Wikipedia

Zaramo people

(Redirected fromWazaramo)

TheZaramo people,also referred to asDzalamoorSaramo(Wazaramo,inSwahili), are aBantuethnic group native to the central eastern coast ofTanzania,particularlyDar es Salaam RegionandPwani Region.[1][2]They are the largest ethnic group in and aroundDar es Salaam,the former capital of Tanzania and the 7th largest city in Africa.[3]Estimated to be about 0.7 million people, over 98% of them areMuslims,[1]more specifically theShafi'ischool of Sunni Islam. Zaramo people are considered influential in Tanzania popular culture, with musical genres like Sengeli originating from their community in Kinondoni District.[4]Their culture and history have been shaped by their dwelling in both urban and rural landscapes.[5]

Zaramo
Wazaramo
Total population
~0.7 million[1]
Regions with significant populations
Tanzania

Dar es Salaam Region

(Temeke District,Ilala District,Ubungo District,Kinondoni District,Kigamboni District)

Pwani Region

(Chalinze District),(Mkuranga District), (Kisarawe District), (Kibaha District)
Languages
Zaramo&Swahili language[1]
Religion
Islam(Sunni)[2]
African Traditional Religion
Related ethnic groups
Lugulu,Kutu,Kwere& otherBantu peoples
PersonMzaramo
PeopleWazaramo
LanguageKizaramo

Language

edit

The original Zaramo language, sometimes calledKizaramo,isBantu,belonging to the Niger-Congo family of languages.[6]However, in contemporary Tanzania, only a few speak it, and most speak Swahili language as their first language, as it is the trading language of the East African coast and the national language of Tanzania.[6]

Kizaramo is still used in many Zaramo rituals, such as themwalirites, though they often appear alongside Swahili translations.[7]

History

edit

Origins

edit

By oral tradition, the Zaramo are said to be descendants of the Shomvi people under the lead of the warrior-hero, Pazi in the early 19th century. The Shomvi, a mercantile clan living in what is present-day Dar Es Salaam were attacked by an offshoot group ofKamba peoplefromKenya.The Shomvi sought help from the warrior, Pazi, who lived in the hinterlands. When Pazi defeated the Kamba, he asked for salt, cloth, and other luxuries in return. When the Shomvi could not meet his demands, they offered for him and his family to live with them on the coast, where they would receive an annual tribute instead. The war and its results were said to be the founding of the Zaramo.[8]

Islamization

edit

Undoubtedly after theMaji Majirebellion, it was a period of significantIslamicexpansion. Before 1914, theNgindo,Zaramo, andZiguapeoples in the coastal hinterland had been heavily influenced by Islam. Since then, the region has primarily become Islamic, with the exception of Maasai, some ofBonde(whom had a long history of missions), and to a lesser extent,Matumbi.The last barrier to the Islamization of theDigoin the north was eliminated by the destruction of Lutheran artifacts. When missionary work began in the south after manyMweraandMakuastopped practicing Christianity, polygynous marriages and other barriers made it difficult for many converts to return, which led to Islam becoming the coastal area's major religion.[9]

By 1913, Muslims were up half of the Zaramo population. Both from the coast and up north from the Rufiji, where Zaramo tracked the boys' jando initiation ceremony that contributed significantly to the spread of Islam, proselytizing had taken place. Zaramo started performing Islamic circumcision.[10]

Islam in the coastal region and its hinterland typically made it difficult for missions to be effective. TheBenedictinesrelocated their operations inland as a result of Zaramo's disregard. Resources for resistance were offered by indigenous religious organizations like the Kubandwa Cult and the Uwuxala Society. Long-established populations were not always opposed to Christianity, though.[11]

Only eleven of the 150–200 waalimu in Uzaramo were reported to be able to interpret theKoranrather than merely recite it in 1912, when it was claimed that students at Koran schools learned the Koran in Arabic without grasping its meaning.Magicand literacy frequently intertwined. It was customary to read the entire Koran aloud to honor ancestors or to purify a community. A passage from the Koran served as a standard amulet, and ink diluted in water served as a standard medication.[12]

A Zaramo Muslim immigrant worker named Abdulrahman Saidi Mboga is credited with introducing superiorricevarieties and irrigation methods toSouth Pare.[13]

It is simpler to map out Islam's political stance by the 1950s. Not only was it growing almost as quickly as Christianity, but Muslims also appeared to be adhering to their religion more rigidly than before. However, a lot of cultural resistance endured. Few Zaramo Muslims frequented mosques, and their female rituals remained largely non-Islamic. Urban Islam was occasionally quite superficial, notably in Dar es Salaam. Even the ostensibly Muslim Ngindo rarely performed Islamic marriage.[14]

Colonial period

edit

During the British period, the founding members of the African Association included representatives from the three most influential African communities inDar es Salaamin the 1920s: theManyema,and Zaramo. Effendi Plantan, the former head of the ex-askari community, had raised its secretary, Kleist Sykes. Mzee Sudi, the Manyema leader for theBelgian Congobranch and the son ofslaveparents, was one of the committee members. He also had a significant home. Two notable leaders were from the Zaramo: Ramadhani Ali, the first vice-president and a trader, and Ali Saidi, a building inspector who served as the association's treasurer during the 1930s.[15]

Both later served as leaders of the Wazaramo Union, with Ramadhani Ali serving as King of the Marini and one of the most prominent Africans in Dar es Salaam. These men had completely different interests and unifying principles than Watts or Matola did. The organisation was split throughout the 1930s between proponents of a territorial alliance of educated men and supporters of harmony between the various social classes in the city.[15]

Africans in the town were governed by the Germans via aliwali.The British first established a Township Authority made up of selected Europeans and Asians before experimenting with a number of "native administrations." The town was made into a separate district and divided into six wards, one under each elder. Finally, in 1941, the Township Authority received a native affairs sub-committee and its first African members. These measures included making a Zaramo headman the chief of the entire township, establishing a council of six elders, each of whom represented a grouping of tribes from one direction, and making the town a separate district.[16]

Population increase altered Dar es Salaam's entire character. Many Zaramo settlements, particularly Buguruni, were subsumed by the shanty cities the immigrants established. Magomeni had a population density that was more than double that of Nyamwezi, although many Zaramo lived in Buguruni in the far west, which blended into the surrounding landscape.[16]

According to a survey conducted in 1956, the majority of homes were constructed using small business owners' or artists' money. It also revealed that several ethnic groups, like the Manyema, Yao, and Makonde who were among the town's first settlers, possessed a large number of homes. However, it is noteworthy that neither Shomvi nor Zaramo had much real estate because Dar es Salaam's explosive growth from humble beginnings had engulfed both native groups. Nobody took Shomvi and Zaramo seriously when they both occasionally asserted that they "owned" the town. Shomvi were primarily fishermen, while Zaramo, who came from a less developed educational region, were "very submerged" —a characteristic that set Dar es Salaam apart from the other capitals of East Africa.[16]

The trible associations of the 1950s were heavily focused on rural improvement in addition to urban welfare. The Wazaramo Union was the best illustration. The Zaramo did not require an association to bury or care for them because he lived so near to the town. However, the Wazaramo Union was home to about 3,500 of the 6,500 tribal union members who were enrolled in Dar es Salaam in 1955. Its main priority was to promote rural Uzaramo.[17]

The objective of the Zaaramo Union according to its secretary, was to construct the "UNITY, BESTIR LIFT UP", of the Wazaramo and their country in the essential matters. To this end, it purchased and operated two lorries to transport people and agricultural produce between towns and rural areas, established nine branches in the tribal area, and campaigned against "the old out-of-date Wakilis" recognized by the government, urging instead a paramount chief to guide the Zaramo toward progress. Urban ethnicity was not just a means of survival, but also a productive effort to forge groups that could work well together in colonial society.[18]

Society

edit

The term, "Zaramo," in scholarly studies also reflects a macro-ethnic group. The larger Zaramo group consists of Zaramo proper, but includes a number of related peoples such as the Kaguru, Kwere, Kutu, Kami, Sagara, Luguru, Ngulu and Vidunda peoples.[19]

The majority of the peoples of Tanganyika werepatrilineal,but there are signs that many of them were oncematrilineal.Some of these matrilineal peoples, like the Zaramo, Luguru, Mwera, andMakonde,were able to survive in the south-east where tsetse may have prevented men from acquiring cattle to pass on to their sons.[18]

The Zaramo society has been historically victimized by slave raids and slave trading by the Swahili-Arab traders ofZanzibar.[19][20]To resist this persecution, they developed stockade-fortified villages.[19]Many ran away from the coast, and would return during the daytime to farm and fish.[20]Zanzibar Arabs, state William Worger, Nancy Clark and Edward Alpers, however pursued their slave raiding into the mainland, where they would seize pagan Zaramo adults and children, gag them so they would not cry out, and then sell them to the traders.[20]Sometimes during famines, such as in the 19th-century rule ofBarghash bin Said of Zanzibar,desperate Zaramo people pawned and sold each other to survive.[20][21]

Zaramo people distribution (approx)

The Zaramo society's history has long been influenced by the coastal encounter between the Arab-Persian and African populations typical of East Africa, since the 8th century.[22]During the colonial era, the influence came from the encounter between the African people, Arab-Swahili trader intermediaries and the European powers, but it broadly coopted the older slave-driven, social stratification model.[23]

According to Elke Stockreiter – a professor of History specializing on Africa, the slaves seized from Zaramo people and other ethnic groups such as Yao, Makonde and Nyamwezi peoples from the mainland and brought to the coastal Tanzania region and Zanzibar sought social inclusion and attempted to reduce their treatment as inferiors by their slave owners by adopting and adapting to Islam in the 19th century.[24]Conversion to Islam among the coastal Zaramo people began in the 19th century.[25]These historic events, states Stockreiter, have influenced the politics and inter-ethnic relations in 20th-century Tanzania.[24][26]

Initiation

edit

Initiation rituals are required for the youth of the Zaramo people to become full-fledged members of adult society. Theses rituals generally happen around puberty and the female's first menses.[27][28]

Males

edit

The male ceremony is termed asnhuluor "growth." The initiation process takes place during the dry season and about once every three years. Each novice,mwali,have a designated instructor,mhunga,who guides the youth through the circumcision process, teaches Zaramo sex lore and practice. Once themwaliare circumcised, they are brought to an initiation hut,kumbi,where they are taught, and then are not permitted to bathe for two weeks. Once themwaliare allowed to bathe again, their mothers in the village hold a village dance,mbiga.After eight more days themwalireturn to the village and their instructors burn thekumbiand anything else related to the initiation. Themwaliare now men of society and celebrate withmlao,a dance of emergence.[28]

Females

edit

Female initiation begins with a girl's first menses.[28][29]The rituals associated with female initiation are performed to protect and enrich a girl's female power and her fertility. A girl has a reproductive cycle within society-one that starts with her first menses, continues to her initiation, marriage, birth of her children, and finally ends with the puberty of her grandchildren, at which point her reproductive cycle is over. The girl novice, also calledmwali,is secluded in her mother's house for anywhere between two weeks and one year. Earlier documentation states that this process in the past could have taken up to five years.[27]Themwali'spaternal aunt is usually assigned as hershangazi,or the one who takes over themwali'steachings and ceremonies. The initiate is taught domestic responsibilities such as housekeeping, childcare, sexual and moral behavior, and mature interaction in society.[29]During seclusion, themwaliis not allowed to speak, work, or go outside, to symbolize her death and put emphasis on her re-emergence as symbolic birth. She is then carried to a mkole tree where is circumcised as well by an operator, ormnhunga.She is then returned to her family and she is celebrated with anmbwelodance.[27]

Mwana Hitifigures (in regards toMwali)

edit

Mwana Hitifigures may also be referred to asmwana nya kiti, mwana nya nhiti,ormwana mkongo.These names stem frommwana,meaning "child," andnya kitiandnya nhitimeaning "wood" and "chair."Mkongorefers to the mkongo tree, of which many mwana hiti are carved from. All of these names refer to themwana hitias a "child of wood."Mwana hitimay be represented in other forms besides figures such as walking sticks, staff, stool, musical instruments, and grave posts among others.Mwana hitidon't belong to individuals, but to families, and they are passed down generations, sometimes up to 40 or 50 years.[29][30][31]

Appearance

edit

Mwana hitiare usually made of wood, however some Zaramo traditions say they should be made of gourds as gourds are symbols of fertility. Sizes of themwana hitivary, the average being around 10 centimeters. They can be projections of a child, a woman with a child, or anmwali.Mwana hitiare cylindrical figures with depictions of a head and torso of relatively equal size and usually no arms, legs or genitalia. Breasts and a navel are often present as well as hair. Facial features are simple and abstract, occasionally not being present. These figures may be decorated with metal (if hair is present) or white beads as jewelry.[29][30]

Function

edit

Mwali hitiare meant to spark a "nurturing consciousness" within themwalito instill a desire to have children. They also act as the main socializing for themwaliduring her seclusion, measuring her skills as a future mother and teaching her the responsibilities of womanhood (i.e. taking care of oneself and children.)[29][32]

Mwalimust treat themwana hitias her child, bathing it, oiling it, dressing the hair (of which themwaliwears the same style,) and feeding it. If she fails to complete these motherly tasks she may be denied fertility in the future. Fertility is prized in Zaramo culture as children are seen as economic and cultural goals for prosperity and legacy.[29][30]

If a woman encounters fertility after her initiation is over, she may choose to repeat seclusion andmwana hitirites. This means themwana hitican also double as atambiko,or "sacrifice," as a means to create stronger ties with the spiritual world.[29][32]

Creatingmwana hiti

edit

Men are the carvers ofmwana hiti,many creating reputations for their highly sought after figures.[32]Mwana hitiare only commissioned, and there cannot be more than one figure commissioned by a family at a time. Carvers also cannot createmwali hitiif a family already possesses one. The carver createsmwana hitiout of one piece of wood (or gourd) that he picks out, though any decorations for hair or jewelry must be provided by the family.[29]

Mwana hiti figure from Musée des Confluences in Lyon, France
Zaramo medicine man's container

Culture and livelihood

edit

The Zaramo people have borrowed from the general Swahili and the once-occupying Arab culture in terms of dress such as wearing a skull cap, Islamic festivals and Muslim observances, but they continue some of their pre-Islam traditions such as matrilineal kinship, while a few pursue theKolelofertility cult and the worship of their ancient deityMulungu.[33]The traditional practice ofMgangaor medicine man, along with Muslim clerics offering services as divine healers, remains popular among the impoverished Zaramo communities.[34]

The Zaramo people are settled farmers who also keep livestock and fish. They also are migrant workers to Tanzania's capital city and tourist sites, considering business, orbiashara,their job. They live inpangoneor shanty clusters of villages. They produce staple foods such as rice, millet, maize, sorghum, and cassava, as well as cash crops such as coconuts, legumes, cashews, pineapples, oranges, and bananas.[33][7]Cassava is important to Zaramo agriculture because it can grow with very little rain.[7]

For Zaramo people who live on the coast, fishing is also popular for both personal consumption and trade. Some Zaramo may also choose to brew beer, make charcoal, or dig for copal for a living. Those with specialized professions,mafundi,or as healers and diviners,mganga,rarely work those positions full time, often working agriculturally to supplement.[7]

Formation of United Republic of Tanzania (Tanzanian independence)

edit

The independence of Tanganyika in 1961 and the Zanzibar Archipelago in 1963 and their subsequent formation of the United Republic of Tanzania led to a significant shift in Tanzanian culture, as well as the Zaramo culture. In 1963, 132 chiefs and headmen were removed from their political positions as government executives. The decreased status of chiefs and headmen has led to the dwindling of their numbers and traditions associated with them.[35][29]

Death

edit

Zaramo people hold their dead with high respect and reverence.[29][28]They believe that life is continued into death, in which the spirits of the dead,mizimu,only bring misfortune upon the living. Illness, death, infertility, and poor agriculture can all be attributed to the spitefulness ofmizimu.Tambikoare funeral rites where the family clean the grave and offer food and drink to each other and the deceased. Sometimes a temporary hut is built around the grave to act as a shrine. After Tanzanian independence in the 1960s, an increasing number of Zaramo people have requested to be buried in their home villages on private land or on church grounds.[29]

Grave markers

edit

The influence of Islam and the increase of urbanization and literacy have been marked as responsible for the decline in traditional Zaramo figure grave posts. The majority of contemporary grave markers are slab markers with written sentiments and notifiers. Decreasing land availability in Dar Es Salaam has led to an increase in unmarked grave sites holding multiple bodies, which has resulted in a higher importance being placed upon sufficient grave marking.[29][28]

Traditional Zaramo grave figures have a variety of names:mwana hiti(no longer in contemporary use,)nguzo za makaburi(translated to "grave posts," )mashahidi wa makaburi(translated to "grave witness." ) These figures are considered witnesses or representation of the deceased.Mwana hitigrave figures are separate frommwana hitiinitiation figures, and were mainly used for headmen or chief graves. Sometimes grave markers are created as marionette-like, wooden puppets calledmotto wa bandiato become mnemonic honorary devices.[29][31]

Prestige staffs

edit

Staffs, aside from their use as walking supports, are used as ritual aids, titular symbols, and representations of power. Specific staffs are usual signifiers of chiefs, diviners, and linguists.[29]

Kifimbo staffs

edit

Literally translated to "small stick,"kifimbostaffs are small staffs used mainly for military authority. It is either held in the hand or tucked between the upper arm and the torso.Kifimbohold no functional use, and are considered purely symbolic.[29][36]

Kome staffs

edit

Traditionalkomestaffs are tall staffs made from blackwood (mpingo) and are carved to possess animal and human (women) decoration.Mwana hitiwere common top decorations before Tanzanian independence.Komestaffs are typically associated with chief power, and so their decreased presence is directly correlated to that of chiefs in Tanzania.[29]

Pottery

edit

Usage

edit

By the early-mid-20th century, much of Zaramo pottery consisted of internal creations and imports from Europe, Japan, and India. Most of Zaramo pottery consists of ceramic water jars and earthenware cooking pots and dishes. Pottery is generally made for kitchen-use, thus resulting in two main types/uses: vessels for liquid (narrow-rimmed) and vessels for cooking and serving food (open and curved rims.)[7]

Cooking dishes may range from 5-12 inches in diameter and 2-3 inches in height, usually topped with an open, flared rim. General cooking pots are calledchungu,while dishes made specifically for the act of frying are calledkaangoorkikaango(depending on size), with smaller bowls being referred to asbakuli.ChetezoorKitezoare shallow dishes made to be placed on shrine pedestals to hold incense offerings.[7]

Mtungiare large pots, sometimes reaching 2 feet high, that are made particularly to hold water for bathing and drinking; a household generally has two of these vessels, one for each use. Sometimesmtungiare replaced with buckets or oil drums, the manufactured alternatives being more durable, though they keep the water less cool.Mtungitend to have more fragile necks prone to cracking and chipping.

There is not much distinction between pottery for everyday use and pottery for rituals, such as ceremonialmwalibathing, healing rituals, and grave offerings. Everyday pottery may be used, though many ceremonies require the vessel to be new.[7]

Process

edit

The majority of potters in Zaramo culture are women, who are calledfundi wa kufinyangaor "masters of making pottery." Pottery is seen as a job that complements the agricultural and domestic responsibilities assigned to women. Apart from most of Africa, Zaramo women do not sell their pottery in markets, instead operating on an order/commission system. While any women may choose to practice pottery, many women are taught by older relatives when they aremwali,a time when girls are secluded in the home and normally learn domestic skills. Pottery is a physically strenuous task, which is the main reason a woman may retire from the practice.[7]

Good clay is the most essential part of Zaramo pottery, with many potters choosing to mix several types of clay to achieve maximum durability through the firing process. A pottery wheel is not used; instead, "pinch pot" techniques (generally for smaller vessels) and coiling methods (generally for larger vessels) are used. After being formed, the pottery are left to dry out for two to seven days before being fired, not in a kiln, but a wood fire. The vessels are placed on top of a fire, and more wood and plant material are placed on top of the vessels. Firing lasts two to three hours. If the pottery is to be colored, they are colored directly after firing.[7]

Finish and ornamentation

edit

The bodies of vessels are burnished using seeds, metal, stones or shells, while necks/rims are smoothed with leaves or paper.[7]

Color is added directly after firing and mostly consists of reds and blacks. Red pigment is made from either the boiling of the mzingifuri plant (where the vessel is dipped into the pigment) or from the heating of kitahoymse grass seeds (which are turned into a solid mass that is then rubbed onto a just-fired vessel to transfer pigment.) Black pigment is made from powdering tree bark (usually mango tree bark) and mi xing it with water or citrus juice.[7]

Ornamentation of pottery is appreciated in Zaramo culture, but is not integral. Decoration is either incised (using millet stalks, bamboo, or shells) or painted on. Lids, orfuniko,aren't incised, only painted.Biikiare comb-like tools made to create incised parallel lines. All incised decorations are calledmaremboormapambo,but there are specific names for other patterns such ashuku na huku(zig-zag,)mistari(vertical lines,) andukumbuo(horizontal lines).[7]

Basketry

edit

Usage

edit

Basketry is a very common practice in Zaramo and Tanzanian culture and can be broken down into several types.[7]

Pakachaare baskets that are made for only a day or two's use. They are made of fresh palm leaves and are often used to transport small amounts of items/wares, whether for travel or for the marketplace. They are disposable and are made by common people, not specialists.Tengaare larger sturdier versions ofpakacha.They are made to carry heavy loads and are, therefore, made with bamboo instead of palm leaves.Ungo(food and winnowing trays) andkikota(small beer vessels) also use bamboo, though it is more tightly woven.[7]

Baskets in a Singida marketplace

Kawaare decorated food covers made from wild date palms calledmkindu.They are often decorated with Swahili proverbs, fruits, vegetables, and flowers. Similar tokawaare fans calledvipepeo.Types of mats includemkeka(large rectangular mats for sitting,)msala(oval prayer mats,)jamvi(large, sturdy mats for porch covering,)vitanga(smaller, ovular versions ofjamvi,) andkumba(matting for fences and walls.)[7]

Process

edit

Basketry is created using mainly bamboo, dwara palm leaves, and date palm leaves. The plant fibers are then put into plaits, of which there are many different types such asjicho la kukufor "eye of the chicken,"pachafor "crossroads," andvinyotaas "stars." Once the plant fibers are plaited into long strips, they are sewn together to create the desired basketry shape. Basketry used to be sewn together with coconut fibers, but today it is more common to use twine or plastic from bags. Many baskets are designated to be natural in color, though some are dyed. Dying of baskets, if done, is usually in black or red-orange made from roots of themdaaplant or berries of themzingefurirespectively. The only tools needed are a paring knife and a needle or an awl.[7]

While anyone can learn to make basketry, it is usually taught through family. Basketry-makers are calledfundi kusuka,"masters of plaiting." Basketry, like pottery, is considered a part-time job only. It is typical for men to handle weaving that uses bamboo and for women to do the weaving that uses palm leaves. Men usually perform the decorating.[7]

Notable people of Zaramo heritage

edit
  • Kimbamanduka(fl. 19th century), Tanzanian elephant hunter, warrior, pazi (chief) of the Zaramo people

References

edit
  1. ^abcdAnthony Appiah; Henry Louis Gates (2010).Encyclopedia of Africa.Oxford University Press. p. 572.ISBN978-0-19-533770-9.
  2. ^abZaramo people,Encyclopædia Britannica
  3. ^Lloyd W. Swantz (1990).The Medicine Man Among the Zaramo of Dar Es Salaam.Nordic Africa Institute. pp. 7–8.ISBN978-91-7106-299-4.
  4. ^Randall L. Pouwels (2002).Horn and Crescent: Cultural Change and Traditional Islam on the East African Coast, 800-1900.Cambridge University Press. pp. 116–122.ISBN978-0-521-52309-7.
  5. ^Swantz, Marja Liisa (September 1979). "Community and healing among the Zaramo in Tanzania".Social Science & Medicine. Part B: Medical Anthropology.13(3): 169–173.doi:10.1016/0160-7987(79)90031-0.ISSN0160-7987.PMID555565.
  6. ^abZaramo language: Tanzania,Ethnologue
  7. ^abcdefghijklmnopqPelrine, Diane Marie. (1991).Zaramo arts: a study of forms, contexts and history.University Microfilms International.OCLC896633399.
  8. ^Owens, G. R. (2012-04-01). "The Kamba War: Foundation Narratives, Ethnogenesis, and the Invention of the Zaramo in Precolonial East Africa".Ethnohistory.59(2): 353–385.doi:10.1215/00141801-1536912.ISSN0014-1801.
  9. ^Iliffe, John (1979).A Modern History of Tanganyika.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 256.ISBN9780511584114.
  10. ^Iliffe, John (1979).A Modern History of Tanganyika.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 213.ISBN9780511584114.
  11. ^Iliffe, John (1979).A Modern History of Tanganyika.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 221.ISBN9780511584114.
  12. ^Iliffe, John (1979).A Modern History of Tanganyika.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 236.ISBN9780511584114.
  13. ^Iliffe, John (1979).A Modern History of Tanganyika.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 314.ISBN9780511584114.
  14. ^Iliffe, John (1979).A Modern History of Tanganyika.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 550.ISBN9780511584114.
  15. ^abIliffe, John (1979).A Modern History of Tanganyika.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 408.ISBN9780511584114.
  16. ^abcIliffe, John (1979).A Modern History of Tanganyika.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 388.ISBN9780511584114.
  17. ^Iliffe, John (1979).A Modern History of Tanganyika.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 390.ISBN9780511584114.
  18. ^abIliffe, John (1979).A Modern History of Tanganyika.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 391.ISBN9780511584114.
  19. ^abcJames Stuart Olson (1996).The Peoples of Africa: An Ethnohistorical Dictionary.Greenwood Publishing. p. 610.ISBN978-0-313-27918-8.
  20. ^abcdWilliam H. Worger; Nancy L. Clark; Edward A. Alpers (2010).Africa and the West: From the slave trade to conquest, 1441-1905.Oxford University Press. pp. 119–120.ISBN978-0-19-537348-6.
  21. ^Gwyn Campbell (2015).Bonded Labour and Debt in the Indian Ocean World.Routledge. pp. 35–37.ISBN978-1-317-32008-1.
  22. ^Bernard Calas (2010).From Dar Es Salaam to Bongoland: Urban Mutations in Tanzania.African Books Collective. pp. 173–175.ISBN978-9987-08-094-6.
  23. ^Bernard Calas (2010).From Dar Es Salaam to Bongoland: Urban Mutations in Tanzania.African Books Collective. pp. 176–178.ISBN978-9987-08-094-6.
  24. ^abElke Stockreiter (2015).Islamic Law, Gender and Social Change in Post-Abolition Zanzibar.Cambridge University Press. pp. 210–212.ISBN978-1-107-04841-6.
  25. ^Nehemia Levtzion;Randall Pouwels (2000).The History of Islam in Africa.Ohio University Press. pp. 283–284.ISBN978-0-8214-4461-0.
  26. ^Crawford Young (1979).The Politics of Cultural Pluralism.Univ of Wisconsin Press. pp. 241–242.ISBN978-0-299-06744-1.
  27. ^abcSwantz, Marja-Liisa. (1995).Blood, milk, and death: body symbols and the power of regeneration among the Zaramo of Tanzania.Mjema, Salome., Wild, Zenya. Westport, Conn.: Bergin & Garvey.ISBN0897893980.OCLC30811740.
  28. ^abcdeBeidelman, T. O. (Thomas O.), 1931- (2017).The matrilineal peoples of eastern Tanzania: (Zaramo, Luguru, Kaguru, Ngulu, etc.).Routledge.ISBN9781315309613.OCLC974669106.{{cite book}}:CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  29. ^abcdefghijklmnopMshana, Fadhili Safieli.Art and identity among the Zaramo of Tanzania.OCLC45175925.
  30. ^abcHarding, J. R. (April 1961). "83. 'Mwali' Dolls of the Wazaramo".Man.61:72–73.doi:10.2307/2797857.ISSN0025-1496.JSTOR2797857.
  31. ^abHartwig, Gerald W. (July 1978). "Sculpture in East Africa".African Arts.11(4): 62–96.doi:10.2307/3335347.ISSN0001-9933.JSTOR3335347.
  32. ^abcFelix, Marc Leo. (1990).Mwana hiti: life and art of the matrilineal Bantu of Tanzania = Mwana hiti: Leben und Kunst der matrilinearen Bantu von Tansania.F. Jahn.OCLC27677384.
  33. ^abJames Stuart Olson (1996).The Peoples of Africa: An Ethnohistorical Dictionary.Greenwood Publishing. p. 610.ISBN978-0-313-27918-8.
  34. ^Lloyd W. Swantz (1990).The Medicine Man Among the Zaramo of Dar Es Salaam.Nordic Africa Institute. pp. 11–12, 16–17, 24–25, 43–46.ISBN978-91-7106-299-4.
  35. ^United States. Central Intelligence Agency. (2003),Tanzania.,[Central Intelligence Agency],OCLC775999712
  36. ^Polfliet, Leo (1989).Kifimbo staffs of office from Central and Eastern Africa.Fred Jahn.OCLC901439254.
edit
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zaramo_people&oldid=1254040161"