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Ideology of the Iranian revolution

Main article:Iranian revolution

Theideology of the Iranian revolutionhas been called a "complex combination" ofPan-Islamism,politicalpopulism,andShia Islamic"religious radicalism";[1]"a struggle against paganism, oppression, and empire."[2] Perhaps the most important of the diverse ideological interpretation of Islam within the grand alliance that led to the 1979 revolution wereKhomeinism,Ali Shariati’s Islamic-left ideology,[3]Mehdi Bazargan’s liberal-democratic Islam. Less powerful were thesocialist guerrilla groupsof Islamic and secular variants, and the secular constitutionalism insocialistand nationalist forms.[4]Contributors to the ideology also includedJalal Al-e-Ahmad,who formulated the idea ofGharbzadegi—that Western culture must be rejected and fought as was a plague or an intoxication that alienated Muslims from their roots and identity.[5]

The slogan chanted by demonstrators— "Independence, Freedom, and Islamic Republic" (Estiqlal, Azadi, Jomhuri-ye Eslami!)[6] — has been called the "pivotal yet broad demand" of the revolutionaries.[7]Revolutionaries railed against corruption, extravagance and autocratic nature of Pahlavi rule;[8]policies that helped the rich at the expense of the poor; and the economic and cultural domination/exploitation of Iran by non-Muslim foreigners—particularly Americans.[9]

Khomeini

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Main article:Khomeinism
Khomeini in the 1970s

The author who ultimately formulated the ideology of the revolution though, was the man who dominated the revolution itself—theAyatollah Khomeini.He preached that revolt, and especially martyrdom, against injustice and tyranny was part of Shia Islam,[10]that clerics should mobilize and lead their flocks into action, not just to advise them. He introduced Qur'anic terms—mustazafin('weak')[11]andmustakbirin('proud and mighty')[12]—for the Marxist terminology of the oppressors-oppressed distinction.[13]He rejected the influence of both Soviet and American superpowers in Iran with the slogan "not Eastern, nor Western - Islamic Republican" (Persian:نه شرقی نه غربی جمهوری اسلامی).

HistorianErvand Abrahamianargues that the revolution had more than one ideology, not just because the revolution was won by a coalition of forces, but because the ideology evolved over time. One very stark point of evolution was between the ideas promoted by Khomeini while fighting for power (based on class struggle and populism) and those forming the basis of rule after the fall of the shah (rule of the guardian jurist).[14]

Velayat-e faqih

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Main article:Islamic Government: Governance of the Jurist

In his famedJanuary–February 1970 lectures to studentsinNajaf,Khomeini spelled out his system of "Islamic Government"based on the principle ofvelayat-e faqih.He argued that since Muslims, in fact everyone, required "guardianship," in the form of rule or supervision, true Islamic government must be by the leading Islamic jurist or jurists—such as Khomeini himself.[15] This was necessary because Islam requires obedience to traditional Islamicsharialaw alone. Following this law was not only the Islamically correct thing to do, it would prevent poverty, injustice, and the plundering of Muslim land by foreign unbelievers. But for all this to happen,shariahad to be protected from innovation and deviation, and this required putting control of government in the hands of those who were experts in Islamic law -- namely Islamic jurists.[16]

Establishing and obeying this Islamic government was so important it was "actually an expression of obedience to God," ultimately "more necessary even than prayer and fasting" for Islam because without it true Islam will not survive.[17]It was a universal principle, not one confined to Iran. All the world needed and deserved just government, i.e. true Islamic government, and Khomeini "regarded the export of the Islamic revolution as imperative."[18](His statements on this sensative issue were contradictory. He stated "We shallexport our revolutionto the whole world. Until the cry 'There is no god but Allah' resounds over the whole world, there will be struggle ";[19][20][21][22]: 66 ] yet other times said, "export of revolution... does not mean interfering in other nation's affairs ",[23]but "answering their questions about knowing God".)[24][25][note 1]

However, this plan/ideology was disclosed to his students and the religious community but not widely publicized.[27][note 2]

Populism

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Throughout the rest of the 1970s, as he gained ground to become the leader of the revolution, Khomeini made no mention of his theory of Islamic government, little or no mention of any details of religious doctrinal or specific public policies.[note 3]He did reassure the public his government would "be democratic as well as Islamic" and that "neither he nor his clerical supporters harbored any secret desire to `rule` the country",[30]but mainly and stuck to attacking the Iranian monarch (shah) "on a host of highly sensitive socioeconomic issues":

Accused him of widening the gap between rich and poor; favoring cronies, relatives... wasting oil resources on the ever expanding army and bureaucracy... condemning the working class to a life of poverty, misery, and drudgery... neglecting low-income housing ", dependency on the west, supporting the US and Israel, undermining Islam and Iran with" cultural imperialism ",[31]

often sounding not just populist but leftist ( "Oppressed of the world, unite", "The problems of the East come from the West -- especially from American imperialism" ),[32]including an emphasis onclass struggle.The classes struggling were the oppressed (mostazafin) that he supported, and the oppressors (mostakberin)[33](made up of the shah's government, the wealthy and well-connected, who would be deposed come the revolution). With this message discipline, Khomeini united a broad coalition movement that hated the shah but included moderates, liberals, and leftists that Khomeini had little else in common with.[34]

Needless to say theocracy of jurists was in conflict with the hopes and plans of Iran's democratic secularists and Islamic leftists. At the same time Khomeini knew a broad revolutionary base was necessary and did not hesitate to encourage these forces to unite with his supporters to overthrow the Shah.[35] Consequently, the ideology of the revolution was known for its "imprecision"[36]or "vague character"[37]prior to its victory, with the specific character of velayat-e faqih/theocratic waiting to be made public when the time was right.[38]Khomeini maintained the opposition to velayat-e faqih/theocratic government by the other revolutionaries was the result of propaganda campaign by foreign imperialists eager to prevent Islam from putting a stop to their plundering. This propaganda was so insidious it had penetrated even Islamic seminaries and made it necessary to "observe the principles oftaqiyya"(i.e. dissimulation of the truth in defense of Islam, i.e. lying), when talking about (or not talking about) Islamic government.[39][40]

Ideology in power

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With the overthrow of the shah in 1979, the ideology of velayat-e faqih waxed and that of populism waned.

  • Khomeini and his core group commenced establishing Islamic government of a ruling Jurist (Khomeini being the jurist) andpurging unwanted allies:liberals, moderate Muslims (theProvisional Government), then leftist Shi'a (like presidentAbolhassan Banisadrand theMeK guerillas). Eventually, "one faction",[41]one "social group" was left to benefit financially from the revolution -- "bazaar merchants and business operators linked to the political-religious hierarchy".[42]
  • By 1982, having consolidated power, Khomeini also "toned down" his populist language, "watered down" his class rhetoric, "[43]took time to praise the bazaars and their merchants,[44]no longer celebrating the righteous, angry poor --mostazafinnow was used as a political term, covering all those who supported the Islamic Republic;[45]
  • Emphasized how (according to Khomeini) essential Shi'i clerics were to protecting Islam and Iran; they had kept alive "national Consciousness" and stood as a "fortress of independence" against imperialism and royal despotism in theTobacco protestof 1891, thePersian Constitutional Revolutionof 1906, duringReza Shah's reign, rising up against Muhammad Reza Shah in 1963.[46]

In late 1987 and early 1988, Khomeini startled many by declaring that the Islamic Republic had "absolute authority" over everything, including "secondary ordinances", i.e. sharia law such as theFive Pillars of Islam.

"I should state that the government, which is part of the absolute deputyship of the Prophet, is one of the primary injunctions of Islam and has priority over all other secondary injunctions, even prayers, fasting and hajj."[47]

The announcement was attributed to having to deal with a deadlock between populists and conservatives in his government, where Khomeini was attempting to nudge conservatives in the guardian council to not veto an income tax and a "watered-down" labor law (which the council had hitherto opposed as unIslamic).[48]

Non-Khomeini sources of the ideology

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Gharbzadegi

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Main article:Gharbzadegi
Jalal Al-e-Ahmad

In 1962,Jalal Al-e-Ahmadpublished a book or pamphlet called of the book Occidentosis (Gharbzadegi): A Plague from the West. Al-e-Ahmad, who was from a deeply religious family but had had a Western education and been a member of theTudeh (Communist) party,[49]argued that Iran was intoxicated or infatuated (zadegi) with Western (gharb) technology, culture, products, and so had become a victim of the West's "toxins" or disease. The adoption and imitation ofWesternmodels and Western criteria in education, the arts, and culture led to the loss ofIraniancultural identity, and a transformation of Iran into a passive market for Western goods and a pawn in Western geopolitics.[50][51] Al-e-Ahmad "spearheaded" the search by Western educated/secular Iranians for "Islamic roots", and although he advocated a return to Islam his works "contained a strong Marxist flavor and analyzed society through a class perspective."[52]

Al-e-Ahmad "was the only contemporary writer ever to obtain favorable comments from Khomeini", who wrote in a 1971 message to Iranian pilgrims on going on Hajj,

"The poisonous culture ofimperialism[is] penetrating to the depths of towns and villages throughout the Muslim world, displacing the culture of theQur'an,recruiting our youth en masse to the service of foreigners and imperialists... "[53]

At least one historian (Ervand Abrahamian) speculates Al-e-Ahmad may have been an influence on Khomeini's turning away from traditional Shi'i thought towards populism, class struggle and revolution.[52] Fighting Gharbzadegi became part of the ideology of the 1979Iranian Revolution—the emphasis onnationalizationof industry, "self-sufficiency" in economics, independence in all areas of life from both the Western (and Soviet) world. He was also one of the main influences of the later Islamic Republic presidentAhmadinejad.[54]The Islamic Republic issued a postage stamp honoring Al-e-Ahmad in 1981.[55]

Socialist Shi'ism and Ali Shariati

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Ali Shariati(Persian:علی شریعتی مزینانی;1933 - 1977)

One element of Iran's revolution not found in Sunni Islamist movements was what came to be called "Socialist Shi'ism",[56](also "red Shiism" as opposed to the "black Shiism" of the clerics).[57]

Iran's education system was "substantially superior" to that of its neighbors, and by 1979 had about 175,000 students, 67, 000 studying abroad away from the supervision of its oppressive security force the SAVAK. The early 1970s saw a "blossoming of Marxist groups" around the world including among Iranian post-secondary students.[56]

After one failed uprising, some of the young revolutionaries, realizing that the religious Iranian masses were not relating to Marxist concepts, began projecting "the Messianic expectations of communist and Third World peoples onto Revolutionary Shi'ism.", i.e. socialist Shi'ism.[56]Ali Shariatiwas "the most outspoken representative of this group", and a figure without equivalent in "fame or influence" in Sunni Islam.[56]He had come from a "strictly religious family" but had studied in Paris and been influenced by the writings ofJean-Paul Sartre,Frantz FanonandChe Guevara.[58]

Socialist Shia believedImam Husseinwas not just a holy figure but the original oppressed one (muzloun), and his killer, the Sunni Umayyad Caliphate, the "analog" of the modern Iranian people's "oppression by the shah".[56]His killing atKarbalawas not just an "eternal manifestation of the truth but a revolutionary act by a revolutionary hero".[59]

Shariati was also a harsh critic of traditional Usuli clergy (includingAyatullah Hadi al-Milani), who he and other leftist Shia believed were standing in the way of the revolutionary potential of the masses,[60]by focusing on mourning and lamentation for the martyrs, awaiting the return of the messiah, when they should have been fighting "against the state injustice begun by Ali and Hussein".[61]

Shariati not only influenced young Iranians and young clerics,[62]he influenced Khomeini. Shariati popularized a saying from the 19th century, 'Every place should be turned into Karbala, every month into Moharram, and every day into Ashara'.[59]Later Khomeini used it as a slogan.[63]

The "phenomenal popularity" of Shari'ati among the "young intelligentsia"[64][57]helped open up the "modern middle class" to Khomeini. Shari'ati was often anticlerical but Khomeini was able to "win over his followers by being forthright in his denunciations of the monarchy; by refusing to join fellow theologians in criticizing the Husseinieh-i Ershad; by openly attacking the apolitical and the pro-regime `ulama; by stressing such themes as revolution, anti-imperialism, and the radical message of Muharram; and by incorporating into his public declarations such `Fanonist` terms as the `mostazafin will inherit the earth`, `the country needs a cultural revolution,` and the `people will dump the exploiters onto the garbage heap of history.`[64]

Shariati was also influenced by anti-democratic Islamist ideas of Muslim Brotherhood thinkers in Egypt and he tried to meetMuhammad Qutbwhile visiting Saudi Arabia in 1969.[65]A chain smoker, Shariati died of a heart attack while in self-imposed exile inSouthampton,UK on June 18, 1977.[66]

Ayatullah Hadi Milani, the influential Usuli Marja inMashhadduring the 1970s, had issued a fatwa prohibiting his followers from reading Ali Shariati's books and islamist literature produced by young clerics. This fatwa was followed by similar fatwas fromAyatullah Mar'ashi Najafi,Ayatullah Muhammad Rouhani,Ayatullah Hasan Qomiand others. Ayatullah Khomeini refused to comment.[67]

Mahmoud Taleghani

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Further information:Mahmoud Taleghani

Mahmoud Taleghani (1911–1979) was another politically active IranianShi'icleric and contemporary of Khomeini and a leader in his own right of the movement against ShahMohammad Reza Pahlavi.A founding member of theFreedom Movement of Iran,he has been described as a representative of the tendency of many "Shia clerics to blendShiawithMarxistideals in order to compete with leftist movements for youthful supporters "during the 1960s and 1970s.[68]a veteran in the struggle against thePahlavi regime,he was imprisoned on several occasions over the decades, "as a young preacher, as a mid-ranking cleric, and as a senior religious leader just before the revolution,"[69]and served a total of a dozen years in prison.[70]In his time in prison he developed connections with leftist political prisoners and the influence of the left on his thinking was reflected in his famous bookIslam and Ownership (Islam va Malekiyat)which argued in support of collective ownership "as if it were an article of faith in Islam."[69]

Taleghani was instrumental in "shaping the groundswell movement" that led to the Iranian revolution and served as the chair of powerful and secretRevolutionary Councilduring theIslamic Revolution.[70]he was also the first Imam forFriday Prayerin Tehran after the fall of Iran's interim government, In the late July 1979.[71]He clashed with Khomeini in April 1979, warning the leadership against a 'return to despotism.' "After two of his sons were arrested[70]by revolutionary Guards, thousands of his supporters marched in the streets chanting "Taleghani, you are the soul of the revolution! Down with the reactionaries!" Khomeini summoned Taleghani to Qom where he was given a severe criticism after which the press was called and told by Khomeini: "Mr. Taleghani is with us and he is sorry for what happened." Khomeini pointedly did not refer to him as Ayatollah Taleghani.[72]

Ideology in practice

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Following the revolution, its ideology became apparent in social, economic and cultural policies.

In terms of dress, western-style neckties for men and uncovered hair, arms, and many other areas for women were banned. But there were non-religious changes as well, such as an emphasis onproletariandress, manners, and customs, as opposed toWesternaristocratic orbourgeoiselegance and extravagance of the Shah's era. For example, observers noted in the early days of the revolution the "canteen-like" nature of restaurant meals, meant "to underscore the triumph of the Muslim proletariat." In men's dress, a judge described the "overnight transformation" in February 1979 of the Ministry of Justice in Tehran:

The men were no longer wearing suits and ties but plain slacks and collarless shirts, many of them quite wrinkled, some even stained. Even my nose caught a whiff of the change. The slight scent of cologne or perfume that had lingered in the corridors, especially in the mornings, was absent.[73]

See also

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Notes

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  1. ^"In offering an alternative, Khomeini did not publicly refer to his work on Islamic government; on the contrary, his entourage later disclaimed this work, arguing that it was either a SAVAK forgery or the rough notes of an student listener."[26]
  2. ^"In offering an alternative, Khomeini did not publicly refer to his work on Islamic government; on the contrary, his entourage later disclaimed this work, arguing that it was either a SAVAK forgery or the rough notes of an student listener."[28]
  3. ^Khomeini did not "commit himself to precise proposals and specific plans; as one journalist later observed, `imprecision was a way of life` for the entourage.[29]

References

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  1. ^Abrahamian, Ervand,A History of Modern Iran,2008, p.143
  2. ^Bernard Lewis|Islamic Revolution
  3. ^Keddie,Modern Iran,(2003) p.201-7
  4. ^"Iran Analysis Quarterly Volume 1 No".Archived fromthe originalon 2021-09-14.Retrieved2013-07-06.
  5. ^Mackay,Iranians(1996) pp. 215, 264–5.
  6. ^Islamism and education in modern Iran, with special reference to gendered social interactions and relationshipsArchived2012-04-06 at theWayback Machine,H Godazgar:498.
  7. ^Iran: a green wave for life and liberty, Asef Bayat, 7 - 07 - 2009Archived2017-10-10 at theWayback Machineaccessed 14-July-2009
  8. ^AbrahamianIran,(1982) p.478-9
  9. ^Graham,Iran(1980), p.233-4
  10. ^The Last Great Revolution Turmoil and Transformation in Iran,by Robin WRIGHT.
  11. ^from Q4:75
  12. ^Q16:22-23
  13. ^Dabashi,Theology of Discontent(1993)
  14. ^Abrahamian,Khomeinism,1993, chapter 1, pp-13-37
  15. ^Dabashi,Theology of Discontent(1993), p.419, 443
  16. ^Khomeini; Algar,Islam and Revolution,p.52, 54, 80
  17. ^See:Velayat-e faqih (book by Khomeini)#Importance of Islamic Government
  18. ^Staying the Course: the "Lebanonization" of Hizbullah - Lebanon - Al Mashriq
  19. ^11 February 1979 (according to Dilip Hiro inThe Longest Warp.32) p.108 fromExcerpts from Speeches and Messages of Imam Khomeini on the Unity of the Muslims.
  20. ^Glenn, Cameron; Nada, Garrett (28 August 2015)."Rival Islamic States: ISIS v Iran".Wilson Center.Wilson Center.
  21. ^Rieffer-Flanagan, Barbara Ann (2009). "Islamic Realpolitik: Two-Level Iranian Foreign Policy".International Journal on World Peace.26(4): 19.ISSN0742-3640.JSTOR20752904.
  22. ^Wright, Robin (2010).The Last Great Revolution: Turmoil and Transformation in Iran.Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group.ISBN978-0-307-76607-6.
  23. ^صدور انقلاب به معناي دخالت در شئون مردم كشورهاي ديگر نيست.
  24. ^بلكه به معناي پاسخ دادن به سؤالهاي فكري بشر تشنه معارف الهي است.
  25. ^"پيام امام (ره) به گورباچف".Archived fromthe originalon 2012-04-15.Retrieved2013-07-06.
  26. ^cited by J. Cockroft, `Iran's Khomeini,` Seven Days, 23 February 1979, quoted inIran Between Two Revolutionsby Ervand Abrahamian, Princeton University Press, 1982, pp.17-18
  27. ^Abrahamian,Iran between two revolutions,1982: p.478-9
  28. ^cited by J. Cockroft, `Iran's Khomeini,` Seven Days, 23 February 1979, quoted inIran Between Two Revolutionsby Ervand Abrahamian, Princeton University Press, 1982, pp.17-18
  29. ^Iran Between Two Revolutionsby Ervand Abrahamian, Princeton University Press, 1982, pp.17-18]
  30. ^source: Committee to End U.S. Intervention in Iran, Excerpts from Ayatollah Khomeini's Interviews, (Mountview, CA, 1978); quoted inIran Between Two Revolutionsby Ervand Abrahamian, (Princeton University Press, 1982), p.14-15
  31. ^Abrahamian,Khomeinism,1993[broken anchor]:p.30
  32. ^Abrahamian,Khomeinism,1993[broken anchor]:p.31
  33. ^Abrahamian,Khomeinism,1993[broken anchor]:p.47
  34. ^Kepel,Jihad,2002, pp.112-118
  35. ^Abrahamian,Iran,(1983), p.478,479, 524
  36. ^AbrahamianIran(1982), p.478-9
  37. ^Amuzegar,Dynamics of the Iranian Revolution(1991), p.10
  38. ^Schirazi,Constitution of Iran(1997) p.29-32
  39. ^See:Hokumat-e Islami: Velayat-e faqih (book by Khomeini)#Why Islamic Government has not been established
  40. ^Khomeini and Algar,Islam and Revolution(1981), p.34
  41. ^Abbas Djavadi (25 February 2010)."The Difference Between A Marja And A Supreme Leader".RLRFE.Retrieved5 May2023.
  42. ^Kepel,Jihad,2002, p364
  43. ^Abrahamian,Khomeinism,1993[broken anchor]:p.51
  44. ^Abrahamian,Khomeinism,1993[broken anchor]:p.53
  45. ^Abrahamian,Khomeinism,1993[broken anchor]:p.52
  46. ^Abrahamian,Khomeinism,1993[broken anchor]:p.25-26
  47. ^Mavani, Hamid (Spring 2013)."Khomeini's Concept of Governance of the Jurisconsult ( Wilayat al-Faqih) Revisited: The Aftermath of Iran's 2009 Presidential Election".Middle East Journal.67(2): 209.Retrieved19 April2023.
  48. ^Abrahamian,Khomeinism,1993[broken anchor]:p.56
  49. ^Abrahamian,Khomeinism,1994, p.23
  50. ^Ajayi, Akin (2016-04-05)."'Westoxification' and Worse: Probing Iran's Turbulent History ".Haaretz.Retrieved2020-02-20.
  51. ^Gershon, Livia (2019-09-05)."Progress Is Not the Same as Westernization".JSTOR Daily.Retrieved2020-02-20.
  52. ^abAbrahamian,Khomeinism,1993[broken anchor]:p.23
  53. ^"Message to the Pilgrims" (Message sent to Iranian pilgrims on Hajj in Saudi Arabia from Khomeini in exile in Najaf) February 6, 1971,Islam and Revolution: Writings and Declarations of Imam Khomeini,(1981), p.195
  54. ^Avideh Mayville, "The Religious Ideology of Reform in Iran" inJ. Harold Ellens(ed.),Winning Revolutions: The Psychosocial Dynamics of Revolts for Freedom, Fairness, and Rights [3 volumes],ABC-CLIO (2013), p. 311
  55. ^Abrahamian,Khomeinism,1993[broken anchor]:p.22, figure 1
  56. ^abcdeKepel,Jihad,2002, p.107-8
  57. ^abNasr, Vali,The Shia Revival,Norton, (2006), pp. 129
  58. ^Kepel,Jihad,2002, p.37
  59. ^abNasr, Vali,The Shia Revival,Norton, (2006), pp. 128
  60. ^Rahnema 2000,pp. 123–124.
  61. ^Kepel,Jihad,2002, p.38
  62. ^Nasr, Vali,The Shia Revival,Norton, (2006), pp. 129-130
  63. ^Abrahamian,Khomeinism,1993, p.29
  64. ^abIran Between Two Revolutionsby Ervand Abrahamian, Princeton University Press, 1982, p.534
  65. ^Bohdan 2020,p. 256.
  66. ^Rahnema 2000,p. 368.
  67. ^Rahnema 2000,pp. 274–276.
  68. ^Nasr, Vali,The Shia Revival,Norton, (2006), pp. 126–7
  69. ^abNasr, Vali,The Shia Revival,Norton, (2006), p. 127
  70. ^abc"Milestones, Sep. 24, 1979".24 September 1979. Archived fromthe originalon 16 October 2007 – via time.
  71. ^"Demise of Ayatollah Taleghani".Islamic Revolution Document Center. Archived fromthe originalon 13 April 2013.Retrieved21 June2016.
  72. ^Mackay,Iranians,(1998), p. 291
  73. ^Ebadi, Shirin,Iran Awakeningby Shirin Ebadi with Azadeh Moaveni, Random House New York, 2006, p. 185, 41

Bibliography

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