Xianyun

TheXianyun(simplified Chinese:Hiểm Doãn;traditional Chinese:Hiểm Doãn, hiểm duẫn;pinyin:Xiǎnyǔn;Wade–Giles:Hsien-yün;Old Chinese:(ZS) *g.ramʔ-lunʔ;(Schuessler) *hɨamᴮ-juinᴮ< *hŋamʔ-junʔ^[6]) was an ancient nomadic tribe that invaded theZhou dynasty.^[7]This Chineseexonymis written withxianHiểmorHiểm"long-snouted dog", and this "dog" radical khuyển is commonly used ingraphic pejorativecharacters. "Xianyun" was the preferred designation for northern tribes during theZhou dynasty,earlier designations being theXunyu,Guifang(Xia and Shang dynasties), and later ones being theXiongnu,during theHan dynasty.^[8]

Xianyun
Hiểm Doãn

Anthropomorphic axe, bronze, excavated in the tomb of Heibo ( hắc bá ), a military noble in charge of protecting the northern frontier, atBaicaopo,Lingtai County,Western Zhouperiod (1045–771 BCE).Gansu Museum.This is considered as a possible Chinese depiction of a Xianyun orGuifang.^[1]
"Europoid faces" are also known from Western Zhouscabbardornaments of the 10th century BCE,^[2]suggesting that people of "probably West Asian—origins may have arrived at China's northwestern borders" around that time.^[3]

General location of the Xianyun, who "lived in an area that stretched from theHetao(bend of the Yellow River) to the upperYellow RiverValley ", with the Chinese capitalXi'anandWestern Zhoufrontier outpost ofBaicaopo(

) next to this area.^[4]

Overview

The Xianyun appear to have been a fairly structured society occupying a broad expanse from theHetaoarea of theYellow Riverto the Upper Yellow River valley. Xianyun society was fairly uniform culturally, with a high level of concentration at the top, and was capable of coordinated action against theZhou dynasty."Xianyun" was probably their self-designatedendonym,while the Zhou tended to call them using the general termRong,( nhung, "Warlike people" ).^[4]These terms were rather interchangeable: a poem probably composed during the reign ofYih(899–892 BCE) describes incursions alternatively by the Rong ( nhung ) and the Di ( địch ), and concludes that the Xianyu destroyed everything.^[9]

The Xianyun used bronze objects, such as bronze helmets, spears,ding( đỉnh ) andpu( phô ) vessels, which were captured and recorded by the Zhou and cast into their owndingceremonial vessels, all during the reigns ofYihandXiao(899–886 BCE).^[10]Like the Zhou, they also used war chariots, up to 400 in one offensive. They attacked the vicinity of the capitalXi'an,all during the reign ofKing Xuan(827/25–782 BCE).^[11]

The earliest archaeological records mentioning the Xianyun appear in great number during the reign ofKing Xuan of Zhou(827/25–782 BCE).^[12]TheBook of Songscontains four songs about military actions between the Zhou and the Xianyun. The song "Gathering sow thistle" (Cai qi) mentions 3,000 Zhou chariots in battle against the Xianyun. The song "Sixth month" (Liu yue) says that the battlefield was between the lower courses of theJing( Kính Hà ) andLuorivers and theWeivalley, very close to the center of the Zhou state.^[13]

Written records place the first incursions against Zhou under the nameXirong"Western Rong" in 843 BCE.^[13]

In 840 BCE, the fourteenth year of reign ofKing Li of Zhou(877–841 BCE), the Xianyun reached the Zhou capitalHaojing,as reported in the inscription of theDuo You ding:"It was in the tenth month, because the Xianyun greatly arose and broadly attacked Jingshi, [it] was reported to the king. The king commanded Duke Wu: “Dispatch your most capable men and pursue at Jingshi!” Duke Wu commanded Duoyou: “Lead the ducal chariots and pursue at Jingshi!” (...) Duoyou had cut off heads and captured prisoners to be interrogated: in all, using the ducal chariots to cut off 205 heads, to capture 23 prisoners, and to take 117Rongchariots ".^[14]Apparently, the "Western Rong"and Xianyun were the same people here, named in the first case by a generic term meaning" warlike tribes of the west "and in the second case by their actual ethnonym.^[13]

Western Zhou bronze armor decoration

The Xianyun attacked again in 823 BC, the fifth year of reign of King Xuan. Some scholars (e.g.Jaroslav Průšek) suggest that their military tactics characterized by sudden attacks could only have been carried out by highly mobile troops, most likely on horseback and relate the appearance of the Xianyun to migrations from theAltairegion in Chinese or, more specifically, the appearance ofScythiansandCimmeriansmigrating from the west. However, there is no definite evidence that the Xianyun were nomadic warriors;^[13]^[15]moreover, a Duo You bronzedingvessel inscription unearthed in 1980 nearXi'antells that c. 816 BCE Xianyun forces attacked a Jing ( kinh ) garrison in the lowerOrdosregion, drawing a Zhou military response. It indicated that like the Zhou, the Xianyun fought on horse-drawn chariots; contemporary evidence does not indicate that the increased mobility of the Xianyun is related to the emergence of mounted nomads armed with bows and arrows.^[13]^[16]

Due to pressure from the Xianyun or the Quanrong, theWestern Zhoudynasty collapsed in 771 BCE and had to withdraw from theWei Rivervalley, moving the capital away fromXi'an,toLuoyangabout 300 km to the east.^[17]

Archaeological identification

-1000

Karasuk

Irmen

Begazy-Dandybai
culture

Mezhovskaya
culture

Cimmerians

Iranian
pastoral
people

Mumun

Chust

Subeshi

Shanma

KUSH

21st
Dynasty
of Egypt

class=notpageimage|

General location of theSiwa,Deer stonesandUpper Xiajiadiancultures, with contemporary Asian politiesc. 1000BCE

Nomadic leaders depicted inDeer stonesinMongolia(1400–700 BCE), leading large-scale organized nomadic groups, may have affected the lateShangand earlyZhoudynasties of China to their south.^[18]Their chariot technology may have impulsed the development of chariots in China.^[19]

Siwa culture (1300–600 BCE)

The Xianyun may have been related to the archaeologically identifiedSiwa culture,but questions are raised against this theory because the Siwa sites are small with low subsistence levels, whereas the Xianyun seem to have been more advanced.^[20]According to Feng Li, these could not have sustained an advanced society like the Xianyun.^[20]The debate remains open.^[21]

From the 7th century BCE, the Siwa culture was followed by the appearance ofEurasian steppecultures, particularlyScytic Ordos culture,which again interracted in various ways with theCentral Plainsof China.^[22]

Deer stones culture (1400–700 BCE)

The nomadic leaders depicted inDeer stonesinMongolia,dated to 1400–700 BCE, leading large-scale organized nomadic groups, may have affected the lateShangand earlyZhoudynasties of China to their south. They were equipped with weapons and instruments of war, such as daggers, shafted axes, or curved rein holders for their horses. These powerful nomadic leaders, leading large-scale organized nomadic groups capable of building monumental decorated stone tombs, may have being part of the nomadic challenge to the early Chinese dynasties.^[18]

Upper Xiajiadian culture (1000–600 BCE)

TheUpper Xiajiadian culturewas aBronze Agearchaeological culture inNortheast Chinaderived from the Eurasian steppe bronze tradition.^[23]It is associated with theDonghu( "Eastern Barbarians" ) of Chinese history.

Later accounts

Later Chinese annals contain a number of references to the Xianyun, such as bySima Qian(c. 145/135 – 86 BCE),Ying Shao(140–206 AD),Wei Zhao(204–273), andJin Zhuo(late 3rd–4th century AD).^[24]^[25]^[26]^[27]They stated thatXunyu( dân tộc Huân Dục ) orXianyunwere terms that designated nomadic people who later during theHan dynastywere transcribed as "Xiongnu"( Hung nô ). This view was also held by theTang dynastycommentatorSima Zhen(c. 8th century).^[28]Wang Guowei(1877–1927), as a result of phonetical studies and comparisons based on the inscriptions on bronze and the structure of the characters, came to the conclusion that the tribal names "Guifang"( quỷ phương ),"Xunyu"( dân tộc Huân Dục ),"Xianyu"( tiên ngu )," Xianyun ","Rong"( nhung ),"Di"( địch ), and"Hu"( hồ ) given in the annals designated one and the same people, who later entered history under the name Xiongnu.^[29]^[30]^[31]

TheGuoji Zibai pan(816 BCE) records a Chinese expedition north of theLuo River,the killing of 500Xianyun(

), and the taking of 50 prisoners.

The exact time period when the nomads' ethnonym had the Old Chinese phonetizations ancestral tostandard ChineseXianyunremains determined only vaguely. Using theBronze InscriptionsandClassic of Poetry,Sinologist Axel Schuessler posited the date of 780 BCE.^[32]

Using Sima Qian's Shiji and other sources, Vsevolod Taskin concludes that in the earlier pre-historic period (during the time of legendaryYellow Emperor) the Xiongnu were called dân tộc Huân DụcHunyu,in the late pre-historic period (during the time of legendaryEmperor YaoandEmperor Shun) they were called nhungRong,in the literate period starting with theShang dynasty(1600–1046 BCE) they were called quỷ phươngGuifang,in theZhouperiod (1045–256 BCE) they were called Hiểm DoãnXianyun,starting from theQinperiod (221–206 BCE) the Chinese annalists called them Hung nôXiongnu.^[33]^[34]^[35]

"Xianyun"in theDuo You ding,King Liperiod, 877–841 BCE

Even so, Paul R. Goldin (2011) reconstructs theOld Chinesepronunciations of dân tộc Huân Dục ~ dân tộc Huân Dục ~ dân tộc Huân Dục ~ huân dục as *xur-luk,Hiểm Doãn ashram′-lun′,and Hung nô as *xoŋ-NA;and comments all three names are "manifestly unrelated". He further states thatsound changesmade the names more superficially similar than they really had been, and prompted later historians and commentators to conclude that those names must have referred to one same people in different epochs, even though people during theWarring States periodwould never have been thus misled.^[36]

Li Feng(2006) characterizes Wang Guowei's argument as "essentiallydeductive"and not based on solid evidence.^[37]Following Pulleyblank (1983), Li rejects the identification of the Xianyun with the Xiongnu, and only accepts identification of the Xianyun as one of the nhungRong"warlike foreigner" groups.^[38]Li proposes that the Xianyun:

were indigenous hunters, farmers, and pastoralists living in widely distributed communities in the "Northern Zone Complex" in theregionstretching from theYellow River'sOrdos Loopto its upper reaches;
were possibly cultural successors to theOrdos culture(fl.6th to 2nd centuries BCE; from late Shang to early Western Zhou), with pastoralism gradually becoming dominant; and
the Xianyun society boasted "a considerable size and high concentration of power", allowing them to field hundreds of chariots against the Zhou.^[39]

Further, Li suggests that theXianyunandQuanrongwere either closely related^[40]or the term Quanrong was invented duringEastern Zhouperiod to denote the Xianyun.^[41]Li points to evidence from the Western Zhoubronze inscriptions,theClassic of Poetry,Guoyu,theBamboo Annals,and that when the nameXianyunbecame writtengraphically pejorativeas Hiểm Doãn with the khuyển"dog" radical,the character hiểm 's notion of dog^[a]motivated the coining ofQuanrong( khuyển nhung; lit. "Dog Barbarians" ).^[45]

Epigraphy

Comments about the conflicts against the Xianyun appears in several poems and bronze inscriptions of the Western Zhou.

Western Zhou Xianyun inscriptions
Name	Artifact	Transliteration	Translation
Gathering Millet (Caiqi) Thải khỉ Song 178, verse 4	Poem fromThe Book of Songs (Shi Jing Kinh Thi )	Xuẩn ngươi man kinh Đại bang vì thù Phương thúc nguyên lão Khắc tráng này hãy còn Phương thúc suất ngăn Chấp tin hoạch xấu Nhung xe 嘽嘽嘽嘽 đôn đôn Như đình như sấm Hiện duẫn phương thúc Chinh phạt Hiểm Doãn Man kinh tới uy	How foolish were those savage tribes To make an enemy of the great state! Fangshu the Great Marshall Laid mighty plans, Led his army forth. He captured prisoners for questioning. Many were his war chariots, Many and ample. Like claps of thunder they rumbled. Illustrious was Fangshu, he was true, He smote the Xianyun barbarians, He over-awed the tribes of Jing.^[46]
Duo You ding Nhiều hữu đỉnh 840 BCE^[47]			It was in the tenth month, because the Xianyun greatly arose and broadly attacked Jingshi, [it] was reported to the king. The king commanded Duke Wu: “Dispatch your most capable men and pursue at Jingshi!” Duke Wu commanded Duoyou: “Lead the ducal chariots and pursue at Jingshi!” On the guiwei (no. 20) day, the Rong attacked Xun and took captives. Duoyou pursued to the west. In the morning of the jiashen (no. 21) day, [he] struck [them] at Qi. Duoyou had cut off heads and captured prisoners to be interrogated: in all, using the ducal chariots to cut off 2[X]5 heads, to capture 23 prisoners, and to take 117 Rong chariots; [Duoyou] liberated the Xun people captured [by the Xianyun]. Furthermore, [Duoyou] struck at Gong; [he] cut off 36 heads and captured 2 prisoners and took 10 chariots. Following [the Xianyun], [Duoyou] pursued and struck at Shi; Duoyou again had cut off heads and taken prisoners. Thereafter, [Duoyou] rapidly pursued [them] and arrived at Yangzhong; the ducal chariotry cut off 115 heads and captured 3 prisoners. It was that [they] could not capture the [Rong] chariots; they burnt [them]. And it was their (the Xianyun's) horses that they wounded gravely. [Duoyou] recaptured the Jingshi captives.^[47]
Guoji Zibai pan Quắc út bạch bàn 816 BCE			On the Dinghai day during the auspicious first month of the twelfth year, Guo Jizibai made the treasure plate. The illustrious Zibai was brave and accomplished in military operations and managed the world. They attacked and conquered the Xianyun and reached the north of Luoshui. He beheaded 500 enemies, captured 50 prisoners, and became the vanguard of the entire army. The mighty Zibai cut off his enemy's left ear and presented it to the king. The king greatly appreciated Zibai's majesty. The king came to Xuanxie in the Ancestral Temple of Chengzhou and held a banquet for all the ministers. The king said: "Father Bai, your merits are outstanding and extremely glorious." The king gave Zibai a chariot with four horses to assist the king. He gave him a scarlet bow and arrows, a very bright color. He was given a big ax to use to conquer the barbarians. (Zibai made the utensil to make it useful for generations to come).
Buqi gui (JC: 4329) 815 BCE^[48]			It was the ninth month, first auspiciousness, wushen-day (no. 45), Boshi said: “Buqi, the Border Protector! The Xianyun broadly attacked Xiyu, and the king commanded us to pursue to the west. I came back to send in the captives. I commanded you to defend and to pursue at Luo, and you used our chariots sweepingly attacking the Xianyun at Gaoyin; you cut off many heads and took many prisoners. The Rong greatly gathered and followed chasing you, and you and the Rong greatly slaughtered and fought. You have done well, and have not let our chariots get trapped in difficulty. You captured many, cutting off heads and taking prisoners.” Boshi said: “Buqi, you young man! You are nimble in warfare; [I] award you one bow, a bunch of arrows, five households of servants, ten fields of land, with which [you are] to take up your affairs.” Buqi bowed with [his] head touching the ground, [and extols the] the beneficence. [Buqi] herewith makes for my august grandfather Gongbo and Mengji [this] sacrificial gui-vessel, with which to entreat much good fortune, longevity without limits, and eternal pureness without end. May [my] sons’ sons and grandsons’ grandsons eternally treasure and use [it] in offerings.^[48]

Notes

^Hiểm denoted a long-snouted dog according to the poemSi Tie( tứ thiết ),^[42]Erya^[43]&Shuowen Jiezi^[44]

References

^"Linh đài bạch thảo sườn núi Tây Chu mộ táng đồng thau vương quốc".kaogu.net.cn.The Institute of Archaeology (CASSChinese Academy of Social Sciences).There is research on the ethnic image of the northern nomadic people of the Altaic language family. It may be that this is the image of the Xianyun tribe that once posed a serious military threat to the northern border of the Zhou Dynasty. They were called "Ghost people" (Guifang) because they looked different from the Chinese. Có khảo chứng hệ a ngươi thái ngữ hệ phương bắc du mục dân tộc nhân chủng hình tượng. Có thể là đã từng đối chu triều phương bắc biên cảnh cấu thành nghiêm trọng quân sự uy hiếp Hiểm Doãn bộ tộc, nhân tướng mạo khác hẳn với Hoa Hạ, bị gọi "Quỷ phương".
^So, Jenny F.; Bunker, Emma C. (1995).Traders and raiders on China's northern frontier: 19 November 1995 - 2 September 1996, Arthur M. Sackler Gallery(PDF).Seattle: Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Inst. [u.a.] pp. 123–124.ISBN 978-0295974736.The Europoid faces of the two figures atop the present ornament are the only other clues to its non-Chinese origins. It is therefore almost inevitable that such scabbard ornaments should appear in far western and northern contexts, where cultural exchange was easiest and most active.(with photographs)
^So, Jenny F.; Bunker, Emma C. (1995).Traders and raiders on China's northern frontier: 19 November 1995 - 2 September 1996, Arthur M. Sackler Gallery(PDF).Seattle: Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Inst. [u.a.] p. 90, item 1, discussing item 41 pages 123–124.ISBN 978-0295974736.The faces on no. 41, a scabbard ornament made some eight hundred years earlier, suggesting that peoples of similar ethnic—probably West Asian—origins may have arrived at China's northwestern borders as early as the beginning of the first millennium B.C.
^^a ^bCao, Wei; Liu, Yuanqing; Linduff, Katheryn M.; Sun, Yan (23 November 2017). "The rise of states and the formation of group identities in western regions of the inner Asian frontier (c. 1500 to the eighth century BCE)".Ancient China and its Eurasian Neighbors: Artifacts, Identity and Death in the Frontier, 3000–700 BCE.p. 186.doi:10.1017/9781108290555.005.ISBN 9781108290555.According to Li Feng's study, based primarily on written sources, the "Xianyun" were a large-scale society with highly concentrated power that lived in an area that stretched from the Hetao (bend of the Yellow River) to the upper Yellow River Valley.The Xianyun were organized around coherent social units with a shared cultural tradition and background, laying the foundation for them to reconcile with each other to fight the Zhou together. "Xianyun" was probably a self-claimed title, and bronze inscriptions suggest that the Zhou called the Xianyun the "Rong," indicating that it was a warlike group (Li Feng 2006:142–45).
^Taylor, William Timothy Treal; Clark, Julia; Bayarsaikhan, Jamsranjav; Tuvshinjargal, Tumurbaatar; Jobe, Jessica Thompson; Fitzhugh, William; Kortum, Richard; Spengler, Robert N.; Shnaider, Svetlana; Seersholm, Frederik Valeur; Hart, Isaac; Case, Nicholas; Wilkin, Shevan; Hendy, Jessica; Thuering, Ulrike; Miller, Bryan; Miller, Alicia R. Ventresca; Picin, Andrea; Vanwezer, Nils; Irmer, Franziska; Brown, Samantha; Abdykanova, Aida; Shultz, Daniel R.; Pham, Victoria; Bunce, Michael; Douka, Katerina; Jones, Emily Lena; Boivin, Nicole (22 January 2020)."Early Pastoral Economies and Herding Transitions in Eastern Eurasia".Scientific Reports.10(1): 1001.Bibcode:2020NatSR..10.1001T.doi:10.1038/s41598-020-57735-y.hdl:21.11116/0000-0005-8939-1.ISSN 2045-2322.PMID 31969593.S2CID 210843957.
^Schuessler, A. (2014) "Phonological Notes on Hàn Period Transcriptions of Foreign Names and Words"(PDF).Studies in Chinese and Sino-Tibetan Linguistics: Dialect, Phonology, Transcription and Text.Language and Linguistics Monograph Series (53). Taipei, Taiwan: Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica. p. 264
^Wang, Zhonghan (2004).Outlines of Ethnic Groups in China.Shanxi Education Press. p. 133.ISBN 7-5440-2660-4.
^Book of Jin "Vol. 97, section Northern Di"quote: "Hung nôLinh tinh, tổng gọi chiBắc Địch.…… Hạ rằng:Huân dục,Ân rằngQuỷ phương,Chu rằngHiểm Doãn,Hán rằngHung nô."
^Cao, Wei; Liu, Yuanqing; Linduff, Katheryn M.; Sun, Yan (23 November 2017). "The rise of states and the formation of group identities in western regions of the inner Asian frontier (c. 1500 to the eighth century BCE)".Ancient China and its Eurasian Neighbors: Artifacts, Identity and Death in the Frontier, 3000–700 BCE.p. 187.doi:10.1017/9781108290555.005.ISBN 9781108290555.According to scholars of the Han dynasty, this poem was composed during the reign of King Yih in the Western Zhou. This proposal was endorsed by the new text school of the Poetry and the recordings in the Biography of Xiongnu of the Hanshu: "Ý vương khi, nhung địch giao xâm, Trung Quốc bị này khổ. Thi nhân làm thơ tật mà ca chi rằng: ' mĩ ( không có ) thất mĩ gia, duẫn chi cố." The Hanshu states that "during the reign of King Yih, the Rong and Di alternatively invaded (the Central Kingdom), the country suffered from them; the poet first composed the refrain, and then quickly sang" No family, no home, (all) because of the Xianyun. "
^Cao, Wei; Liu, Yuanqing; Linduff, Katheryn M.; Sun, Yan (23 November 2017). "The rise of states and the formation of group identities in western regions of the inner Asian frontier (c. 1500 to the eighth century BCE)".Ancient China and its Eurasian Neighbors: Artifacts, Identity and Death in the Frontier, 3000–700 BCE.p. 186.doi:10.1017/9781108290555.005.ISBN 9781108290555.The Shitong ding from Xiawuzi village, Fufeng, Shaanxi, for instance, was inscribed with the following: Phu nhung kim trụ tạp, nhung đỉnh nhập, phô 50, kiếm nhập, dùng đúc tư tôn đỉnh. Captured thirty Rong metal helmets, twenty Rong ding, fifty pu cauldrons, (and) twenty swords. Made this revered ding. Scholars think that metal helmets, Rong ding, pu cauldrons and swords are all bronze objects that were used by these northern groups (Li 1983).
^Cao, Wei; Liu, Yuanqing; Linduff, Katheryn M.; Sun, Yan (23 November 2017). "The rise of states and the formation of group identities in western regions of the inner Asian frontier (c. 1500 to the eighth century BCE)".Ancient China and its Eurasian Neighbors: Artifacts, Identity and Death in the Frontier, 3000–700 BCE.pp. 187–188.doi:10.1017/9781108290555.005.ISBN 9781108290555.
^Cao, Wei; Liu, Yuanqing; Linduff, Katheryn M.; Sun, Yan (23 November 2017). "The rise of states and the formation of group identities in western regions of the inner Asian frontier (c. 1500 to the eighth century BCE)".Ancient China and its Eurasian Neighbors: Artifacts, Identity and Death in the Frontier, 3000–700 BCE.p. 187.doi:10.1017/9781108290555.005.ISBN 9781108290555.
^^a ^b ^c ^d ^eNicola Di Cosmo,The Northern Frontier in Pre-Imperial China//The Cambridge History of Ancient China,p. 920
^Feng, Li (17 August 2006).Landscape and Power in Early China: The Crisis and Fall of the Western Zhou 1045–771 BC.Cambridge University Press. p. 147.doi:10.1017/CBO9780511489655.008.
^Li, Feng (2006),Landscape And Power In Early Chinap. 144
^Li (2006). p. 144
^Rawson, Jessica; Huan, Limin; Taylor, William Timothy Treal (1 December 2021)."Seeking Horses: Allies, Clients and Exchanges in the Zhou Period (1045–221 BC)".Journal of World Prehistory.34(4): 489–530.doi:10.1007/s10963-021-09161-9.ISSN 1573-7802.S2CID 245487356.The three discrete sub-regions we have chosen for study were of particular significance in the Western Zhou period, as all three provided buffers against intrusive movement southwards into agricultural areas during the centuries when the administrative centre was near present-day Xi'an (1045–771 BCE). During the eighth century BCE new invaders, named in vessel inscriptions and transmitted texts as either the Quanrong or the Xianyun, drove the Zhou from their centres near Xi'an to the secondary capital at Luoyang, demonstrating the need for some kind of enhanced defence.
^^a ^bRawson, Jessica (2015)."Steppe Weapons in Ancient China and the Role of Hand-to-hand Combat".Cố cung học thuật tập san quý (The National Palace Museum Research Quarterly).33(1): 59–60.Attacks from the north on Zhou territory are well recorded in bronze inscriptions, such as that on the Duo You ding, which describes a major chariot battle with the Xianyun.(...) We can look first at Mongolia to explain this shift, for a new development, the creation of large stone monuments, khirigsuurs (fig. 19) and deer stones (fig. 20), marks significant on-going changes in steppe societies. These impressive structures are widespread across western and central Mongolia, dating from 1400–700 BCE. It would have taken a large labour force to create the mounds of stones that make up khirigsuurs, which seem to have been both burial and ceremonial sites for central figures of the many small groups of Mongolian mobile pastoralist societies. (...) In some tombs are horse fittings, such as bits. Parts of hundreds of horses might be interred over time around a major khirigsuur. (...) Deer stones tell the same story (fig 20). Although the majority are stylised, a few of these tall, originally standing, stones have a human head carved on one side at the rounded top, sometimes with temple rings shown on two of the other three sides, perhaps representing a powerful individual, or the more general concept of powerful leaders. (...) Then comes a horizontal belt and from this hang weapons, especially knives or daggers, and shafted axes, with curved rein holders below. A shield is often shown higher up. Not only do these deer stones represent people, they memorialise the achievements of warriors with their personal weapons. (...) These developments had probably had an impact on the peoples in the arc who had then interacted with the late Shang and early Zhou states.
^Taylor, William T. T.; Cao, Jinping; Fan, Wenquan; Ma, Xiaolin; Hou, Yanfeng; Wang, Juan; Li, Yue; Zhang, Chengrui; Miton, Helena; Chechushkov, Igor; Bayarsaikhan, Jamsranjav; Cook, Robert; Jones, Emily L.; Mijiddorj, Enkhbayar; Odbaatar, Tserendorj; Bayandelger, Chinbold; Morrison, Barbara; Miller, Bryan (December 2021)."Understanding early horse transport in eastern Eurasia through analysis of equine dentition".Antiquity.95(384): 3.doi:10.15184/aqy.2021.146.ISSN 0003-598X.S2CID 262646985.
^^a ^bFeng, Li (2006).Landscape and Power in Early China: The Crisis and Fall of the Western Zhou 1045–771 BC.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 187.ISBN 978-1-139-45688-3.
^Shelach, Gideon(2008)."Review of Landscape and Power in Early China: The Crisis and Fall of the Western Zhou 1045–771 BC".The Journal of Asian Studies.67(1): 281–284.doi:10.1017/S0021911808000259.ISSN 0021-9118.JSTOR 20203333.S2CID 162972022.Li argues that the Xianyun cannot be identified with the archaeological remains of the Siwa culture because all the sites that are associated with this archaeological culture are small and simple, whereas the activities of the Xianyun suggest a much more complex society (p. 187). While this observation makes sense, it may have more to do with the problematic definition of the archaeological "culture" rather than with Xianyun society. Pushing the location of the Xianyun further north and identifying them with a vaguely defined "Northern Zone" tradition (p. 188) certainly does not advance our under standing of the Xianyun society.
^Dong, Jiajia; Wang, Shan; Chen, Guoke; Wei, Wenyu; Du, Linyao; Xu, Yongxiang; Ma, Minmin; Dong, Guanghui (2022)."Stable Isotopic Evidence for Human and Animal Diets From the Late Neolithic to the Ming Dynasty in the Middle-Lower Reaches of the Hulu River Valley, NW China".Frontiers in Ecology and Evolution.10.doi:10.3389/fevo.2022.905371.ISSN 2296-701X.The archaeological culture in this area became more complex after the disintegration of the Qijia Culture. The collision-integration initially occurred between native Siwa Culture and Central Plains cultures, followed by Eurasian steppe cultures and indigenous cultures that later converged and exchanged again (Li et al., 1993; Wang, 2012).
^Barnes, Gina Lee (1993).The Rise of Civilization in East Asia: the Archaeology of China, Korea and Japan.Thames and Hudson. pp. 153ff.ISBN 0500279748.
^Sima Qian,"Shiji",Bo-na, 1958, Ch. 110, p. 1a
^Ying Shao, quoted in Sima Zhen.Suoyin,chapter 24,quote: "Ứng thiệu phong tục thông rằng ân khi rằng huân cháo sửa rằng Hung nô"
^Jin Zhuo, quoted in Pei Yin,Shiji jijie,Vol. 110quote: "Tấn chước rằng Nghiêu khi rằng dân tộc Huân Dục chu rằng Hiểm Doãn Tần rằng Hung nô"
^Wei Zhao, quoted in Sima Zhen.Suoyin,chapter 24,quote: "Vi chiêu hán rằng Hung nô dân tộc Huân Dục này biệt danh tắc thuần duy là này thuỷ tổ cái cùng huân cháo là một cũng"
^Taskin V.S.,"Materials on history of nomadic tribes in China 3rd-5th cc",Issue 3"Mujuns","Science", Moscow, 1992, p. 276,ISBN 5-02-016746-0
^Wang Guowei,"Guantang Jilin"( xem đường tập lâm, Wang Guowei collection of works), Ch.2, Ch. 13
^in Taskin V.S.,"Materials on history of nomadic tribes in China 3rd-5th cc",Issue 3"Murong",p. 276
^Taskin V.S., 1968,"Materials on history of Xiongnu","Science", Moscow, p. 10
^Schuessler (2014). p 264
^Sima Qian,Records of the Grand Historian,Ch. 1,l. 4b;Ch. 110,l. 1a, notes
^in Taskin V.S.,"Materials on history of nomadic tribes in China 3rd–5th cc",p. 10
^CompareClassic of Poetry"Major Hymns - Decade of Dang -Dang"quote:" Văn vương rằng tư, tư nữ nhà Ân.…… Nội bị với Trung Quốc, đàm cậpQuỷ phương."Legge's translation:" King Wen said, 'Alas! Alas! you [sovereign of] Yin-shang, [...] Indignation is rife against you here in theMiddle kingdom,and extends to thedemon regions."
^Goldin, Paul R."Steppe Nomads as a Philosophical Problem in Classical China"inMapping Mongolia: Situating Mongolia in the World from Geologic Time to the Present.Penn Museum International Research Conferences, vol. 2. Ed. Paula L.W. Sabloff. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania. 2011. pp. 225–226; p. 237, no. 22
^Li (2006) p. 344
^Li (2006) pp. 142–144
^Li (2006) pp. 144–145
^Li (2006). p. 4
^Li (2006), p. 143
^Shijing"Airs of Qin -Iron-black Horse-Quartet"quote:" Du xe loan tiêu, táiHiểmNghỉ kiêu. "Legge's translation:" Light carriages, with bells at the horses' bits, convey thelong[-mouthed dogs]and short-mouthed dogs. "
^Erya"Elucations on Domesticated Animals" quote: "Khuyển…… Trường mõm hiểm, đoản mõm, yết kiêu." translation: "Dogs, [...] long-snouted one are called hiểmxiǎn;short-snouted one are called yết kiêuxiēxiāo"
^SWJZ"Radical khuyển"quote: "Hiểm: Trường mõm khuyển. Một rằng hắc khuyển hoàng đầu." translation: "Xian:a long-snouted dog; some says a black dog with yellow head. "
^Li (2006) pp. 343–346
^Minford, John (2009)."The Triumph: A Heritage of Sorts".China Heritage Quarterly.19.The Australian National University.
^^a ^bFeng, Li (17 August 2006).Landscape and Power in Early China: The Crisis and Fall of the Western Zhou 1045–771 BC.Cambridge University Press. p. 147.doi:10.1017/CBO9780511489655.008.
^^a ^bFeng, Li (17 August 2006).Landscape and Power in Early China: The Crisis and Fall of the Western Zhou 1045–771 BC.Cambridge University Press. pp. 154–155.doi:10.1017/CBO9780511489655.008.