Septimius Odaenathus(Palmyrene Aramaic:𐡠𐡣𐡩𐡮𐡶‎ (),ʾŌdaynaṯ;Arabic:أذينة,romanized:Uḏayna;c.220 – 267) was the founder king (malik) of thePalmyrene Kingdomwho ruled fromPalmyra,Syria. He elevated the status of his kingdom from a regional center subordinate to Rome into a formidable state in South-West Asia. Odaenathus was born into an aristocratic Palmyrene family that had receivedRoman citizenshipin the 190s under theSeveran dynasty.He was the son of Hairan, the descendant of Nasor. The circumstances surrounding his rise are ambiguous; he became the lord (ras) of the city, a position created for him, as early as the 240s and by 258, he was styled aconsularis,indicating a high status in theRoman Empire.

Odaenathus
𐡠𐡣𐡩𐡮𐡶
King of Palmyra
King of Kings of the East
(Western Aramaic:Mlk Mlk dy Mdnh)
Head of a ruler wearing a diadem on a clay tessera, possibly of Odaenathus
A claytesserabearing a possible depiction of Odaenathus wearing adiadem
King of Kings of the East
Reign263–267
PredecessorTitle created
SuccessorVaballathus
Co-rulerHairan I
King of Palmyra
Reign260–267
PredecessorHimself as Ras of Palmyra
SuccessorVaballathus
Ras(lord) of Palmyra
Reign240s–260
PredecessorOffice established
SuccessorHimself as King of Palmyra
Bornc. 220
Palmyra,Roman Syria
Died267 (aged 46–47)
Heraclea Pontica(modern-dayKaradeniz Ereğli,Turkey), orEmesa(modern-dayHoms,Syria)
SpouseZenobia
IssueHairan I(Herodianus)
Vaballathus
Hairan II
Names
Septimius Odainat
HouseHouse of Odaenathus
FatherHairan

The defeat and captivity ofEmperor Valerianat the hands of theSasanian emperorShapur Iin 260 left the eastern Roman provinces largely at the mercy of thePersians.Odaenathus remained on the side of Rome; assuming the title of king, he led thePalmyrene army,attacking the Persians before they could cross theEuphratesto the eastern bank, inflicting a considerable defeat.[1]He took the side of EmperorGallienus,the son and successor of Valerian, who was facing the attempted usurpation ofFulvius Macrianus.The rebel declared his sons emperors, leaving one inSyriaand taking the other with him to Europe. Odaenathus attacked the remaining usurper and quelled the rebellion. He was rewarded with many exceptional titles by the Emperor, who formalized his self-established position in the East. In reality, the Emperor may have done little but accept the declared nominal loyalty of Odaenathus.

In a series of rapid and successful campaigns starting in 262, Odaenathus crossed the Euphrates and recoveredCarrhaeandNisibis.He then took the offensive into the heartland of Persia, and arrived at the walls of its capital,Ctesiphon.[1]The city withstood the short siege but Odaenathus reclaimed the entirety of the Roman lands occupied by the Persians since the beginning of theirinvasions in 252.Odaenathus celebrated his victories and declared himself "King of Kings",crowning his sonHerodianusas co-king. By 263, Odaenathus was in effective control of theLevant,Roman MesopotamiaandAnatolia's eastern region.

Odaenathus observed all due formalities towards the Emperor, but in practice ruled as an independent monarch. In 266, he launched a second invasion of Persia but had to abandon the campaign and head north toBithyniato repel the attacks of Germanic raiders besieging the city ofHeraclea Pontica.He was assassinated in 267 during or immediately after the Anatolian campaign, together with Herodianus. The identities of the perpetrator or the instigator are unknown and many stories, accusations and speculations exist in ancient sources. He was succeeded by his sonVaballathusunder the regency of his widowZenobia,who used the power established by Odaenathus to forge thePalmyrene Empirein 270.

Name, family and appearance

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"Odaenathus" is theLatintransliteration of the king's name;[note 1][2]he was born Septimius Odainat inc. 220.[note 2][4]His name is written in transliteratedPalmyreneasSptmyws ʾDynt.[5][6]"Sptmyws"(Septimius), which means" born in September ",[7]was Odaenathus' familygentilicium(Roman surname), adopted as an expression of loyalty to the RomanSeveran dynastyand the emperorSeptimius Severuswho had granted the familyRoman citizenshipin the late second century.[8][9]ʾDynt(Odainat) is the Palmyrene diminutive for ear, related toUḏainainArabicand'ÔdeninAramaic.[10][6]Odaenathus' genealogy is known from a stone block in Palmyra with asepulchralinscription that mentions the building of a tomb and records the genealogy of the builder: Odaenathus, son of Hairan, son of Wahb Allat, son of Nasor.[11][12]In Rabbinic sources, Odaenathus is named "Papa ben Nasor" (Papa son of Nasor);[note 3][15]the meaning of the name "Papa" and how Odaenathus earned it is unclear.[note 4][15]

Relief from theTemple of the GaddeatDura-Europosdepicting the god "Gad"of Dura (center), KingSeleucus I Nicator(right) and Hairan son of Maliko son of Nasor, a possible relative of Odaenathus (left).[16]

The King appears to be of mixedArabandArameandescent:[17]his name, the name of his father, Hairan, and that of his grandfather, Wahb-Allat, areArabic;[18][19]while Nasor, his great-grandfather, has an Aramaic name.[20]Nasor might not have been the great-grandfather of Odaenathus, but a more distant ancestor;[21]the archaeologistFrank Edward Brownconsidered Nasor to be Odaenathus' great-great or great-great-great grandfather.[22]This has led some scholars, such as Lisbeth Soss Fried and Javier Teixidor, to consider the origin of the family to be Aramean.[23][20]In practice, the citizenry of Palmyra were the result of Arab and Aramaean tribes merging into a unity with a corresponding consciousness; they thought and acted as Palmyrenes.[19][24]

The fifth-century historianZosimusasserted that Odaenathus descended from "illustrious forebears",[note 5][20]but the position of the family in Palmyra is debated; it was probably part of the wealthy mercantile class.[29]Alternatively, the family may have belonged to the tribal leadership which amassed a fortune as landowners and patrons of the Palmyrene caravans.[note 6][17]The historiansFranz Altheimand Ruth Stiehl suggested that Odaenathus was part of a new elite ofBedouinsdriven from their home east of theEuphratesby the aggressiveSassaniandynasty after 220.[31][32]However, it is certain that Odaenathus came from a family which had belonged to the upper class of the city for several generations;[33]inDura-Europos,a relief dated to 159/158 (470 of theSeleucid era,SE) was commissioned by Hairan son of Maliko son of Nasor.[note 7][16]This Hairan might have been the head of the Palmyrene trade colony in Dura-Europos and probably belonged to the same family as Odaenathus.[35][36]According to Brown, it is plausible, based on the occurrence of the name Nasor in both Dura-Europos and Palmyra (where it was a rare name), that Odaenathus and Hairan son of Maliko belonged to the same family.[22]

Odaenathus' alleged portrait from theNy Carlsberg Glyptotekmuseum

No definite images of Odaenathus have been discovered, hence, there is no information about his appearance; all sculptures identified as Odaenathus lack any inscriptions to confirm whom they represent.[37]Two sculpted heads from Palmyra, one preserved in theNy Carlsberg Glyptotekmuseum and the other in theArchaeological Museum in Istanbul,were identified by the archaeologistHarald Ingholt[de]as representing Odaenathus based on their monumentality and regal style.[38]The academic consensus does not support Ingholt's view,[39][40]and the heads he ascribed to the king can be dated to the end of the second century.[41]More likely, two marble heads, one depicting a man wearing a royaltiara,the crown of Palmyra, and the other depicting a man in a royal Hellenisticdiadem,are depictions of the king.[42]In addition, a Palmyrene clay tessera, depicting a bearded man wearing a diadem, could be a portrait of the king.[43]

Odaenathus I

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Traditional scholarship, based on the sepulchral inscription from Odaenathus' tomb, believed the builder to be an ancestor of the king and he was given the designation "Odaenathus I".[note 8][46]The name of King Odaenathus' father is Hairan as attested in many inscriptions.[47]In an inscription dated to 251, the name of theras( "lord" ) of Palmyra, Hairan, son of Odaenathus, is written,[48]and he was thought to be the son of Odaenathus I.[46]Prior to the 1980s, the earliest known inscription attesting King Odaenathus was dated to 257, leading traditional scholarship to believe that Hairan,rasof Palmyra, was the father of the king and that Odaenathus I was his grandfather.[note 9][46][50]However, an inscription published in 1985 by the archaeologistMichael Gawlikowskiand dated to 252 mentions King Odaenathus as arasand records the same genealogy found in the sepulchral inscription, confirming the name of King Odaenathus' grandfather as Wahb Allat;[46]thus, he cannot be a son of Hairan son of Odaenathus (I).[21][51]Therefore, it is certain that King Odaenathus was the builder of the tomb, ruling out the existence of "Odaenathus I".[note 10][45][46]TherasHairan mentioned in the 251 inscription is identical with Odaenathus' elder son and co-ruler, PrinceHairan I.[46][53]

Rise

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Palmyra was an autonomous city within theRoman Empire,subordinate to Rome and part of the province ofSyria Phoenice.[54]Odaenathus descended from an aristocratic family, albeit not a royal one as the city was ruled by a council and had no tradition of hereditary monarchy.[55][56][57]For most of its existence, thePalmyrene armywas decentralized under the command of several generals,[58]but the rise of the Sassanian Empire in 224, and its incursions, which affected Palmyrene trade,[59]combined with the weakness of the Roman Empire, probably prompted the Palmyrene council to elect a lord for the city in order for him to lead a strengthened army:[29][58][60]

Rasof Palmyra

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The Roman emperor,Gordian III,died in 244 during a campaign against Persia and this might have been the event which led to the election of a lord for Palmyra to defend it:Odaenathus,[61]whose elevation, according to the historianUdo Hartmann,can be explained by Odaenathus probably being a successful military or caravan commander, and his descent from one of the most influential families in the city.[62]Odaenathus' title as lord wasrasin Palmyrene andexarchosin Greek as revealed by bilingual inscriptions from Palmyra.[note 11][65]Therastitle enabled the bearer to effectively deal with the Sassanid threat, in that it probably vested in him supreme civil and military authority;[note 12][58]an undated inscription refers to Odaenathus as arasand records the gift of athroneto him by a Palmyrene citizen named "Ogeilu son of Maqqai Haddudan Hadda", which confirms the supreme character of Odaenathus' title.[61]The office was created for Odaenathus,[58]and was not a usual title in theRoman Empire,and not a part of Palmyrene government traditions.[61][68]

The temple ofBel,belonging to the Palmyrene colony in Dura-Europos; destroyed by the Sassanians in 256.[note 13][69]

Hairan I was apparently elevated to co-lordship by his father, as an inscription from 251 testifies.[64]As early as the 240s, Odaenathus bolstered the Palmyrene army, recruiting desert nomads and increasing the number of the Palmyrene heavy cavalry (clibanarii).[58][70]In 252, the Persian emperor,Shapur I,started afull-scale invasionof the Roman provinces in the east.[71][72]During the second campaign of the invasion, Shapur I conqueredAntioch on the Orontes,the traditional capital of Syria,[73]and headed south, where his advance was checked in 253 by a noble fromEmesa,Uranius Antoninus.[74]The events of 253 were mentioned in the works of the sixth-century historianJohn Malalaswho also mentioned a leader by the name "Enathus" inflicting a defeat upon the retreating Shapur I near the Euphrates.[74]"Enathus" is probably identical with Odaenathus,[75]and while Malalas' account indicates that Odaenathus defeated the Persians in 253,[76]there is no proof that the Palmyrene leader engaged Shapur I before 260 and Malalas' account seems to be confusing Odaenathus' future actions during 260 with the events of 253.[77]

Shapur I destroyed the Palmyrene trade colonies along the Euphrates, including the colonies atAnahin 253 and atDura-Europos in 256.[78]The sixth-century historianPeter the Patricianwrote that Odaenathus approached Shapur I to negotiate Palmyrene interests but was rebuffed and the gifts sent to the Persians were thrown into the river.[74][75][79]The date for the attempted negotiations is debated: some scholars, includingJohn F. Drinkwater,set the event in 253; while others, such asAlaric Watson,set it in 256, following the destruction of Dura-Europos.[63][75]

Governor of Syria Phoenice

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Several inscriptions dating to the end of 257 or early 258 show Odaenathus bearing the Greek titleὁ λαμπρότατος ὑπατικός(ho lamprótatos hupatikós;Latin:clarissimus consularis).[49][76][80]This title was usually bestowed onRoman senatorswho held theconsulship.[80]The title was also mentioned in Odaenathus' undated tomb inscription and Hairan I was mentioned with the same title in the 251 inscription.[81]Scholarly opinions vary on the exact date of Odaenathus' elevation to this position.[61]Gawlikowski and the linguistJean Starckymaintained that the senatorial rank predates theraselevation.[81]Hartmann concluded that Odaenathus first became arasin the 240s, then a senator in 250.[81]Another possibility is that the senatorial rank and lordship occurred simultaneously; Odaenathus was chosen as arasfollowing Gordian's death, then, after EmperorPhilip the Arabconcluded a peace treaty with the Persians, the Emperor ratified Odaenathus' lordship and admitted him to the senate to guarantee Palmyra's continued subordination.[61]

Theclarissimus consularistitle could be a mere honorific or a sign that Odaenathus was appointed as thelegatusof Phoenice.[66][82]However, the title (ὁ λαμπρότατος ὑπατικός) was sometimes used in Syria to denote the provincial governor and the archaeologistWilliam Waddingtonproposed that Odaenathus was indeed the governor of Phoenice.[note 14][49][20]Five of the inscriptions mentioning Odaenathus as consul are dated to 569 SE (258) during which no governor for Phoenice is attested, which might indicate that this was Odaenathus' year of governorship.[83]In Phoenice's capital cityTyre,the lines "To Septimius Odaenathus, the most illustrious. The Septimian colony of Tyre" were found inscribed on a marble base;[83][84]the inscription is not dated and if it was made after 257 then it indicates that Odaenathus was appointed as the governor of the province.[83]These speculations cannot be proven, but as a governor Odaenathus would have been the highest authority in the province, above legionary commanders and provincial officials; this would make him commander of the Roman forces in the province.[83]Whatever the case may be, starting from 258 Odaenathus strengthened his position and extended his political influence in the region.[66]By 260, Odaenathus held the rank, credibility and power to pacify the Roman East following theBattle of Edessa.[83]

Reign

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Bas reliefdepicting the triumph ofShapur IoverValerian

Faced with Shapur I's third campaign,[85]the Roman emperorValerianmarched against the Persian monarch but was defeated near Edessa in late spring 260 and taken prisoner.[86]The Persian emperor then ravagedCappadociaandCilicia,and claimed to have captured Antioch on the Orontes.[note 15][87]Taking advantage of the situation,Fulvius Macrianus,the commander of the imperial treasury, declared his sonsQuietusandMacrianus Minoras joint emperors in August 260, in opposition to Valerian's sonGallienus.[note 16][88]Fulvius Macrianus took Antioch on the Orontes as his center and organized the resistance against Shapur I; he dispatchedBalista,his praetorian prefect, toAnatolia.[88]Shapur I was defeated in the region ofSebasteatPompeiopolis,prompting the Persians to evacuate Cilicia while Balista returned to Antioch on the Orontes.[50][88][89]Balista's victory was only partial: Shapur I withdrew east of Cilicia, which Persian units continued to occupy.[90]A Persian force took advantage of Balista's return to Syria and headed further west into Anatolia.[88]According to theAugustan History,Odaenathus was declared king of Palmyra as soon as the news of the Roman defeat at Edessa reached the city.[91]It is not known if Odaenathus contacted Fulvius Macrianus and there is no evidence that he took orders from him.[92]

Persian war of 260 and pacifying Syria

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Odaenathus assembled the Palmyrene army and Syrian peasants, then marched north to meet the Persian emperor, who was returning to Persia.[note 17][78][92]The Palmyrene monarch fell upon the retreating Persian army betweenSamosataandZeugma,west of the Euphrates, in late summer 260.[note 18][92][97]He defeated the Persians, expelling Shapur I from the province of Syria.[92]In early 261, Fulvius Macrianus headed to Europe accompanied by Macrianus Minor, leaving Quietus and Balista in Emesa.[92]Odaenathus' whereabouts during this episode are not clear; he could have distributed the army in garrisons along the frontier or might have brought it back to his capital.[79]The Palmyrene monarch seems to have waited until the situation clarified, declaring loyalty to neither Fulvius Macrianus nor Gallienus.[79]In the spring of 261, Fulvius Macrianus arrived in theBalkansbut was defeated and killed along with Macrianus Minor; Odaenathus, when it became clear that Gallienus would eventually win, sided with the Emperor and marched on Emesa, where Quietus and Balista were staying. The Emesans killed Quietus as Odaenathus approached the city,[79]while Balista was captured and executed by the King in autumn 261.[84][98]

Ruler of the East

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The elimination of the usurpers left Odaenathus as the most powerful leader in the Roman East.[79]He was granted many titles by the Emperor but those honors are debated among scholars:[99]

  • DuxRomanorum(commander of the Romans) was probably given to Odaenathus to recognize his position as the commander in chief of the forces in the east against the Persians; it was inherited by Odaenathus' son and successorVaballathus.[100]
Drawing of the posthumous dedication to Odaenathus attesting him as Corrector (upper section). Palmyrene letters transcribed into Latin (lower section)
  • Correctortotius orientis(righter of the entire East): it is generally accepted by modern scholars that he bore this title.[101]Acorrectorhad overall command of Roman armies and authority over provincial governors in his designated region.[102][103]There are no known attestations of the title during Odaenathus' lifetime.[101]Evidence for the King bearing the title consists of two inscriptions in Palmyrene: one posthumous dedication describing him asMTQNNʿof the East (derived from the Semitic rootTQN,meaning to set in order);[note 19]and the other describing his heir Vaballathus with the same title, albeit using the wordPNRTTʿinstead ofMTQNNʿ.[102][105]
However, the sort of authority accorded by this position is widely debated.[102]The problem arises from the wordMTQNNʿ;its exact meaning is unclear.[105]The word is translated into Latin ascorrector,but "restitutor" is another possible translation; the latter title was an honorary one meant to praise the bearer for driving enemies out of Roman territories.[105]However, the inscription of Vaballathus is clearer, as the wordPNRTTʿis not a Palmyrene word but a direct Palmyrene translation of the Greek termEpanorthotes,which is usually an equivalent to acorrector.[105]
According to the historianDavid Potter,Vaballathus inherited his father's exact titles.[102]Hartmann points out that there have been cases where a Greek word was translated directly to Palmyrene and a Palmyrene equivalent was also used to mean the same thing.[105]The dedication to Odaenathus would be the use of a Palmyrene equivalent, while the inscription of Vaballathus would be the direct translation.[102]It cannot be certain that Odaenathus was acorrector.[105]
  • Imperatortotius orientis(commander-in-chief of the entire East): only theAugustan Historyclaims that Odaenathus was given this title; the same source also claims that he was made anAugustus,or co-emperor, following his defeat of the Persians.[99]Both claims are dismissed by scholars.[99]Odaenathus seems to have been acclaimed asimperatorby his troops, which was a salutation usually reserved for the Roman emperor; this acclamation might explain the erroneous reports of theAugustan History.[106]

Regardless of his titles, Odaenathus controlled the Roman East with the approval of Gallienus, who could do little but formalize Odaenathus' self-achieved status and settle for his formal loyalty.[note 20][108][109]Odaenathus' authority extended from thePontic coastin the north toPalestinein the south.[110]This area included the Roman provinces of Syria, Phoenice,Palaestina,Arabia,Anatolia's eastern regions and, following the campaign of 262,OsroeneandMesopotamia.[110][111][112]

First Persian campaign 262

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Perhaps driven by a desire to take revenge for the destruction of Palmyrene trade centers and to discourage Shapur I from initiating future attacks, Odaenathus launched an offensive against the Persians.[113]The suppression of Fulvius Macrianus' rebellion probably prompted Gallienus to entrust the Palmyrene monarch with the war in Persia and Roman soldiers were in the ranks of Odaenathus' army for this campaign.[91]In the spring of 262, the King marched north into the occupied Roman province of Mesopotamia, driving out the Persian garrisons and recapturingEdessaandCarrhae.[114][115]The first onslaught was aimed atNisibis,which Odaenathus regained but sacked, since the inhabitants had been sympathetic towards the Persian occupation.[115]A little later he destroyed theJewishcity ofNehardea,45 kilometres (28 mi) west of the Persian capitalCtesiphon,[note 21][118]as he considered theJews of Mesopotamiato be loyal to Shapur I.[119]By late 262 or early 263, Odaenathus stood outside the walls of the Persian capital.[120]

The exact route taken by Odaenathus from Palmyra to Ctesiphon remains uncertain; it was probably similar to the route EmperorJuliantook in 363 during his campaign against Persia.[121]If he did use this route, Odaenathus would have crossed the Euphrates at Zeugma then moved east to Edessa followed by Carrhae then Nisibis. Here, he would have descended south along theKhabur Riverto the Euphrates valley and then marched along the river's left bank to Nehardea.[121]He then penetrated the Sassanian province ofAsōristānand marched along the royal canalNaarmalchatowards theTigris,where the Persian capital stood.[121]

Once at Ctesiphon, Odaenathus immediately begana siegeof the well-fortified winter residence of the Persian kings; severe damage was inflicted upon the surrounding areas during several battles with Persian troops.[120]The city held out and the logistical problems of fighting in enemy territory probably prompted the Palmyrenes to lift the siege.[120]Odaenathus headed north along the Euphrates carrying with him numerous prisoners and much booty.[120]The invasion resulted in the full restoration of the Roman lands which had been occupied by Shapur I since the beginning of his invasions in 252: Osroene and Mesopotamia.[note 22][111][123]However, Dura-Europus and other Palmyrene posts south ofCircesium,such as Anah, were not rebuilt.[114]Odaenathus sent the captives to Rome, and by the end of 263 Gallienus assumed the titlePersicus maximus( "the great victor in Persia" ) and held atriumphin Rome.[124]

King of Kings of the East

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In 263, after his return, Odaenathus assumed the title ofKing of Kingsof the East (Mlk Mlk dy Mdnh),[note 23]and crowned his son Herodianus (Hairan I) as co-King of Kings.[126][127]A statue was erected and dedicated for Herodianus to celebrate his coronation bySeptimius Worod,theduumviri(magistrate) of Palmyra, and Julius Aurelius, the Queen'sprocurator(treasurer). The dedication, in Greek, is undated,[128]but Septimius Worod was aduumviribetween 263 and 264. Hence, the coronation took place c. 263.[note 24][130]Contemporary evidence for Odaenathus bearing the title of King of Kings is lacking; all firmly dated inscriptions attesting Odaenathus with the title were commissioned after his death, including one that is dated to 271.[51][78]However, Herodianus died with his father,[131]and since he is directly attested as "King of Kings" during his father's lifetime, it is unimaginable that Odaenathus was simply a king while his son was the King of Kings.[132][133]An undated inscription, written in Greek and difficult to decipher, found on a stone reused in the PalmyreneCamp of Diocletian,addresses Odaenathus as King of Kings (Rex regum) and was probably set during his reign.[134]

According to the dedication, Herodianus was crowned near the Orontes, which indicates a ceremony taking place in Antioch on the Orontes, the metropolis of Syria.[note 25][128]The title was a symbol of legitimacy in the East, dating back to theAssyrians,then theAchaemenids,who used it to symbolize their supremacy over all other rulers; it was later adopted by theParthianmonarchs to legitimize their conquests.[135]The first Sassanian monarch,Ardashir I,adopted the title following his victory over the Parthians.[136]Odaenathus' son was crowned with a diadem and a tiara; the choice of Antioch on the Orontes was probably meant to demonstrate that the Palmyrene monarchs were now the successors of theSeleucidand Iranian rulers who had controlled Syria and Mesopotamia in the past.[127]

Relation with Rome

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Roman regions under the authority of Odaenathus (yellow) and the Palmyrene kingdom (green)

In analyzing the rise of Odaenathus and his complicated relationship with Rome, the historian Gary K. Young concluded that "to search for any kind of regularity or normality in such a situation is clearly pointless".[137]In practice, Palmyra became an allied kingdom of Rome, but legally, it remained part of the empire. The "King of Kings" title was probably not aimed at the position of the Roman emperor but at Shapur I; Odaenathus was declaring that he, not the Persian monarch, was the legitimate King of Kings of the East.[138]Odaenathus' intentions are questioned by some historians, such as Drinkwater, who attributed the attempted negotiations with Shapur I to Odaenathus' quest for power.[75]However, in contrast to the norm of this period when powerful generals frequently proclaimed themselves emperors, Odaenathus chose not to attempt to usurp Gallienus' throne.[139]

The relationship between Odaenathus and the Emperor should be understood from two different perspectives: Roman and Syrian. In Rome, broad power delegation by the Emperor to an individual from outside the imperial family was not considered a problem;[140]such authority had been granted several times since the days ofAugustusin the first century.[141]The Syrian perspective was different:[140]according to Potter, the dedication celebrating Herodianus' coronation on the Orontes should be interpreted to mean a "Palmyrene claim to kingship in Syria" and control over it during the reign of Odaenathus.[142]What the central government thought of such claims is unclear, but it is doubtful that Gallienus recognized the situation as the Palmyrenes understood it.[141]In the Roman Empire's hierarchical system, a vassal king using the title of King of Kings did not indicate that he was a peer of the Emperor or that the ties of vassalage were cut.[143]Such different understandings eventually led to the conflict between Rome and Palmyra during the reign ofZenobia,who considered her husband's Roman offices hereditary and an expression of independent authority.[note 26][144]

The King had effective control over the Roman East where his military authority was absolute.[108][145]Odaenathus respected Gallienus' authority to appoint provincial governors,[145]but dealt swiftly with opposition: theAnonymus post Dionem[de],usually associated with the sixth-century historianEustathius of Epiphaniaor Peter the Patrician,[44]mentions the story ofKyrinus,or Quirinus, a Roman official, who showed dissatisfaction with Odaenathus' authority over the Persian frontier, and was immediately executed by the King.[note 27][146][96][147]In general, Odaenathus' actions were connected to his and Palmyra's interests only. His support of Gallienus and his Roman titles did not hide the Palmyrene base of his power and the local origin of his armies, as with his decision not to wait for the Emperor to help in 260.[82][106]Odaenathus' status seems to have been, as Watson puts it, "something between powerful subject, independent vassal king and rival emperor".[106]

Administration and royal image

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Herodianuswearing the Palmyrene crown

Odaenathus behaved as a sovereign monarch;[148]outside his kingdom of Palmyra, he had overall administrative and military authority over the provincial governors of the Roman eastern provinces.[149]Inside Palmyra, no Roman provincial official had any authority; the King filled the government with Palmyrenes.[150]In parallel to the Iranian practice of making the government a family enterprise, Odaenathus bestowed his owngentilicium(Septimius) upon his leading generals and officials such asZabdas,Zabbaiand Worod.[note 28][150]MostPalmyrene constitutional institutionscontinued to function normally during Odaenathus' reign;[102]he maintained many civic establishments,[66][152]but the lastmagistrateswere elected in 264,[59]and the Palmyrene council was not attested after that year. After this year, a governor, Septimius Worod, was appointed by the King for the city of Palmyra,[153]who also functioned as aviceroywhen Odaenathus was on campaign.[154]

A lead token depicting Herodianus shows him wearing a tiara crown shaped like that of the Parthian monarchs, so it must have been Odaenathus' crown;[155]this combination of imagery, together with the "King of Kings" title, indicates that Odaenathus considered himself the rival of the Sassanians and the protector of the region against them.[156]Manyintellectualsrelocated to Palmyra and enjoyed the King's patronage;[157]most prominentlyCassius Longinus,who probably arrived in the 260s.[158]It is possible that Odaenathus influenced local writers to promote his rule;[159]a prophecy in thethirteenthSibylline Oracle,written after the events it "prophesied",[160]reads: "Then shall come one who was sent by the sun [i.e., Odaenathus], a mighty and fearful lion, breathing much flame. Then he with much shameless daring will destroy... the greatest beast – venomous, fearful and emitting a great deal of hisses [i.e., Shapur I]".[161]The authority of Odaenathus did not appease all factions in Syria and the glorification of the King in the oracle could be a politically sponsored propaganda aimed at expanding Odaenathus' support.[note 29][159]Another writer in the Palmyrene court,Nicostratus of Trebizond,probably accompanied the King on his campaigns and wrote a history of the period, starting with Philip the Arab and ending shortly before Odaenathus' death.[162]According to Potter, Nicostratus' account was meant to glorify Odaenathus and demonstrate his superiority over the Roman Emperor.[163]

Coinage
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Antiochene coin of Gallienus c. 264–265, depicting captives on its reverse. It was possibly minted to celebrate Odaenathus' victories in Persia
Antiochene coin of Gallienus 264–265, depicting aradiatelion on its reverse. The animal is probably a reference to Odaenathus who is described as a lion in the ThirteenthSibylline Oracle

Odaenathus minted coinage only in the name of Gallienus,[164]and produced no coins bearing his own image.[102]The engraverHubertus Goltziusforged coins of Odaenathus in the sixteenth century;[165]according to the eighteenth-century numismatistJoseph Hilarius Eckhel"The coins of Odenathus are known only to Goltzius; and if anyone will put faith in their existence, let him go to the fountain head (i.e. Goltzius)". According to theAugustan History,Gallienus minted a coin in honour of Odaenathus where he was depicted taking the Persians captive;[166]a coin of Gallienus minted in Antioch and dated to c. 264–265 depicts two seated captives on its reverse and was associated with the victories of Odaenathus by the historian Michael Geiger.[167]Other coins of Gallienus depict lions on their reverses; the animal was portrayed in several fashions: bare headed with a bull's head between its paws;radiatehead; radiate head with a bull's head between its paws; or an eagle standing on its back. The historian Erika Manders considered it possible that those coins were issued for Odaenathus, as the depiction of a lion is reminiscent of the thirteenthSibylline Oracle's description of Odaenathus as a "mighty and fearful lion, breathing much flame".[note 30][169]

Second Persian campaign 266 and war in Anatolia

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The primary sources are silent regarding events following the first Persian campaign, but this is an indication of the peace that prevailed and that the Persians had ceased being a threat to the Roman East.[170]The evidence for the second campaign is meager; Zosimus is the only one to mention it specifically.[171]A passage in the thirteenthSibylline Oracleis interpreted by Hartmann as an indication of a second offensive.[172]With the rise of the Sassanid dynasty, Palmyrene trade caravans to the East diminished with only three recorded after 224. The last caravan returned to Palmyra in 266, and this was probably facilitated by the campaign, which probably took place in 266.[173]The King marched directly to Ctesiphon, but he had to break off the siege and march north to face an influx ofGermanic raidersattacking Anatolia.[171][174]

The Romans used the designation "Scythian"to denote many tribes, regardless of their ethnic origin, and sometimes the term would be interchangeable withGoths.The tribes attacking Anatolia were probably theHeruliwho built ships to cross theBlack Seain 267 and ravaged the coasts ofBithynia and Pontus,besiegingHeraclea Pontica.[171]According to the eighth-century historianGeorge Syncellus,Odaenathus arrived at Anatolia with Herodianus and headed to Heraclea but the riders were already gone, having loaded their ships with booty.[171]Many perished, perhaps in a sea battle with Odaenathus' forces, or possibly they were shipwrecked.[171]

Assassination

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Odaenathus was assassinated, together with Herodianus, in late 267. The date is debated and some scholars propose 266 or 268, but Vaballathus dated the first year of his reign between August 267 and August 268, making late 267 the most probable date.[175]The assassination took place in either Anatolia or Syria.[176][177]There is no consensus on the manner, perpetrator or the motive behind the act.[176]

  • According to Syncellus, Odaenathus was assassinated near Heraclea Pontica by an assassin also named Odaenathus who was killed by the King's bodyguard.[178]
  • Zosimus states that Odaenathus was killed by conspirators near Emesa at a friend's birthday party without naming the killer.[178][179]The twelfth-century historianZonarasattributed the crime to a nephew of Odaenathus but did not give a name.[180]The Anonymus post Dionem also does not name the assassin.[178]
  • TheAugustan Historyclaims that a cousin of the King namedMaeoniuskilled him.[181]

Theories of instigators and motives

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  • Roman conspiracy: the seventh-century historianJohn of Antiochaccused Gallienus of being behind the assassination.[178]A passage in the work of the Anonymus post Dionem speaks of a certain "Rufinus" who orchestrated the assassination on his own initiative, then explained his actions to the Emperor who condoned them.[176]This account has Rufinus ordering the murder of an older Odaenathus out of fear that he would rebel, and has the younger Odaenathus complaining to the Emperor.[note 31][178]Since the older Odaenathus (Odaenathus I) has proven to be a fictional character, the story is ignored by most scholars.[183]However, the younger Odaenathus could be an oblique reference to Vaballathus and Rufinus could be identified withCocceius Rufinus,the Roman governor ofArabiain 261–262. The evidence for such a Roman conspiracy is weak.[183]
Maeoniusas depicted in thePromptuarii Iconum Insigniorum
  • Family feud: according to Zonaras, Odaenathus' nephew misbehaved during a lion hunt.[184]He made the first attack and killed the animal to the dismay of the King.[185]Odaenathus warned his nephew, who ignored the warning and repeated the act twice more, causing the King to deprive him of his horse, a great insult in the East.[185][186]The nephew threatened Odaenathus and was put in chains as a result. Herodianus asked his father to forgive his cousin and his request was granted. However, as the King was drinking, the nephew approached him with a sword and killed him along with Herodianus.[185]The bodyguard immediately executed the nephew.[185]
  • Zenobia: the wife of Odaenathus was accused by theAugustan Historyof having formerly conspired with Maeonius, as Herodianus was her stepson and she could not accept that he was the heir to her husband instead of her own children.[178]However, there is no suggestion in theAugustan Historythat Zenobia was directly involved in her husband's murder;[186]the act is attributed to Maeonius' degeneracy and jealousy.[178]Those accounts by theAugustan Historycan be dismissed as fiction.[187]The hints in modern scholarship that Zenobia had a hand in the assassination out of her desire to rule the empire and her dismay at her husband's pro-Roman policy can be dismissed as there was no reversal of that policy during the first years following Odaenathus' death.[176]
  • Persian agents: the possibility of a Persian involvement exists, but the outcome of the assassination would not have served Shapur I unless a pro-Persian monarch was established on the Palmyrene throne.[188]
  • Palmyrene traitors: another possibility would be Palmyrenes dissatisfied with Odaenathus' reign and the changes of their city's governmental system.[186]

The historian Nathanael Andrade, noting that since theAugustan History,Zosimus, Zonaras, and Syncellus all refer to a family feud or a domestic conspiracy in their writings, they must have been recounting an early tradition regarding the assassination. Also, the story of Rufinus is a clue to tensions between Odaenathus and the Roman court.[189]The mint of Antioch on the Orontes ceased the production of Gallienus' coins in early 268, and while this could be related to fiscal troubles, it could also have been ordered by Zenobia in retaliation for the murder of her husband.[190]Andrade proposed that the assassination was the result of a coup conducted by Palmyrene notables in collaboration with the imperial court whose officials were dissatisfied with Odaenathus' autonomy.[191]On the other hand, Hartmann concluded that it is more probable that Odaenathus was killed in Pontus.[176]

Marriages and descendants

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Zenobia, Odaenathus' second wife

Odaenathus was married twice. Nothing is known about his first wife's name or fate.[192]Zenobia was the King's second wife, whom he married in the late 250s when she was 17 or 18.[193]

How many children Odaenathus had with his first wife is unknown and only one is attested:

  • Hairan I – Herodianus: the name Hairan appears on a 251 inscription from Palmyra describing him asras,implying that he was already an adult by then.[192]In theAugustan History,Odaenathus' eldest son is named Herod; the dedication at Palmyra from 263 which celebrates Hairan I's coronation mentions him with the name Herodianus.[192]It is possible that the Hairan of the 251 inscription is not the same as the Herodianus of the dedication from 263,[192]but this is contested by Hartmann, who concludes that the reason for the difference in the spelling is the language used in the inscription (Herodianus being the Greek version),[187]meaning that Odaenathus' eldest son and co-king was Hairan Herodianus.[194]Hartmann's view is in line with the academic consensus.[195]

The children of Odaenathus and Zenobia were:

Vaballathus, Odaenathus' son and successor
  • Vaballathus:he is attested on several coins, inscriptions, and in the ancient literature.[196]
  • Hairan II:his image appears on a seal impression along with his older brother Vaballathus; his identity is much debated.[196]Potter suggested that he is the same as Herodianus, who was crowned in 263, and that the Hairan I mentioned in 251 died before the birth of Hairan II.[197]Andrade suggested the opposite, maintaining that Hairan I, Herodianus and Hairan II are the same.[198]
  • Herennianus andTimolaus:the two were mentioned in theAugustan Historyand are not attested in any other source;[196]Herennianus might be a conflation of Hairan and Herodianus while Timolaus is most probably a fabrication,[187]although the historianDietmar Kienastsuggests that he might be Vaballathus.[199]

Possible descendants of Odaenathus living in later centuries are reported: Lucia Septimia Patabiniana Balbilla Tyria Nepotilla Odaenathiana is known through a dedication dating to the late third or early fourth century inscribed on a tombstone erected by a wet nurse to her "sweetest and most loving mistress".[note 32][201]The tombstone was found in Rome at theSan CallistoinTrastevere.[202]Another possible relative is Eusebius who is mentioned by the fourth century rhetoricianLibaniusin 391 as a son of one Odaenathus, who was in turn a descendant of the King;[203]the father of Eusebius is mentioned as fighting against the Persians (most probably in the ranks of EmperorJulian's army).[204]In 393, Libanius mentioned that Eusebius promised him a speech written by Longinus for the King.[203]In the fifth century, the philosopher "Syrian Odaenathus" lived inAthensand was a student ofPlutarch of Athens;[205]he might have been a distant descendant of the King.[206]

Burial and succession

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The stone block from Odaenathus' early tomb
The Funerary Temple no. 86 (The House Tomb)

Mummificationwas practiced in Palmyra alongsideinhumationand it is a possibility that Zenobia had her husband mummified.[207]The stone block bearing Odaenathus' sepulchral inscription was in theTemple of Belin the nineteenth century,[11]and it was originally thearchitraveof the tomb.[47]It had been moved to the temple at some point and so the location of the tomb to which the block belonged is not known.[11]The tomb was probably built early in Odaenathus' career and before his marriage to Zenobia and it is plausible that another, more elaborate, tomb was built after Odaenathus became King of Kings.[208]

Roman law forbade theburial of individuals within a city.[209]This rule was strictly observed in the west, but it was applied more leniently in the eastern parts of the empire.[210]A burial within a city was one of the highest honors an individual other than the Emperor and his family could receive in the Roman Empire.[211]A notable person may be buried in this manner for different reasons, such as his leadership or monetary donations.[210]It meant that the deceased was not sent beyond the walls for fear ofmiasma(pollution), and that he would be part of the city's future civic life.[note 33][211]At the western end of theGreat Colonnade at Palmyra,a shrine designated "Funerary Temple no. 86" (also known as the House Tomb) is located.[212][213]Inside its chamber, steps lead down to a vault crypt which is now lost.[213][214]This mausoleum might have belonged to the royal family, being the only tomb inside the city's walls. Odaenathus' royal power in itself was sufficient to earn him a burial within the city walls.[215][216]

TheAugustan Historyclaims that Maeonius was proclaimed emperor for a brief period before being killed by soldiers.[176][183][186]However, no inscriptions or other evidence exist for Maeonius' reign,[217]the very existence of which is doubtful.[218]The disappearance of Septimius Worod in 267 could be related to the internal coup; he could have been executed by Zenobia if he was involved; or killed by the conspirators if he was loyal to the King.[189]Odaenathus was succeeded by his son, the ten-year-old Vaballathus, under the regency of Zenobia;[219]Hairan II probably died soon after his father,[220]as only Vaballathus succeeded to the throne.[221]

Legacy and reception

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The mosaic possibly depicting Odaenathus fighting the Persians who are depicted astigers.

Odaenathus was the founder of the Palmyrene royal dynasty.[222]He left Palmyra the premier power in the East,[223]and his actions laid the foundation of Palmyrene strength which culminated in the establishment of thePalmyrene Empirein 270.[76]Hero cultswere not common in Palmyra, but the unprecedented position and achievements of Odaenathus might have given rise to such a practice:[224]a mosaic excavated in Palmyra depicts the Greek myth of Bellerophon defeating the Chimera on the back of Pegasus in one panel,[225]and a man in Palmyrene military outfit riding a horse and shooting at two tigers, with an eagle flying above in the other. According to Gianluca Serra, the conservation zoologist based in Palmyra at the time of the panel's discovery, the tigers arePanthera tigris virgata,once common in the region ofHyrcaniain Iran.[226]Gawlikowski proposed that Odaenathus is heroized as Bellerophon, and that the archer is also a depiction of Odaenathus fighting the Persians depicted as tigers. This is supported by the title ofmrn(lord) which appear on the archer panel, an honor carried only by Odaenathus and Hairan I.[227]The mosaic with its two panels indicates that Odaenathus was probably treated as a divine figure, and may have been worshipped in Palmyra.[224]

Odaenathus' memory as an able king, and loyal Roman, was used by the emperorsClaudius IIandAurelianto tarnish Zenobia's reputation by portraying themselves as Odaenathus' avengers against his wife, the usurper who gained the throne through plotting.[228]The King was praised by Libanius,[229]and the fourth-century writer of theAugustan History,while placing Odaenathus among theThirty Tyrants(probably because he assumed the title of king, in the view of the eighteenth-century historianEdward Gibbon),[230]speaks highly of his role in the Persian War and credits him with saving the empire: "Had not Odaenathus, prince of the Palmyrenes, seized the imperial power after the capture of Valerian when the strength of the Roman state was exhausted, all would have been lost in the East".[231]On the other hand, Odaenathus is viewed negatively in Rabbinic sources. His sack of Nehardea mortified the Jews,[232]and he was cursed by both the Babylonian Jews and theJews of Palestine.[111]In the Christian version of theApocalypse of Elijah,probably written in Egypt following the capture of Valerian,[233]Odaenathus is called the king who will rise from the "city of the sun" and will eventually be killed by the Persians;[234]this prophecy is a response to Odaenathus' persecution of the Jews and his destruction of Nahardea.[235]The Jewish Apocalypse of Elijah identifies Odaenathus as theAntichrist.[note 34][239]

Modern scepticism

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Odaenathus, the mention of whose name alone caused the hearts of the Persians to falter. Everywhere victorious, he liberated the cities and the territories belonging to each of them and made the enemies place their salvation in their prayers rather than in the force of arms.

— Libanius, on the exploits of Odaenathus.[203]

The successes of Odaenathus are treated sceptically by a number of modern scholars.[240]According to theAugustan History,Odaenathus "captured the king's treasures and he captured, too, what the Parthian monarchs hold dearer than treasures, namely his concubines. For this reason Shapur [I] was now in greater dread of the Roman generals, and out of fear of Ballista and Odaenathus he withdrew more speedily to his kingdom."[241]Sceptical scholars, such as Martin Sprengling, considered such accounts of ancient Roman historians "poor, scanty and confused".[242]However, the coronation dedication of Herodianus' statue, which stood on theMonumental Arch of Palmyra,[132]records his defeat of the Persians, for which he was crowned,[130][128]thus providing Palmyrene evidence that explicitly mentions the war against Persia; the victory attested is probably related to the first Persian campaign and not the battle of 260.[243]

The historianAndreas Alföldiconcluded that Odaenathus started his wars with Persia by attacking the retreating Persian army at Edessa in 260. Such an attack is rejected by sceptical scholars; Sprengling noted that no evidence exists for such an engagement.[242]The IranologistWalter Bruno Henningconsidered the accounts of Odaenathus' attack in 260 greatly exaggerated. Shapur I mentions that he made the Roman prisoners build him theBand-e KaisarnearSusiana,and built a city for those prisoners, which evolved into the currentGundeshapur;Henning cited those arguments as evidence for Shapur I's success in bringing his army and prisoners back home and Roman exaggeration regarding Odaenathus' successes.[244]Sprengling suggested that Shapur I did not have enough troops to garrison the Roman cities he occupied, and he was old and focused on religion and building; hence, Odaenathus merely retook abandoned cities and marched on Ctesiphon to heal Rome's pride, while being careful not to disturb the Persians and their emperor.[245]Other scholars, such asJacob Neusner,noted that while the accounts of the 260 engagement might be an exaggeration, Odaenathus did become a real threat to Persia when he regained the cities formerly taken by Shapur I and besieged Ctesiphon.[246]The historianLouis Feldmanrejected Henning's proposals;[247]and the historianTrevor Bryceconcluded that whatever the nature of Odaenathus' campaigns, they led to the restoration of all Roman territories occupied by Shapur I – Rome was free of Persian threats for several years after Odaenathus' wars.[240]

Notes

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  1. ^The Greek transliterations (Ancient Greek:ὈδαίναθοςOdaínathosorὨδέναθοςŌdénathos), and the Latin ones (Latin:Odaenathus,Odenathus,OdinatusorOrdinatus), are more or less corrupted transliterations of the Palmyrene and the Arabic respectively.[2]
  2. ^The 220 date was proposed by the archaeologistMichael Gawlikowski,head of the Polish archaeological expedition in Palmyra; the archaeologistErnest Will,however, maintained that the king was born c. 200.[3]
  3. ^According to the authors of theGenesis Rabbah(76,6), a verse from theBook of Daniel(7.8) refers to a certain ben Nasor, who was identified as Odaenthus by several modern historians andTalmudicscholars, includingHeinrich Graetz,Marcus JastrowandSaul Lieberman.[13]The rabbi Solomon Funk considered ben Nasor a relative of Odaenathus, while the historianJacob Neusnerconsidered it possible that ben Nasor was either Odaenathus or a family member of his. According to the historianLukas de Blois,Odaenathus is the strongest candidate; inKetuboth(51B), ben Nasor is mentioned as king, and the only known king with the name "Nasor" mentioned in his genealogy is Odaenathus.[14]
  4. ^According to the historianLouis Feldman,Papa is likely aLatintranslation of theSemiticAbba(father).[13]Papa was a proper name used inHatra,and several JewishAmoraimbore the names "Pappa" (Ppʿ) or "Pappus" (Ppws), from the rootppyorpph,which means "talk in a proud manner"; according to the historianUdo Hartmann,it is possible that the rabbis named Odaenathus Papa for his arrogance. It is also possible that since Odaenathus' grandfather was a son of Nasor, Papa is a Greek loanward related toπάππος(páppos), meaning grandfather.[15]
  5. ^Odaenathus is mentioned as the "lowest of the kings" in the Book of Elijah,[25]which is a collection of texts dating to different periods, such as pieces from1 Kings,an apocalyptic depiction of the Sassanid fights against Rome, and an Abrahamic apocalypse depicting Israel's exaltation and the pagan world's humiliation.[26]The sixth-century Byzantine historianAgathiasmentioned Odaenathus as a man of low birth. The statement of Zosimus contradicts those low birth accounts. In the view of the historianAveril Cameron,the phrase used by Agathias,ἀφανὴς μὲν τὰ πρῶτα(aphanḗs men ta prṓta), is anantithesistoμεγίστην ἀράμενος δόξαν(megístēn arámenos dóxan), and Agathias used the same phrase to describe the firstSasaniankingArdashir I,[27]who traced his descent to theAvestanandAchaemenidkings.[28]
  6. ^Palmyrene caravan patrons owned the land on which the caravan animals were raised, providing animals and guards for the merchants who led the caravans.[30]
  7. ^Each Seleucid year started in the late autumn of aGregorian year;thus, a Seleucid year overlaps two Gregorian ones.[34]
  8. ^This assumption was facilitated by a passage in the work ofAnonymus post Dionem[de],usually associated with the sixth-century historiansEustathius of EpiphaniaorPeter the Patrician,[44]which speaks about a younger Odaenathus asking the Roman emperor to punish his official Rufinus for the latter's role in assassinating an elder Odaenathus.[45]For information seeAssassination of Odaenathus: Roman conspiracy.
  9. ^The archaeologistWilliam Waddingtonconsidered King Odaenathus the son ofrasHairan while the historianTheodor Mommsenconsidered the latter an older brother of the king.[49]
  10. ^Although the conclusions of Gawlikowski became the academic consensus, the archaeologist Jean-Charles Balty argued that Odaenathus who built the tomb was not the same as King Odaenathus, stating that a new inscription can alter everything formerly known about the family.[52]
  11. ^The dated inscriptions mentioning the title are from October 251 and April 252: the 251 inscription refers to Odaenathus' eldest son Hairan I asras,while the 252 inscription refers to Odaenathus.[63][64]Although the first known inscription attesting Odaenathus' title dates to 252, it is confirmed that he rose to the position at least one year earlier, based on Hairan I's attestation asrasin 251, and it is probable that he took the title in the aftermath of Gordian III's death.[61]
  12. ^Whether therastitle indicates a military or a priestly position is not known,[66]but the military role is the more likely.[67]
  13. ^There are two temples of Bel in Dura-Europos; the first was established by the Palmyrenes in the early first century outside the city wall in the necropolis and the second (depicted in this picture, also named "the temple of the Palmyrene gods" ) was administered by Palmyrenes only in the third century.[69]
  14. ^The educatorHermann Schillerrejected that Odaenathus was a governor of Phoenice; the title (ὁ λαμπρότατος ὑπατικός) was also attested in Palmyra for different notables and it could have been an honorary title of high degree.[49]
  15. ^There is no proof that Shapur I entered the central areas of northern Syria; he seems to have moved directly west into Cilicia.[85]
  16. ^At first Fulvius Macrianus showed loyalty to Gallienus.[88]
  17. ^Zosimus wrote that Odaenathus' army, with which he fought Shapur I in 260, included his own Palmyrene troops and remnants of Valerian's Roman legions.[93]No evidence exists for Roman units in his ranks, but it is possible, considering that he was fighting in the vicinity of Roman legionary bases. Troops based there might have been loyal to Gallienus and thus have chosen to join Odaenathus.[79]Whether Roman soldiers fought under Odaenathus or not is a matter of speculation.[79]
    The peasant element in the army was mentioned in the writings of later historians, such as the fourth century writersFestusandOrosius;[94]the latter called the army of Odaenathusmanus agrestis syrorum,[93]leading the historianEdward Gibbonto portray Odaenathus' troops as a "scratch army of peasants". The historian Richard Stoneman rejected Gibbon's conclusion, arguing that the success of the Palmyrenes against Shapur I and the victories achieved by Zenobia following her husband's death, which brought Syria, Egypt and Anatolia under Palmyrene authority, can hardly be ascribed to an ill-equipped, untrained peasant army.[94]It is more logical to interpretagrestisas denoting troops from outside the urban centres, and thus, it can be concluded that Odaenathus levied his cavalrymen from the regions surrounding Palmyra where horses were normally bred and kept.[95]
  18. ^The account of Odaenathus attacking the retreating Persians is according to the eighth century historianSyncellus.[96]
  19. ^The rootTQNexists in several languages: Aramaic (meaning "to prepare", "to fix", "set in order" ), Akkadian (where the wordtaqanmeans "be settled", "in order" ), Arabic (meaning "improve", "fix", "set in order" ).[104]
  20. ^The Roman East traditionally included all the Roman lands in Asia east and south of theBosphorus.[107]
  21. ^The tenth centurygeonimSherira Gaon,in his work "Iggeret Rav Sherira Gaon", stated that Papa ben Nasor destroyed the city in 570 SE, corresponding to 259.[5]de Blois proposed that Odaenathus' destruction of Nehardea in 259 was in support of Valerian.[116]However, Neusner suggested that the correct date is 262 or 263,[117]and considered the date given by Sherira Gaon impossible since the destruction of the city would have required a large army, and the only large force invading the region in that period was headed by Odaenathus during his first campaign. Feldman noted that Palmyra counted on the maneuverability of its soldiers not on the size of its armies, thus doubting the conclusions of Neusner.[13]
  22. ^Contrary to the account of theAugustan History,there is no proof that Odaenathus occupiedArmenia.[122]
  23. ^Odaenathus' title as it appears in Palmyrene inscriptions was "King of Kings andCorrectorof the East ".[125]
  24. ^Gawlikowski proposed that the statue was erected and the coronation took place following the victory in 260.[129]Gawlikowski also suggested that Odaenathus adopted the title "King of Kings" before his first Persian campaign in preparation for the war and the replacement of the Sassanid dynasty, a goal that was not achieved.[43]
  25. ^The archaeologistDaniel Schlumbergersuggested Emesa (present-dayHoms) as the location of the coronation, but the ancient city was located about a mile away from the river. Hence, the academic consensus prefers Antioch on the Orontes;[130]a lead token bearing Herodianus image, probably struck to celebrate the coronation, was found in the city.[127]
  26. ^Asqueen consort,Zenobia remained in the background and was not mentioned in the historical record.[133]
  27. ^No information on the identity of Kyrinus exists;[146]it is possible that he is the same person as Aurelius Quirinius, who is recorded as head of the financial administration of Egypt in 262.[147]
  28. ^Thisgentiliciumwas exclusive to the family of Odaenathus prior to the 260s.[151]
  29. ^The ThirteenthSibylline Oraclewas compiled by several writers who were probably Syrians and attempted to promote Syrian rulers by portraying them as the saviours of Rome from Persia. The initial text was completed during the time of Uranius and revised during the reign of Odaenathus with 19 lines added comprising the prophecy of Odaenathus' victories.[159]
  30. ^The historian David Woods rejected the different interpretations of the radiate lion, considering it a sign of the Emperor's brevity; a motif that can be traced back toAlexander the GreatofMacedon's birth legends.[168]
  31. ^This story contributed to the now-discounted assumption that Odaenathus I existed.[182]
  32. ^It is debated whether the inscription should be understood as an evidence for descendants of Odaenathus in Rome.[200]
  33. ^Generally, the initiative of granting an individual an intramural burial came from thedemosand had to be confirmed throughacclamatio;due to this requirement, the honor was a rarity.[211]
  34. ^The Apocalypse of Elijah is anapocryphalwork that exists in two versions, one is Jewish and written inHebrew,and the other is Christian and written inCoptic.[236]The Christian version seems to be based on a Jewish prophecy written in Egypt in the time of the turmoil after Valerian's capture; the Jews were probably expecting the Persians to win and allow them to return to Jerusalem by eliminating Odaenathus, whom they considered an enemy.[233]According to the prophecy: "In those days, a king will arise in the city which is called" the city of the sun, "and the whole land will be disturbed. [He will] flee to Memphis (with the Persians). In the sixth year, the Persian kings will plot an ambush in Memphis. They will kill the Assyrian king."[237]The CoptologistOscar Lemmconsidered that by the Persian and Assyrian kings, the prophecy meant the sixth-century BC kingsCyrus the Greatof Persia and theChaldeanNebuchadnezzar IIofBabylonia.Lemm also considered the killing of the Assyrian king in Memphis an allusion to the defeat of the Babylonians by Persia.[237]The theologianWilhelm Boussetconsidered the prophecy to be pointless if it actually meant that the Persians and Assyrian kings warred in Egypt since such a conflict never happened. Noting the confusion between Syria and Assyria in many Roman sources, including theSibyllineprophecies, Bousset identified the Assyrian king with Odaenathus; Palmyra was known as the city of the sun in many apocalyptic traditions.[238]

References

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Citations

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  17. ^abPowers 2010,p.130.
  18. ^Stark 1971,pp. 65, xx, 85.
  19. ^abHartmann 2001,p.88.
  20. ^abcdTeixidor 2005,p.195.
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edit
Odaenathus
House of Odaenathus
Born:220Died:267
Regnal titles
Preceded by
New title
Ras of Palmyra
240s–260
withHairan I (Herodianus)(?–260)
Title obsolete
Became king
King of Palmyra
260–267
Succeeded by
King of Kings of the East
263–267
withHerodianusas junior
King of Kings
(263–267)