the earlyAmoritekings ofAssyriamention Dagan in their inscriptions, for exampleShamshi-Adad Icalled himself "worshipper of Dagan" in a document describing the expansion of the god's temple in Terqa.[74]Elsewhere he referred to himself as "beloved of Dagan."[75]An inscription of his sonYasmah-Adad,however, refers to "Mullil [Enlil] (...) who dwells in Tuttul."[74]

Ašubtu(a type of shrine[76]) of Dagan was located near Ka-ude-babbar,[77]one of the gates of theEsagiltemple complex inBabylon.[78]

Itti-Marduk-balatu,a king from the Second Dynasty of Isin (middle Babylonian period), called himself Dagan's regent.[79]

Thesteleof the 9th century BC Assyrian emperorAshurnasirpal IIrefers to Ashurnasirpal as the favorite ofAnuand of Dagan.[80]This phrase might, however, be simply a literary relic.[11]

Mythology

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In the Mesopotamian god listAn = Anum,Dagan was placed in the circle of Enlil, similar to another western deity, Ishara.[81]The same document equates him with Enlil and his wife Shalash withNinlil.[12]

There is some evidence that in Mesopotamia Dagan was connected with the poorly known tradition about conflict between the gods andEnmesharra,for example a passage stating that "with Dagan's authority [gods] have been guarding Enmešarra from time immemorial" is known; Dagan might however be a synonym of Enlil rather than a distinct deity in this context according toWilfred G. Lambert.[82]

The fragmentary mythUraš andMarduk(here themale godfromDilbat,not theearth goddess) mentions Dagan, similarly most likely fully equated in this context with Enlil.[83]

A legendary king ofPurushandawho serves as an opponent of Sargon of Akkad in the epicKing of Battlebears the name Nūr-Dagan.[84]

Ugarit

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Evidence from the coastal city ofUgaritis inconclusive. Whether a temple initially often identified as Dagan's was dedicated to him rather thanElis a matter of scholarly debate.[85]

In lists of gods and offerings from Ugarit, Dagan sometimes follows El but precedes Baal.[86]Two such examples are known, but in six Dagan follows El and Baal.[87]An incantation againstsnakebitementions Dagan alongside Baal, while El is paired withHoron.[88]

Dagan appears in six theophoric names known from Ugarit, and possibly in a seventh under the logographic spellingdKUR; for comparisonBaalappears in 201, with further 36 using the form Haddu.[89]For comparison, in known documents from Mari Hadad appears in 159 names, while Dagan in 138.[90]However, only 17% of known names from Ugarit are theophoric, which makes it difficult to tell how representative are they when it comes to estimating the popularity of some deities.[91]Additionally, many gods prominent in texts from Ugarit, including Anat, are uncommon in personal names, while the Mesopotamian godEa(under a phonetic spelling of the name, which makes it impossible he was a logographic stand-in for local godKothar-wa-Khasis) appeared frequently in them.[92]

Dagan, El, and Baal's parentage

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Dagan plays no active role in Ugaritic myths (such as theBaal cycle), though Baal is frequently referred to as his "son" or "lineage."[87]In the poemMarriage ofNikkalandYarikhhe is referred to as "Dagan of Tuttul," possibly indicating that he was viewed as a foreign god by Ugaritic scribes.[87]

It has been argued byJoseph Fontenrosein an article from 1957 that, whatever their deep origins, at Ugarit, Dagan was sometimes identified withEl,explaining why Dagan, who possibly had an important temple at Ugarit is so neglected in theRas Shamramythological texts, where he is merely the father of Baal, butAnat,El's daughter, is Baal's sister, and why no temple of El has appeared at Ugarit.[93]More recent research shows that evidence for identification of Dagan with El is at best indirect.[94]In god lists El was equated with HurrianKumarbiand MesopotamianEnlil[95]rather than directly with Dagan. Alfonso Archi notes in some texts both appear separately, but also that Dagan was extraneous to the theology of Ugarit.[96]

Other recent studies provide various other approaches to the problem of Baal's parentage in mythical texts. Daniel Schwemer proposes that the epithet "Son of Dagan" applied to Baal in Ugaritic texts was influenced by Syrian and Hurrian tradition.[60]Noga Ayali-Darshan states that the portrayal of the relationship between El and Baal in the Baal cycle is similar to that between Kumarbi andTeshubin the Kumarbi cycle, and that in the Hellenized Phoenician tradition recorded byPhilo of ByblosDemarous (Baal) has both a biological father ( "Ouranos") and a step-father (Dagon) - both of them distinct from Elos (El; in this Phoenician myth a brother of Dagon). She also notes that due to the circumstances of his birth, Teshub had two fathers: one opposing him and one who supported his rise to power. She suggests that therefore it is not necessarily contradictory that two separate gods were regarded as Baal's fathers, though she assumes both in Ugarit and in Phoenician beliefs Dagan/Dagon was merely an element introduced from the culture of inland Syria and played no significant role himself.[97]Aaron Tugendhaft considers Baal an outsider who is not a member of the family of El andAthiratin the beginning of the narrative and thus not their son by birth, but merely a brother of their children in the sense known from Bronze Age diplomatic texts. He argues that much as allied kings referred to each other as "brothers", so did the gods in Ugaritic myths.[98]

Iron Age Phoenicia

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ThePhoenicianinscription on the sarcophagus of King Eshmunʿazar ofSidon(5th century BC) relates: "Furthermore, the Lord of Kings gave us Dor andJoppa,the mighty lands of Dagon, which are in the Plain ofSharon,in accordance with the important deeds which I did. "[99]However, said king built no temples dedicated to Dagon in his city, and this god appears only in an insignificant role in the treaty betweenEsarhaddonand kingBaal IofTyre.[100]It is therefore doubtful if he was prominent inPhoenician religion.[100]

Later relevance

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According toPhilo of Byblos,Sanchuniathonreportedly made Dagon the brother ofCronus,both sons of the Sky (Uranus) and Earth (Gaia), but not Hadad's biological father. Hadad (Demarus) was begotten by "Sky" on a concubine before Sky was castrated by his son Ēl, whereupon the pregnant concubine was given to Dagon. Accordingly, Dagon in this version is Hadad's half-brother and stepfather.[101]The ByzantineEtymologicon Magnumlists Dagon as the "Phoenician Cronus."[102]

The first-century Jewish historianJosephusmentions a place named Dagon aboveJericho.[103]It has however been argued that some of the locations possibly named after Dagon were in reality named after the Canaanite word for grain.[104]

Jewish and Christian scriptures

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Depiction of the destruction of Dagon byPhilip James de Loutherbourg,1793.

In theHebrew Bible,Dagon is referenced three times as the head god of thePhilistines;however, there are no references to Dagon as aCanaanitegod.[105]According to the Bible, his temples were located at Beth-dagon in the territory of thetribe of Asher(Joshua19.27), and inGaza(seeJudges16.23, which tells soon after how the temple is destroyed bySamsonas his last act). Another temple, located inAshdod,was mentioned in1 Samuel5:2–7 and again as late as1 Maccabees10.83 and 11.4.King Saul'shead was displayed in a temple of Dagon after his death (1 Chronicles 10:8–10). There was also a second place known as Beth-Dagon inJudah(Joshua 15.41).

The account in 1 Samuel 5.2–7 relates how theArk of the Covenantwascaptured by the Philistinesand taken to Dagon's temple in Ashdod. The following morning the Ashdodites found the image of Dagon lying prostrate before the ark. They set the image upright, but again on the morning of the following day they found it prostrate before the ark, but this time with head and hands severed, lying on themiptāntranslated as "threshold" or "podium". The account continues with the puzzling wordsraq dāgōn nišʾar ʿālāyw,which means literally "only Dagon was left to him." (TheSeptuagint,Peshitta,andTargumsrender "Dagon" here as "trunk of Dagon" or "body of Dagon", presumably referring to the lower part of his image.[106]

Dagon is also mentioned in theFirst Book of Ethiopian Maccabees(12:12), which was composed sometime in the 4th century AD.[107]

Fish-god interpretation

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"Oannes"relief fromKhorsabad
Relief of a Mesopotamian fishman (Kulullû) identified in accordance with early 20th century scholarship as Dagan in "A Practical Commentary on Holy Scripture"(1910)

The "fish" etymology, while late and incorrect,[3]was accepted in 19th and early 20th century scholarship.[108]It led to an erroneous association between Dagan and Odakon, a half-fish being mentioned byBerossus,and with "fishman" motifs in Mesopotamian art,[108]in reality depictions ofKulullû,[109]anapotropaiccreature associated with the godEa.[110]

The association withdāg/dâg'fish' was made by 11th-century Jewish Bible commentatorRashi.[111]In the 13th century,David Kimhiinterpreted the odd sentence in 1 Samuel 5.2–7 that "only Dagon was left to him" to mean "only the form of a fish was left", adding: "It is said that Dagon, from his navel down, had the form of a fish (whence his name, Dagon), and from his navel up, the form of a man, as it is said, his two hands were cut off." TheSeptuaginttext of 1 Samuel 5.2–7 says that both the handsand the headof the image of Dagon were broken off.[112]

The first to cast doubt on the "fish" etymology wasHartmut Schmökel[de]in his 1928 study of Dagan, though he initially nonetheless suggested that while Dagon was not in origin a "fish god", the association withdâg"fish" among the maritime Canaanites (Phoenicians) would have affected the god's iconography.[113]However, later he correctly identified it as a medieval invention.[114]Modern researchers not only do not accept it, but even question if Dagan/Dagon was worshiped in coastal areas in any significant capacity at all.[11]

Dagon and Marnas

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Colossal seated Marnas fromGazaportrayed in the style of Zeus. Roman period Marnas[115]was the chief divinity of Gaza (Istanbul Archaeology Museum).

In the Classical period the central temple of Gaza was dedicated to a god named Marnas (fromAramaicmarnā,"lord" ).[105]Itamar Singerconsidered it a possibility that this name was a title of the hypothetical Philistine Dagon,[116]though he notes he was equated not with a Levantine or Syrian deity but withCretan Zeus,Zeus Krētagenēs.[105]However,Gerard Mussiesconsiders Marnas and Dagan to be two separate deities.[117]According to Taco Terpstra, Marnas' origins are "nebulous,"[118]and while his name can be plausibly assumed to be Aramaic, his iconography followsHellenisticconventions. At times he is shown naked, similar to a naked and bearded Zeus, either seated on a throne or standing while holding a lightning bolt. Other images show him in a form similar toApollo,holding a bow and standing on a pedestal in front of a female deity. Regardless of the variety of depictions, the abundance of them on coins indicates that the inhabitants of Gaza held him in high esteem and associated this god with their city. Textual sources portray him as a "sky god who also performed oracles."[119]An indirect reference to Marnas occurs in an inscription from RomanPortusfrom the reign ofGordian III(238-244 CE), which relays that the city of Gaza honored this ruler "at the prompting of its ancestral god."[120]

Marnas is mentioned in the works of the fourth century scholar and theologian Jerome, in several stories from hisLife of St.Hilarion,written around 390 CE, in which he condemns his adherents as idolatrous and as "enemies of God." Violent sentiments against the cult of Marnas and the destruction of his temple in Gaza, the Marneion, are described byMark the Deaconin his account of the life of the early fifth-century saintPorphyry of Gaza(Vita Porphyri). After the destruction of Marnas's temple, Mark petitioned the emperorArcadiusthrough his wifeEudoxiato grant a request to have all pagan temples in Gaza destroyed.[121]Terpstra notes there is no direct evidence for the historicity of this account, as Porphyry is not mentioned by other contemporary authors and is entirely absent from inscriptions, though it does indeed appear that in the early fifth century the temple of Marnas was replaced by a Christian church.[122]However, the majority of Gazans were not Christians in the fifth century CE, and likely continued to worship their city's tutelary deity.[123]

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Dagon has appeared in many works of popular culture. However, most depend on the biblical account and associated fish god speculation rather than on primary sources and modern research.

Notable examples includeJohn Milton's epic poemsSamson AgonistesandParadise Lost,DagonandThe Shadow Over InnsmouthbyH. P. Lovecraft,DagonbyFred Chappell,MiddlemarchbyGeorge Eliot,andKing of KingsbyMalachi Martin.[124]

Also, the extinct prehistoric beaked whale species,Dagonodum mojnum,is named after Dagon.[125]

See also

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Citations

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  1. ^The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature
  2. ^Emanuel, Jeffrey P. (2016)."'Dagon Our God': Iron I Philistine Cult in Text and Archaeology ".Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions.16(1): 22–66.doi:10.1163/15692124-12341278.ISSN1569-2116.
  3. ^abcSinger 1992,p. 433.
  4. ^Hutter 1996,p. 129.
  5. ^Feliu 2003,pp. 278–287.
  6. ^Archi 2015,pp. 626–627.
  7. ^Wilhelm 1989,p. 55.
  8. ^Archi 1997,p. 418.
  9. ^Taracha 2009,p. 119.
  10. ^abArchi 2013,p. 15.
  11. ^abcStone 2013.
  12. ^abArchi 2015,p. 634.
  13. ^abcdSchwemer 2007,p. 156.
  14. ^Feliu 2003,p. 302.
  15. ^Feliu 2007,p. 90.
  16. ^Frantz-Szabó & Lambert 1980,p. 176.
  17. ^Black & Green 1992,p. 56.
  18. ^abFeliu 2003,pp. 54–55.
  19. ^abcdefArchi 2004,p. 324.
  20. ^abFeliu 2003,p. 55.
  21. ^abArchi 2002,p. 30.
  22. ^abArchi 2004,pp. 324–325.
  23. ^Archi 2004,pp. 326–327.
  24. ^Archi 2004,pp. 327–328.
  25. ^Archi 2013,p. 12.
  26. ^Archi 2004,p. 331.
  27. ^Archi 2013,pp. 14–15.
  28. ^Feliu 2007,pp. 87–88.
  29. ^Feliu 2007,pp. 91–92.
  30. ^abSchwemer 2007,p. 129.
  31. ^abArchi 2004,p. 332.
  32. ^Archi 2004,pp. 331–332.
  33. ^Feliu 2003,p. 304.
  34. ^Archi 2015,p. 625.
  35. ^Feliu 2003,pp. 304–305.
  36. ^Feliu 1999,p. 198.
  37. ^Feliu 2003,pp. 305–306.
  38. ^Schwemer 2007,p. 146.
  39. ^abcdeArchi 2004,p. 325.
  40. ^Feliu 2003,pp. 145–146.
  41. ^Archi 2015,p. 628.
  42. ^abcFeliu 2003,p. 303.
  43. ^Archi 2015,p. 35.
  44. ^Archi 2010,p. 4.
  45. ^Feliu 2003,p. 134.
  46. ^Feliu 2003,p. 136.
  47. ^Feliu 2003,p. 139.
  48. ^Feliu 2003,p. 141.
  49. ^Feliu 2003,p. 142.
  50. ^abcdeArchi 2004,p. 323.
  51. ^Schwemer 2007,p. 157.
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