TheXiongnu(Chinese:Hung nô,[12][ɕjʊ́ŋ.nǔ]) were a tribalconfederation[13]ofnomadic peopleswho, according to ancientChinese sources,inhabited the easternEurasian Steppefrom the 3rd century BC to the late 1st century AD.Modu Chanyu,the supreme leader after 209 BC, founded theXiongnu Empire.[14]

Xiongnu
3rd century BC–1st century AD
Territory of the Xiongnu in the 2nd century BC (before theHan–Xiongnu Warof 133 BC – 89 AD): it includesMongolia,eastKazakhstan,eastKyrgyzstan,southSiberia,and parts of northernChinasuch as westernManchuria,Xin gian g,Inner MongoliaandGansu.[1][2][3][4]
Capital
Common languagesvarious
Religion
Shamanism,Tengrism,Buddhism[9]
Demonym(s)Xiongnu
GovernmentTribalconfederation
Chanyu
• 220 - 209 BCE
Touman
• 209 - 174 BCE
Modu
• 174 - 161 BCE
Laoshang
• 46 AD
Wudadihou
Historical eraAntiquity
• Established
3rd century BC
• Disestablished
1st century AD
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Slab Grave Culture
Donghu people
Yuezhi
Sakas
Ordos culture
Han dynasty
Xianbei state
Rouran Khaganate
Tocharians
First Turkic Khaganate
Xiongnu
ChineseHung nô
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu PinyinXiōngnú
Bopomofoㄒㄩㄥ ㄋㄨˊ
Gwoyeu RomatzyhShiongnu
Wade–GilesHsiung1-nu2
Tongyong PinyinSyong-nú
IPA[ɕjʊ́ŋ.nǔ]
Yue: Cantonese
Yale RomanizationHūng-nòuh
JyutpingHung1-nou4
IPA[hʊŋ˥.nɔw˩]
Southern Min
Tâi-lôHing-lôo
Old Chinese
Baxter–Sagart (2014)*qʰoŋ.nˤa
Zhengzhangqʰoŋ.na:[10][11]

After overthrowing their previous overlords,[15]theYuezhi,the Xiongnu became the dominant power on thesteppesofEast Asia,centred on theMongolian Plateau.The Xiongnu were also active in areas now part ofSiberia,Inner Mongolia,GansuandXin gian g.Their relations with adjacentChinese dynastiesto the south-east were complex—alternating between various periods of peace, war, and subjugation. Ultimately, the Xiongnu were defeated by theHan dynastyin a centuries-long conflict,which led to the confederation splitting in two, and forcible resettlement of large numbers of Xiongnu within Han borders. During theSixteen Kingdomsera, as one of the "Five Barbarians",they founded the dynastic states ofHan-Zhao,Northern LiangandHelian Xiain northern China.

Attempts to associate the Xiongnu with the nearbySakasandSarmatianswere once controversial. However,archaeogeneticshas confirmed their interaction with the Xiongnu, and also possibly their relation to theHuns.The identity of the ethnic core of Xiongnu has been a subject of varied hypotheses, because only a few words, mainly titles and personal names, were preserved in the Chinese sources. The nameXiongnumay becognatewith that of the Huns and/or theHuna,[16][17][18]although this is disputed.[19][20]Other linguistic links—all of them also controversial—proposed by scholars includeTurkic,[21][22][23][24][25][26]Iranian,[27][28][29]Mongolic,[30]Uralic,[31]Yeniseian,[19][32][33][34]or multi-ethnic.[35]

Name

The pronunciation of Hung nô as Xiōngnú[ɕjʊ́ŋnǔ]is the modernMandarin Chinesepronunciation, from the Mandarin dialect spoken now in Beijing, which came into existence less than 1,000 years ago. TheOld Chinesepronunciation has been reconstructed as *xiuoŋ-naor *qhoŋna.[36]Sinologist Axel Schuessler (2014) reconstructs the pronunciations of Hung nô as *hoŋ-nâin LateOld Chinese(c. 318 BCE) and as *hɨoŋ-nɑinEastern Han Chinese;citing other Chinese transcriptions wherein the velar nasal medial-ŋ-,after a short vowel, seemingly played the role of a general nasal – sometimes equivalent tonorm–, Schuessler proposes that Hung nô Xiongnu < *hɨoŋ-nɑ< *hoŋ-nâmight be a Chinese rendition, Han or even pre-Han, of foreign *Hŏnaor *Hŭna,which Schuessler compares toHunsand SanskritHūṇā.[18]However, the same medial-ŋ-prompts Christopher P. Atwood (2015) to reconstruct *Xoŋai,which he derives from theOngi River(Mongolian:Онги гол) inMongoliaand suggests that it was originally a dynastic name rather than an ethnic name.[37]

History

Predecessors

The territories associated with the Xiongnu in central/east Mongolia were previously inhabited by theSlab Grave Culture(Ancient Northeast Asianorigin), which persisted until the 3rd century BC.[39]Genetic research indicates that the Slab Grave people were the primary ancestors of the Xiongnu, and that the Xiongnu formed through substantial and complex admixture with West Eurasians.[40]

During theWestern Zhou(1045–771 BC), there were numerous conflicts with nomadic tribes from the north and the northwest, variously known as theXianyun,Guifang,or various "Rong" tribes, such as theXirong,ShanrongorQuanrong.[41]These tribes are recorded as harassing Zhou territory, but at the time the Zhou were expanding northwards, encroaching on their traditional lands, especially into theWei River valley.Archaeologically, the Zhou expanded to the north and the northwest at the expense of theSiwa culture.[41]The Quanrong put an end to the Western Zhou in 771 BC, sacking the Zhou capital ofHaojingand killing the last Western Zhou kingYou.[41]Thereafter the task of dealing with the northern tribes was left to their vassal, theQin state.[41]

To the west, thePazyryk culture(6th-3rd century BC) immediately preceded the formation of the Xiongnus.[42]AScythianculture,[43]it was identified by excavated artifacts and mummified humans, such as theSiberian Ice Princess,found in theSiberianpermafrost,in theAltay Mountains,Kazakhstanand nearbyMongolia.[44]To the south, theOrdos culturehad developed in theOrdos Loop(modernInner Mongolia,China) during theBronzeand earlyIron Agefrom the 6th to 2nd centuries BC, and is of unknown ethno-linguistic origin, and is thought to represent the easternmost extension of Indo-European-speakers.[45][46][47]TheYuezhiwere displaced by the Xiongnu expansion in the 2nd century BC, and had to migrate to Central and Southern Asia.[48][49]

Early history

A nomad horseman spearing a boar, discovered inSaksanokhur,South Tajikistan,1st-2nd century CE.[50][51]According toFrancfort,this decorative belt bucklemay have been made for a patron related to the Xiongnu, and may be dated to the 2nd-1st century BC. The rider wears the steppe dress, his hair is tied into a hairbun characteristic of the oriental steppes, and his horse has characteristically Xiongnuhorse trappings.[52]

Western HanhistorianSima Qiancomposed an early yet detailed exposition on the Xiongnu in oneliezhuan(arrayed account) of hisRecords of the Grand Historian(c. 100BC), wherein the Xiongnu were alleged to be descendants of a certainChunwei,who in turn descended from the "lineage of Lord Xia", a.k.a.Yu the Great.[53][54]Even so, Sima Qian also drew a distinct line between the settledHuaxiapeople (Han) to the pastoral nomads (Xiongnu), characterizing them as two polar groups in the sense of a civilization versus an uncivilized society: theHua–Yi distinction.[55]Sima Qian also mentioned Xiongnu's early appearance north ofWild Goose GateandDaicommanderies before 265 BCE, just before theZhao-Xiongnu War;[56][57]however,sinologistEdwin Pulleyblank(1994) contends that pre-241-BCE references to the Xiongnu are anachronistic substitutions for theHu peopleinstead.[58][59]Sometimes the Xiongnu were distinguished from other nomadic peoples; namely, theHu people;[60]yet on other occasions, Chinese sources often just classified the Xiongnu as aHupeople,which was a blanket term fornomadic people.[58][61]Even Sima Qian was inconsistent: in the chapter "Hereditary House of Zhao", he considered the Donghu to be the Hu proper,[62][63]yet elsewhere he considered Xiongnu to be also Hu.[64][58]

Ancient China often came in contact with theXianyunand theXirongnomadic peoples. In later Chinese historiography, some groups of these peoples were believed to be the possible progenitors of the Xiongnu people.[65]These nomadic people often had repeated military confrontations with theShangand especially theZhou,who often conquered and enslaved the nomads in an expansion drift.[65]During theWarring States period,the armies from theQin,ZhaoandYanstates were encroaching and conquering various nomadic territories that were inhabited by the Xiongnu and other Hu peoples.[66]TheZhao–Xiongnu Waris a notable example of these campaigns.

Pulleyblank argued that the Xiongnu were part of aXironggroup calledYiqu,who had lived inShaanbeiand had been influenced by China for centuries, before they were driven out by theQin dynasty.[67][68]Qin's campaign against the Xiongnuexpanded Qin's territory at the expense of the Xiongnu.[69]After the unification of Qin dynasty, Xiongnu was a threat to the northern board of Qin. They were likely to attack the Qin dynasty when they suffered natural disasters.[70]

State formation

The first known Xiongnu leader wasTouman,who reigned between 220-209 BC. In 215 BC, Chinese EmperorQin Shi Huangsent GeneralMeng Tianon amilitary campaignagainst the Xiongnu. Meng Tian defeated the Xiongnu and expelled them from theOrdos loop,forcingToumanand the Xiongnu to flee north into theMongolian Plateau.[71]In 210 BC, Meng Tian died, and in 209 BC, Touman's sonModubecame the XiongnuChanyu.

In order to protect the Xiongnu from the threat of theQin dynasty,Modu Chanyuunited the Xiongnu into a powerfulconfederation.[69]This transformed the Xiongnu into a more formidable polity, able to form larger armies and exercise improved strategic coordination. Two years later, in 207 BC, the Qin dynasty fell, and after a period ofinternal conflict,it was replaced by theWestern Han dynastyin 202 BC. This period of Chinese instability was a time of prosperity for the Xiongnu, who adopted manyHanagriculture techniques such as slaves for heavy labor and lived in Han-style homes.[72]

A gold crown belonging to a Xiongnu king, from the early Xiongnu period. Seen at the top of a crown is an eagle with a turquoise head.[73]

After forging internal unity,Modu Chanyuexpanded the Xiongnu empire in all directions. To the north he conquered a number of nomadic peoples, including theDinglingof southern Siberia. He crushed the power of theDonghu peopleof eastern Mongolia and Manchuria as well as theYuezhiin theHexi CorridorofGansu,where his son, Jizhu, made askull cupout of the Yuezhi king. Modu also retook the original homeland of Xiongnu on theYellow River,which had previously been taken by the Qin general Meng Tian.[74]Under Modu's leadership, the Xiongnu became so strong that they began to threaten the Han dynasty.

In 200 BC, Modu besieged the first Han DynastyEmperor Gaozu(Gao-Di) with his 320,000-strong army at Peteng Fortress in Baideng (present-day Datong, Shanxi).[75]Gaozu (Gao-Di) after agreed to all Modu's terms, such as ceding the northern provinces to the Xiongnu and paying annual taxes, he was allowed to leave the siege. Although Gaozu was able to return to his capital Chang'an (present-day Xi'an), Modu occasionally threatened the Han's northern frontier and finally in 198 BC, a peace treaty was settled.

Xiongnu in their expansion drove their western neighbour Yuezhi from the Hexi Corridor in year 176 BC, killing the Yuezhi king and asserting their presence in theWestern Regions.[16]

By the time of Modu's death in 174 BC, the Xiongnu were recognized as the most prominent of the nomads bordering the Chinese Han empire[75] According to theBook of Han,later quoted inDuan Chengshi's ninth-centuryMiscellaneous Morsels from Youyang:

Also, according to theHan shu,Wang Wu ( vương ô ) and others were sent as envoys to pay a visit to the Xiongnu. According to the customs of the Xiongnu, if the Han envoys did not remove their tallies of authority, and if they did not allow their faces to be tattooed, they could not gain entrance into the yurts. Wang Wu and his company removed their tallies, submitted to tattoo, and thus gained entry. TheShanyulooked upon them very highly.[76]

Xiongnu hierarchy

Xiongnu chief, 2nd century BCE-1st century CE. Reconstruction by archaeologistA.N. Podushkin,in theCentral State Museum of Kazakhstan.[77][78]

The ruler of the Xiongnu was called theChanyu.[79]Under him were theTuqi Kings.[79]The Tuqi King of the Left was normally the heir presumptive.[79]Next lower in the hierarchy came more officials in pairs of left and right: theguli,the army commanders, the great governors, thedanghuand thegudu.Beneath them came the commanders of detachments of one thousand, of one hundred, and of ten men. This nation of nomads, a people on the march, was organized like an army.[80]

After Modu, later leaders formed a dualistic system of political organisation with the left and right branches of the Xiongnu divided on a regional basis. Thechanyuorshanyu,a ruler equivalent to theEmperor of China,exercised direct authority over the central territory. Longcheng (around theKhangai Mountains,Otuken)[81][82](Chinese:Long Thành;Mongolian:Luut; lit. "Dragon City" ) became the annual meeting place and served as the Xiongnu capital.[8]The ruins of Longcheng were found south ofUlziitDistrict,Arkhangai Provincein 2017.[83]

North ofShanxiwith the Tuqi King of the Left was holding the area north of Beijing and the Tuqi King of the Right was holding theOrdos Looparea as far asGansu.[84] When the Xiongnu had been driven north, to today's Mongolia.

Marriage diplomacy with Han dynasty

In the winter of 200 BC, following a XiongnusiegeofTaiyuan,Emperor Gaozu of Hanpersonally led a military campaign againstModu Chanyu.At theBattle of Baideng,he was ambushed, reputedly by Xiongnu cavalry. The emperor was cut off from supplies and reinforcements for seven days, only narrowly escaping capture.

The Han dynasty sent random unrelated commoner women falsely labeled as "princesses" and members of the Han imperial family multiple times when they were practicing Heqin marriage alliances with the Xiongnu in order to avoid sending the emperor's daughters.[85][86][87][88][89]The Han sent these "princesses" to marry Xiongnu leaders in their efforts to stop the border raids. Along with arranged marriages, the Han sent gifts to bribe the Xiongnu to stop attacking.[75]After the defeat atPingchengin 200 BC, the Han emperor abandoned a military solution to the Xiongnu threat. Instead, in 198 BC,the courtierLiu Jing[zh]was dispatched for negotiations. The peace settlement eventually reached between the parties included a Han princess given in marriage to thechanyu(calledheqin) (Chinese:Hòa thân;lit.'harmonious kinship'); periodic gifts to the Xiongnu ofsilk,distilled beveragesandrice;equal status between the states; and aboundary wallas mutual border.

A traveling nomad family led by a man in belted jacket and trousers, pulling a nomadic cart.[90]Belt Buckle, Mongolia or southern Siberia, dated to 2nd-1st century BC (Xiongnu period).[91][92]
Belt plaque with design of wrestling men,Ordosregion and western part of North China, 2nd century BC, bronze - Ethnological Museum, Berlin.[93]According toFrankfort,the wrestlers are Xiongnu, and their horses have Xiongnu-typehorse trappings.[94]

This first treaty set the pattern for relations between theHanand the Xiongnu for sixty years. Up to 135 BC, the treaty was renewed nine times, each time with an increase in the "gifts" to the Xiongnu Empire. In 192 BC,Moduneven asked for the hand ofEmperor Gaozu of HanwidowEmpress Lü Zhi.His son and successor, the energetic Jiyu, known as theLaoshang Chanyu,continued his father's expansionist policies. Laoshang succeeded in negotiating withEmperor Wenterms for the maintenance of a large scale government sponsored market system.

While the Xiongnu benefited handsomely, from the Chinese perspective marriage treaties were costly, very humiliating and ineffective.Laoshang Chanyushowed that he did not take the peace treaty seriously. On one occasion his scouts penetrated to a point nearChang'an.In 166 BC he personally led 140,000 cavalry to invadeAnding,reaching as far as the imperial retreat at Yong. In 158 BC, his successor sent 30,000 cavalry to attackShangdangand another 30,000 toYunzhong.[citation needed]

The Xiongnu alsopracticed marriage alliances with Han dynasty officers and officialswho defected to their side by marrying off sisters and daughters of theChanyu(the Xiongnu ruler) to Han Chinese who joined the Xiongnu and Xiongnu in Han service. The daughter of theLaoshangChanyu(and older sister ofJunchenChanyu andYizhixieChanyu) was married to the Xiongnu GeneralZhao Xin,the Marquis of Xi who was serving the Han dynasty. The daughter ofQiedihouChanyu was married to theHan ChineseGeneralLi Lingafter he surrendered and defected.[95][96][97][98][99]Another Han Chinese General who defected to the Xiongnu wasLi Guangli,general in theWar of the Heavenly Horses,who also married a daughter of theHuluguChanyu.[100]The Han Chinese diplomatSu Wumarried a Xiongnu woman given by Li Ling when he was arrested and taken captive.[101]Han Chinese explorerZhang Qianmarried a Xiongnu woman and had a child with her when he was taken captive by the Xiongnu.[102][103][104][105][106][107][108]

TheYenisei Kyrgyzkhagansof theYenisei Kyrgyz Khaganateclaimed descent from the Chinese generalLi Ling,grandson of the famousHan dynastygeneralLi Guang.[109][110][111][112]Li Ling was captured by the Xiongnu and defected in the first century BCE.[113][114]And since the Tang royal Li family also claimed descent from Li Guang, the Kirghiz Khagan was therefore recognized as a member of the Tang Imperial family. This relationship soothed the relationship when Kyrgyz khaganAre( a nhiệt ) invadedUyghur Khaganateand put Qasar Qaghan to the sword. The news brought toChang'anby Kyrgyz ambassador Zhuwu Hesu ( chú ngô hợp tố ).

Han–Xiongnu war

TheHan dynastyworld order in AD 2.

TheHan dynastymade preparations for war when theHan Emperor Wudispatched the Han Chinese explorerZhang Qianto explore the mysterious kingdoms to the west and to form an alliance with the Yuezhi people in order to combat the Xiongnu. During this time Zhang married a Xiongnu wife, who bore him a son, and gained the trust of the Xiongnu leader.[102][115][116][105][106][117][108]While Zhang Qian did not succeed in this mission,[118]his reports of the west provided even greater incentive to counter the Xiongnu hold on westward routes out of the Han Empire, and the Han prepared to mount a large scale attack using theNorthern Silk Roadto move men and material.

While the Han dynasty was making preparations for a military confrontation since the reign ofEmperor Wen,the break did not come until 133 BC, followingan abortive trap to ambush thechanyuat Mayi.By that point the empire was consolidated politically, militarily and economically, and was led by an adventurous pro-war faction at court. In that year,Emperor Wureversed the decision he had made the year before to renew the peace treaty.

Full-scale war broke out in autumn 129 BC, when 40,000 Hancavalrymade a surprise attack on the Xiongnu at the border markets. In 127 BC, the Han generalWei Qingretook the Ordos. In 121 BC, the Xiongnu suffered another setback whenHuo Qubingled a force of light cavalry westward out of Longxi and within six days fought his way through five Xiongnu kingdoms. The Xiongnu Hunye king was forced to surrender with 40,000 men. In 119 BC both Huo and Wei, each leading 50,000 cavalrymen and 100,000 footsoldiers (in order to keep up with the mobility of the Xiongnu, many of the non-cavalry Han soldiers were mobile infantrymen who traveled on horseback but fought on foot), and advancing along different routes, forced the chanyu and his Xiongnu court to flee north of theGobi Desert.[119]

Horse trampling a Xiongnu warrior, with detail of the warrior's facial features. 2nd century BC statue from the tomb of Chinese generalHuo Qubing,who fought decisively against the Xiongnu (died 117 BC).[120][121][122]

Major logistical difficulties limited the duration and long-term continuation of these campaigns. According to the analysis of Yan You ( nghiêm vưu ), the difficulties were twofold. Firstly there was the problem of supplying food across long distances. Secondly, the weather in the northern Xiongnu lands was difficult for Han soldiers, who could never carry enough fuel.[a]According to official reports, the Xiongnu lost 80,000 to 90,000 men, and out of the 140,000 horses the Han forces had brought into the desert, fewer than 30,000 returned to the Han Empire.

In 104 and 102 BC, the Han fought and won theWar of the Heavenly Horsesagainst the Kingdom ofDayuan.As a result, the Han gained manyFerghana horseswhich further aided them in their battle against the Xiongnu. As a result of these battles, the Han Empire controlled the strategic region from theOrdosand Gansu corridor toLop Nor.They succeeded in separating the Xiongnu from theQiang peoplesto the south, and also gained direct access to theWestern Regions.Because of strong Han control over the Xiongnu, the Xiongnu became unstable and were no longer a threat to the Han Empire.[124]

Ban Chao,Protector General ( đều hộ;Duhu) of the Han dynasty, embarked with an army of 70,000 soldiers in a campaign against the Xiongnu remnants who were harassing the trade route now known as theSilk Road.His successful military campaign saw the subjugation of one Xiongnu tribe after another. Ban Chao also sent an envoy namedGan YingtoDaqin(Rome). Ban Chao was created the Marquess of Dingyuan ( Định Viễn hầu, i.e., "the Marquess who stabilized faraway places" ) for his services to the Han Empire and returned to the capitalLuoyangat the age of 70 years and died there in the year 102. Following his death, the power of the Xiongnu in the Western Regions increased again, and the emperors of subsequent dynasties did not reach as far west until theTang dynasty.[125]

Xiongnu Civil War (60–53 BC)

When a Chanyu died, power could pass to his younger brother if his son was not of age. This system, which can be compared to Gaelictanistry,normally kept an adult male on the throne, but could cause trouble in later generations when there were several lineages that might claim the throne. When the 12th Chanyu died in 60 BC, power was taken byWoyanqudi,a grandson of the 12th Chanyu's cousin. Being something of a usurper, he tried to put his own men in power, which only increased the number of his enemies. The 12th Chanyu's son fled east and, in 58 BC, revolted. Few would support Woyanqudi and he was driven to suicide, leaving the rebel son,Huhanye,as the 14th Chanyu. The Woyanqudi faction then set up his brother, Tuqi, as Chanyu (58 BC). In 57 BC three more men declared themselves Chanyu. Two dropped their claims in favor of the third who was defeated by Tuqi in that year and surrendered to Huhanye the following year. In 56 BC Tuqi was defeated by Huhanye and committed suicide, but two more claimants appeared: Runzhen and Huhanye's elder brotherZhizhi Chanyu.Runzhen was killed by Zhizhi in 54 BC, leaving only Zhizhi and Huhanye. Zhizhi grew in power, and, in 53 BC, Huhanye moved south and submitted to the Chinese. Huhanye used Chinese support to weaken Zhizhi, who gradually moved west. In 49 BC, a brother to Tuqi set himself up as Chanyu and was killed by Zhizhi. In 36 BC, Zhizhi was killed by a Chinese army while trying to establish a new kingdom in the far west nearLake Balkhash.

Tributary relations with the Han

Bronze seal of a Xiongnu chief, conferred by the Eastern Han government. Inscribed hán Hung nô / về nghĩa thân / hán trường ( "The Chief of the Han Xiongnu, who have returned to righteousness and embraced the Han" ). Seal, impression, and transcription in standard characters.[126]

In 53 BCHuhanye( Hô Hàn Tà ) decided to enter into tributary relations withHan China.[127]The original terms insisted on by the Han court were that, first, theChanyuor his representatives should come to the capital to pay homage; secondly, theChanyushould send a hostage prince; and thirdly, theChanyushould present tribute to the Han emperor. The political status of the Xiongnu in the Chinese world order was reduced from that of a "brotherly state" to that of an "outer vassal" ( ngoại thần ).

Huhanye sent his son, the "wise king of the right" Shuloujutang, to the Han court as hostage. In 51 BC he personally visited Chang'an to pay homage to the emperor on theLunar New Year.In the same year, another envoy Qijushan ( kê cư 狦) was received at theGanquan Palacein the north-west of modernShanxi.[128]On the financial side, Huhanye was amply rewarded in large quantities of gold, cash, clothes, silk, horses and grain for his participation. Huhanye made two further homage trips, in 49 BC and 33 BC; with each one the imperial gifts were increased. On the last trip, Huhanye took the opportunity to ask to be allowed to become an imperial son-in-law. As a sign of the decline in the political status of the Xiongnu,Emperor Yuanrefused, giving him instead five ladies-in-waiting. One of them wasWang Zhaojun,famed in Chinese folklore as one of theFour Beauties.

When Zhizhi learned of his brother's submission, he also sent a son to the Han court as hostage in 53 BC. Then twice, in 51 BC and 50 BC, he sent envoys to the Han court with tribute. But having failed to pay homage personally, he was never admitted to the tributary system. In 36 BC, a junior officer namedChen Tang,with the help of Gan Yanshou, protector-general of the Western Regions, assembled an expeditionary force that defeated him at theBattle of Zhizhiand sent his head as a trophy to Chang'an.

Tributary relations were discontinued during the reign of Huduershi (18 AD–48), corresponding to the political upheavals of theXin Dynasty.The Xiongnu took the opportunity to regain control of the western regions, as well as neighboring peoples such as theWuhuan.In 24 AD, Hudershi even talked about reversing the tributary system.

Southern Xiongnu and Northern Xiongnu

Belt hook depicting an animal fight, Xiongnu, 200-100 BC, bronze. Östasiatiska museet,Stockholm.[129]

The Xiongnu's new power was met with a policy of appeasement byEmperor Guangwu.At the height of his power, Huduershi even compared himself to his illustrious ancestor, Modu. Due to growing regionalism among the Xiongnu, however, Huduershi was never able to establish unquestioned authority. In contravention of a principle offraternal successionestablished by Huhanye, Huduershi designated his son Punu asheir-apparent.However, as the eldest son of the precedingchanyu,Bi (Pi)—the Rizhu King of the Right—had a more legitimate claim. Consequently, Bi refused to attend the annual meeting at thechanyu's court. Nevertheless, in 46 AD, Punu ascended the throne.

In 48 AD, a confederation of eight Xiongnu tribes in Bi's power base in the south, with a military force totalling 40,000 to 50,000 men, seceded from Punu's kingdom and acclaimed Bi aschanyu.This kingdom became known as theSouthern Xiongnu.

Northern Xiongnu

The rump kingdom under Punu, around theOrkhon(modern north central Mongolia) became known as theNorthern Xiongnu.Punu, who became known as the NorthernChanyu,began to put military pressure on the Southern Xiongnu.

In 49 AD, Tsi Yung, a Han governor ofLiaodong,allied with theWuhuanandXianbei,attacked the Northern Xiongnu.[130]The Northern Xiongnu suffered two major defeats: one at the hands of the Xianbei in 85 AD, and by the Han during theBattle of Ikh Bayan,in 89 AD. The northernchanyufled to the north-west with his subjects.

In about 155 AD, the Northern Xiongnu were decisively "crushed and subjugated" by theXianbei.[131]

According to the fifth-centuryBook of Wei,the remnants of Northern Chanyu's tribe settled asYueban( duyệt ), nearKuchaand subjugated theWusun;while the rest fled across theAltai mountainstowardsKangjuinTransoxania.It states that this group later became theHephthalites.[132][133][134]

Southern and Northern Xiongnu in 200 AD, before the collapse of theHan Dynasty.

Southern Xiongnu

Xiongnu cauldron,Eastern Han

Coincidentally, the Southern Xiongnu were plagued by natural disasters and misfortunes—in addition to the threat posed by Punu. Consequently, in 50 AD, the Southern Xiongnu submitted to tributary relations with Han China. The system of tribute was considerably tightened by the Han, to keep the Southern Xiongnu under control. Thechanyuwas ordered to establish his court in the Meiji district ofXihe Commanderyand the Southern Xiongnu were resettled in eight frontier commanderies. At the same time, large numbers of Chinese were also resettled in these commanderies, in mixed Han-Xiongnu settlements. Economically, the Southern Xiongnu became reliant on trade with the Han.

Tensions were evident between Han settlers and practitioners of the nomadic way of life. Thus, in 94, Anguo Chanyu joined forces with newly subjugated Xiongnu from the north and started a large scale rebellion against the Han. At times, the Southern Xiongnu would join forces with the Wuhuan in rebelling and receive support from the Xianbei outside the border.

During the late 2nd century AD, the southern Xiongnu were drawn into the rebellions then plaguing the Han court. In 188, thechanyusent troops to help the Han suppress a rebellion inHebei—many of the Xiongnu feared that it would set a precedent for unending military service to the Han court. His subjects, led by theXiuchugeclan, rebelled, first killing the Inspector ofBing provinceand then thechanyuhimself. His sonYufuluo,entitled Chizhisizhu (Cầm đến thi trục hầu), succeeded him, but was then overthrown by the same rebellious faction in 189. He travelled toLuoyang(the Han capital) to seek aid from the Han court, but at this time the Han court was in disorder from the clash between Grand GeneralHe Jinand the eunuchs, and the intervention of the warlordDong Zhuo.Thechanyuhad no choice but to settle down with his followers inPingyang,a city inShanxi.In 195, he died and was succeeded aschanyuby his brotherHuchuquan.

Meanwhile, the rebels initially elected a marquis of theXubuclan as the newchanyu,but after his death, a nominal king was put in his place. In the 190s, the Xiuchuge allied themselves with theHeishan banditsof theTaihang Mountainsbefore retreating west as the warlordsCao CaoandYuan Shaoestablished control over the north. The Xiuchuge were eventually defeated by Cao Cao in 214.

In 215–216 AD, the warlord-statesmanCao CaodetainedHuchuquanin the city ofYe,and divided his followers in Shanxi into five divisions: left, right, south, north and centre. The office ofchanyuwas formally abolished, and the Southern Xiongnu were placed under the supervision ofYufuluo'sbrother,Qubei.This was aimed at preventing the exiled Xiongnu in Shanxi from engaging in rebellion, and also allowed Cao Cao to use the Xiongnu as auxiliaries in his cavalry.

Later, the Xiongnu aristocracy in Shanxi changed their surname fromLuantito Liu for prestige reasons, claiming that they were related to the Han imperial clan through the old intermarriage policy. Each of the Five Divisions were supervised by a local chief, who in turn was under the "surveillance of a chinese resident", while the formerchanyuwas in "semicaptivity at the imperial court."[135]

Later Xiongnu states in northern China

Fang Xuanling'sBook of Jinlists nineteen Xiongnu tribes that resettled within the Great Wall:Chuge( đồ các ),Xianzhi( tiên chi ), Koutou ( khấu đầu ), Wutan ( ô đàm ),Chile( xích lặc ), Hanzhi ( hãn đỉa ), Heilang ( sói đen ),Chisha( xích sa ), Yugang ( úc bỉ ), Weisuo ( héo toa ), Tutong ( trọc đồng ), Bomie ( bột miệt ), Qiangqu ( Khương cừ ),Helai( hạ lại ), Zhongqin ( chung kỳ ), Dalou ( đại lâu ), Yongqu ( ung khuất ), Zhenshu ( thật thụ ) and Lijie ( lực yết ). Among the nineteen tribes, the Chuge, also known as the Xiuchuge, were the most honored and prestigious.[136][137]

The Xiongnu were one of the so-called "Five Babarians"that dominated northern China during the Sixteen Kingdoms period. They founded theHan-ZhaoandHelian Xiadynasties, and while theNorthern Liangdynasty was established by theLushuihupeople, it is sometimes categorized in more recent historiography as a Xiongnu state.Shi Le,the founder of theLater Zhaodynasty, was a descendant of the Qiangqu clan, although by his time, he and his people had become a distinct ethnic group known as theJie.

Han-Zhao dynasty (304–329)

Han (304–319)
TheHan-Zhao dynastyin 317 AD, shortly after the fall of theWestern Jin dynasty.

Despite Cao Cao's effort, the Southern Xiongnu in Shanxi eventually grew restless and attempted to restore themselves to power. The five divisions were briefly unified underLiu Baoduring the mid-3rd century before theCao WeiandWestern Jincourts intervened and forced them back into five. During the early Jin period, the Xiongnu began staging revolts and leaving theGreat Wall,but it would not be until 304, amidst theWar of the Eight Princesthat weakened the Jin power in northern China, that they made a crucial breakthrough.

Liu Yuan,the son of Liu Bao and a general serving under one of the Jin princes, was offered by the Xiongnu to become the leader of their rebellion. After deceiving his prince, Liu Yuan returned to the Xiongnu and was acclaimed as the Grand Chanyu. Later that year, he declared himself the King of Han. Records indicate that Liu Yuan and his family members were actually from theChugetribe, but he claimed himself to be a direct descendant of the Southern Xiongnuchanyusand depicted his state as a continuation of theHan dynasty,citing that his alleged ancestors were married to Han princesses throughheqin.[137][138]He allowed the Han Chinese and non-Xiongnu tribes like theXianbei,WuhuanandDito serve under him, and in 308, he elevated his title to Emperor of Han.

The Western Jin, devastated by war and natural disasters, was unable to stop the growing threat of Han, even more so after the ascension ofLiu Congto the Han throne. In 311, the Jin imperial army was annihilated by Han forces, and shortly after, the Jin capitalLuoyangwas sacked andEmperor Huaiwas captured in an event known as theDisaster of Yongjia.In 316, the Jin restoration inChang'an,headed byEmperor Min,was also crushed by Han. After the fall of Chang'an, the remnants of Jin survived in the south atJiankangas theEastern Jin dynasty.[139]

Although Han enjoyed military success, it also suffered from internal strife under Liu Cong. Throughout his reign, Liu Cong faced constant dissidence from his own ministers, and so he empowered hisconsort kinsandeunuchsto counter them. The Han court fell into a power struggle which ended in a bloody purge of the government. Liu Cong also failed to constrainShi Le,a general ofJieethnicity who effectively held the eastern parts of the empire. After Liu Cong's death in 318, his consort kin,Jin Zhunmassacred the emperor and a large portion of the aristocracy before being defeated by a combined force led by Liu Cong's cousin,Liu Yao,and Shi Le.

Former Zhao (319–329)

Amidst Jin Zhun's rebellion, the Han loyalists that escaped the massacre acclaimedLiu Yaoas the new emperor. In 319, he moved the capital from Pingyang to Chang'an and renamed the dynasty as Zhao. Unlike his predecessors, Liu Yao appealed more to his Xiongnu ancestry by honouringModu Chanyuand distancing himself from the state's initial positioning of restoring the Han dynasty. However, this was not a break from Liu Yuan, as he continued to honor Liu Yuan andLiu Congposthumously; it is hence known to historians collectively asHan-Zhao.That same year, Shi Le proclaimed independence and formed his own state of Zhao, challenging Liu Yao for hegemony over northern China. For this reason, Han-Zhao is also known to historians as theFormer Zhaoto distinguish it from Shi Le'sLater Zhao.

Liu Yao retained control over theGuanzhongregion and expanded his domain westward by campaigning against remnants of the Jin,Former LiangandChouchi.Eventually, Liu Yao led his army to fight Later Zhao for control overLuoyangbut was captured by Shi Le's forces in battle and executed in 329. Chang'an soon fell to Later Zhao and the last of Former Zhao's forces were destroyed. Thus ended the Han-Zhao dynasty; northern China would be dominated by the Later Zhao for the next 20 years.[140]

Tiefu tribe and Helian Xia dynasty (309–431)

Remnants ofTongwancheng,capital of theHelian Xia dynastyin present-dayJingbian County,Shaanxi.

The chieftains of theTiefutribe were descendants ofQubeiand were related to another tribe, theDugu.Based on their name, which meant a person whose father was a Xiongnu and mother was aXianbei,the Tiefu had intermingled with the Xianbei, and records sometimes refer to them as "Wuhuan",which by the 4th-century had become synonymous with" mixed barbarians "or"zahu"( tạp hồ ).[141]In 309, their chieftain,Liu Hustaged a revolt against the Western Jin from Shanxi but was driven out toShuofang Commanderyin theOrdos Loop.The Tiefu resided there for most of their existence, often as a vassal to their stronger neighbours before their power was destroyed by theNorthern Wei dynastyin 392.

Liu Bobo,a surviving member of the Tiefu, went into exile and eventually offered his services to theQiang-ledLater Qin.He was assigned to guard Shuofang, but in 407, angered by Qin holding peace talks with the Northern Wei, he rebelled and founded a state known as theHelian Xia dynasty.Bobo strongly affirmed his Xiongnu lineage; his state name of "Xia" was based on the claim that the Xiongnu were descendants of theXia dynasty,and he later changed his family name from "Liu" ( Lưu ) to the more Xiongnu-like "Helian" ( Hách Liên ), believing it inappropriate to follow his matrilineal line from the Han. Helian Bobo placed the Later Qin in a perpetual state of warfare and greatly contributed to its decline. In 418, he conquered theGuanzhongregion from theEastern Jin dynastyafterJin destroyed Qinthe previous year.

After Helian Bobo's death in 425, the Xia quickly declined due to pressure from the Northern Wei. In 428, the emperor,Helian Changand capital were both captured by Wei forces. His brother,Helian Dingsucceeded him and conquered theWestern Qinin 431, but that same year, he was ambushed and imprisoned by theTuyuhunwhile attempting a campaign againstNorthern Liang.The Xia was at its end, and the following year, Helian Ding was sent to Wei where he was executed.

Tongwancheng(meaning "Unite All Nations" ), was one of the capitals of the Xia that was built during the reign of Helian Bobo. The ruined city was discovered in 1996[142]and the State Council designated it as a cultural relic under top state protection. The repair of the Yong'an Platform, where Helian Bobo reviewed parading troops, has been finished and restoration on the 31-meter-tall turret follows.[143][144]

Juqu clan and Northern Liang dynasty (401–460)

The Juqu clan were aLushuihufamily that founded theNorthern Liang dynastyin modern-dayGansuin 397. Recent historiographies often classify the Northern Liang as a "Xiongnu" state, but there is still ongoing debate on the exact origin of the Lushuihu. A leading theory is that the Lushuihu were descendants of theLesser Yuezhithat had intermingled with theQiangpeople, but based on the fact that the Juqu's ancestors once served the Xiongnu empire, the Lushuihu could still be considered a branch of the Xiongnu. Regardless, contemporaneous records treat the Lushuihu as a distinct ethnic group.[145][146]The Northern Liang was known for its propagation ofBuddhismin Gansu through their construction of Buddhist sites such as theTiantishanandMogaocaves, and for being the last of the so-called Sixteen Kingdoms after it was conquered by theNorthern Wei dynastyin 439.[147][148]There was also the Northern Liang ofGaochang,which existed between 442 and 460.

Significance

The Xiongnu confederation was unusually long-lived for a steppe empire. The purpose of raiding theCentral Plainwas not simply for goods, but to force the Central Plain polity to pay regular tribute. The power of the Xiongnu ruler was based on his control of Han tribute which he used to reward his supporters. The Han and Xiongnu empires rose at the same time because the Xiongnu state depended on Han tribute. A major Xiongnu weakness was the custom of lateral succession. If a dead ruler's son was not old enough to take command, power passed to the late ruler's brother. This worked in the first generation but could lead to civil war in the second generation. The first time this happened, in 60 BC, the weaker party adopted what Barfield calls the 'inner frontier strategy.' They moved south and submitted to the dominant Central Plain regime and then used the resources obtained from their overlord to defeat the Northern Xiongnu and re-establish the empire. The second time this happened, about 47 AD, the strategy failed. The southern ruler was unable to defeat the northern ruler and the Xiongnu remained divided.[149]

Ethnolinguistic origins

The Xiongnu empire is widely thought to have been multiethnic.[150]There are several theories on the ethnolinguistic identity of the Xiongnu, though there is no consensus among scholars as to what language was spoken by the Xiongnu elite.[151]

Pronunciation of Hung nô
Old Chinese(318 BCE): *hoŋ-nâ
Eastern Han Chinese: *hɨoŋ-nɑ
Middle Chinese: *hɨoŋ-nuo
Modern Mandarin: [ɕjʊ́ŋ nǔ]
  • Sources: Schuessler (2014:264)[59]
  • & Zhengzhang Shangfang.[10][11]

The Xiongnu-Hun hypothesis was originally proposed by the 18th-century French historianJoseph de Guignes,who noticed that ancient Chinese scholars had referred to members of tribes which were associated with the Xiongnu by names which were similar to the name "Hun", albeit with varying Chinese characters.Étienne de la Vaissièrehas shown that, in theSogdian scriptused in the so-called "Sogdian Ancient Letters", both the Xiongnu and the Huns were referred to as the γwn (xwn), which indicates that the two names were synonymous.[20]Although the theory that the Xiongnu were the precursors of the Huns as they were later known in Europe is now accepted by many scholars, it has yet to become a consensus view. The identification with the Huns may either be incorrect or it may be an oversimplification (as would appear to be the case with aproto-Mongolpeople, theRouran,who have sometimes been linked to theAvars of Central Europe).

Iranian theories

An embroidered rug from the XiongnuNoin-Ula burial site.This luxury item was imported fromBactria,and is thought to representYuezhifigures.[152][153][154][155]

Most scholars agree that the Xiongnu elite may have been initially ofSogdianorigin, while later switching to a Turkic language.[156]Harold Walter Baileyproposed anIranianorigin of the Xiongnu, recognizing all of the earliest Xiongnu names of the 2nd century BC as being of theIraniantype.[28]Central Asian scholarChristopher I. Beckwithnotes that the Xiongnu name could be a cognate ofScythian,SakaandSogdia,corresponding to a name forEastern Iranian Scythians.[71][157]According to Beckwith the Xiongnu could have contained a leading Iranian component when they started out, but more likely they had earlier been subjects of an Iranian people and learned the Iranian nomadic model from them.[71]

In the 1994UNESCO-publishedHistory of Civilizations of Central Asia,its editorJános Harmattaclaims that the royal tribes and kings of the Xiongnu bore Iranian names, that all Xiongnu words noted by the Chinese can be explained from aScythian language,and that it is therefore clear that the majority of Xiongnu tribes spoke an Eastern Iranian language.[27]

According to a study by Alexander Savelyev and Choongwon Jeong, published in 2020 in the journal Evolutionary Human Sciences by Cambridge University Press, "The predominant part of the Xiongnu population is likely to have spoken Turkic". However, important cultural, technological and political elements may have been transmitted by Eastern Iranian-speaking Steppe nomads: "Arguably, these Iranian-speaking groups were assimilated over time by the predominant Turkic-speaking part of the Xiongnu population".[158]

Yeniseian theories

Belt plaque in the shape of a kneeling horse, 3rd-1st century BCE, gilded silver, made in North China for Xiongnu patrons.[159][160]

Lajos Ligetiwas the first to suggest that the Xiongnu spoke a Yeniseian language. In the early 1960sEdwin Pulleyblankwas the first to expand upon this idea with credible evidence. The Yeniseian theory proposes that theJie,a western Xiongnu people, spoke a Yeniseian language.Hyun Jin Kimnotes that the 7th AD Chinese conpendium,Jin Shu,contains a transliterated song of Jie origin, which appears to be Yeniseian. This song has led researchers Pulleyblank andVovinto argue for a Yeniseian Jie dominant minority, that ruled over the other Xiongnu ethnicities, like Iranian and Turkic people. Kim has stated that the dominant Xiongnu language was likely Turkic or Yeniseian, but has cautioned that the Xiongnu were definitely a multi-ethnic society.[161]

Pulleybank and D. N. Keightley asserted that the Xiongnu titles "were originally Siberian words but were later borrowed by the Turkic and Mongolic peoples".[162]Titles such astarqan,teginandkaghanwere also inherited from the Xiongnu language and are possibly of Yeniseian origin. For example, the Xiongnu word for "heaven" is theorized to come from Proto-Yeniseian *tɨŋVr.[163][164]

Vocabulary from Xiongnu inscriptions sometimes appears to have Yeniseian cognates which were used by Vovin to support his theory that the Xiongnu has a large Yeniseian component, examples of proposed cognates include words such as Xiongnu kʷala 'son' and Ket qalek 'younger son', Xiongnu sakdak 'boot' and Ket sagdi 'boot', Xiongnu gʷawa "prince" and Ket gij "prince", Xiongnu "attij" 'wife' and proto-Yeniseian "alrit", Ket "alit" and Xiongnu dar "north" compared to Yugh tɨr "north".[163][165]Pulleyblank also argued that because Xiongnu words appear to have clusters with r and l, in the beginning of the word it is unlikely to be of Turkic origin, and instead believed that most vocabulary we have mostly resemble Yeniseian languages.[166]

Alexander Vovin also wrote, that some names of horses in the Xiongnu language appear to be Turkic words with Yeniseian prefixes.[163]

An analysis by Savelyev and Jeong (2020) has cast doubt on the Yeniseian theory. If assuming that the ancient Yeniseians were represented by modernKet people,who are more genetically similar toSamoyedicspeakers, the Xiongnu do not display a genetic affinity for Yeniseian peoples.[158]A review by Wilson (2023) argues that the presence of Yeniseian-speakers among the multi-ethnic Xiongnu should not be rejected, and that "Yeniseian-speaking peoples must have played a more prominent (than heretofore recognized) role in the history of Eurasia during the first millennium of the Common Era".[167]

Turkic theories

Plaque in the shape of a grazingkulan(wild ass), 2nd–1st century BC, Northwest China, Xiongnu culture.[168][169]

According to a study by Alexander Savelyev and Choongwon Jeong, published in 2020 in the journal Evolutionary Human Sciences by Cambridge University Press, "The predominant part of the Xiongnu population is likely to have spoken Turkic". However, genetic studies found a mixture of haplogroups from western and eastern Eurasian origins that suggested a large genetic diversity within, and possibly multiple origins of Xiongnu elites. The Turkic-related component may be brought by eastern Eurasian genetic substratum.[158]

Other proponents of a Turkic language theory includeE.H. Parker,Jean-Pierre Abel-Rémusat,Julius Klaproth,Gustaf John Ramstedt,Annemarie von Gabain,[158]andCharles Hucker.[21]André Wink states that the Xiongnu probably spoke an early form of Turkic; even if Xiongnu were not "Turks" nor Turkic-speaking, they were in close contact with Turkic-speakers very early on.[170]Craig Benjaminsees the Xiongnu as either proto-Turks orproto-Mongolswho possibly spoke a language related to theDingling.[171]

Chinese sources link several Turkic peoples to the Xiongnu:

However, Chinese sources also ascribe Xiongnu origins to the Para-Mongolic-speakingKumo XiandKhitans.[187]

Mongolic theories

Belt Buckle, 2nd-1st century BCE, Xiongnu. Another naturalistic belt buckle made to the Xiongnu taste, showing a mounted warrior frontally, holding a dagger and grabbing the hair of a demon who is also attacked by a dog. Also appears a nomadic cart pulled byreindeers,and another dog on top of the cart.[188][189][92][190]

Mongolian and other scholars have suggested that the Xiongnu spoke a language related to theMongolic languages.[191][192]Mongolian archaeologists proposed that theSlab Grave Culturepeople were the ancestors of the Xiongnu, and some scholars have suggested that the Xiongnu may have been the ancestors of theMongols.[30]Nikita Bichurinconsidered Xiongnu andXianbeito be two subgroups (ordynasties) of but one sameethnicity.[193]

According to the "Book of Song",theRourans,whomBook of Weiidentified as offspring ofProto-Mongolic[194]Donghu people,[195]possessed the alternative name(s) đại đànDàtán"Tatar"and/or đàn đànTántán"Tartar" and according toBook of Liang,"they also constituted a separate branch of the Xiongnu".[196][197]Old Book of Tangmentioned twenty Shiwei tribes,[198]whom other Chinese sources (Book of Sui,New Book of Tang) associated with theKhitans,[199]another people who in turn descended from the Xianbei[200]and were also associated with the Xiongnu.[201]While the Xianbei, Khitans, and Shiwei are generally believed to be predominantlyMongolic-andPara-Mongolic-speaking,[199][202][203]yet Xianbei were stated to descend from theDonghu,whom Sima Qian distinguished from the Xiongnu.[204][205][206](notwithstanding Sima Qian's inconsistency[62][63][64][58]). Additionally, Chinese chroniclers routinely ascribed Xiongnu origins to various nomadic groups: for examples, Xiongnu ancestry was ascribed to Para-Mongolic-speakingKumo Xias well as Turkic-speakingGöktürksandTiele;[187]

Genghis Khanrefers to the time of Modu Chanyu as "the remote times of our Chanyu" in his letter to DaoistQiu Chuji.[207]Sun and moon symbol of Xiongnu that discovered by archaeologists is similar to MongolianSoyombo symbol.[208][209][210]

Multiple ethnicities

Pastoralist expansion into Mongolia ca. 1000 BCE (Early Iron Age), and schematic formation of the Xiongnu Empire in the 3rd century BCE.[211]

Since the early 19th century, a number of Western scholars have proposed a connection between various language families or subfamilies and the language or languages of the Xiongnu.Albert Terrien de Lacouperieconsidered them to be multi-component groups.[35]Many scholars believe the Xiongnu confederation was a mixture of different ethno-linguistic groups, and that their main language (as represented in the Chinese sources) and its relationships have not yet been satisfactorily determined.[212]Kim rejects "old racial theories or even ethnic affiliations" in favour of the "historical reality of these extensive, multiethnic, polyglot steppe empires".[213]

Chinese sources link theTiele peopleand Ashina to the Xiongnu, not allTurkic peoples.According to theBook of Zhouand theHistory of the Northern Dynasties,theAshinaclan was a component of the Xiongnu confederation,[214][215]but this connection is disputed,[216]and according to theBook of Suiand theTongdian,they were "mixed nomads" (traditional Chinese:TạpHồ;simplified Chinese:Tạp hồ;pinyin:zá hú) fromPingliang.[217][218]The Ashina and Tiele may have been separate ethnic groups who mixed with the Xiongnu.[219]Indeed, Chinese sources link many nomadic peoples (hu;seeWu Hu) on their northern borders to the Xiongnu, just as Greco-Roman historiographers calledAvarsandHuns"Scythians".The GreekcognateofTourkia(Greek:Τουρκία) was used by theByzantineemperor and scholarConstantine VII Porphyrogenitusin his bookDe Administrando Imperio,[220][221]though in his use, "Turks" always referred toMagyars.[222]Such archaizing was a common literarytopos,and implied similar geographic origins and nomadic lifestyle but not direct filiation.[223]

SomeUyghursclaimed descent from the Xiongnu (according to Chinese historyWeishu,the founder of theUyghur Khaganatewas descended from a Xiongnu ruler),[180]but many contemporary scholars do not consider the modern Uyghurs to be of direct linear descent from the old Uyghur Khaganate because modernUyghur languageandOld Uyghur languagesare different.[224]Rather, they consider them to be descendants of a number of people, one of them the ancient Uyghurs.[225][226][227]

In various kinds of ancient inscriptions on monuments ofMunmu of Silla,it is recorded that King Munmu had Xiongnu ancestry. According to several historians, it is possible that there were tribes ofKoreanicorigin. There are also some Korean researchers that point out that the grave goods of Silla and of the eastern Xiongnu are alike.[228][229][230][231][232]

Language isolate theories

TurkologistGerhard Doerferhas denied any possibility of a relationship between the Xiongnu language and any other known language, even any connection with Turkic or Mongolian.[162]

Geographic origins

The original geographic location of the Xiongnu is disputed among steppe archaeologists. Since the 1960s, the geographic origin of the Xiongnu has attempted to be traced through an analysis ofEarly Iron Ageburial constructions. No region has been proven to havemortuarypractices that clearly match those of the Xiongnu.[233]

Archaeology

Xiongnu Leather Robe, Han period, Henan Provincial Museum, Zhengzhou

In the 1920s,Pyotr Kozlovoversaw the excavation of royal tombs at theNoin-Ula burial sitein northern Mongolia, dated to around the first century CE. Other Xiongnu sites have been unearthed inInner Mongolia,such as theOrdos culture.SinologistOtto Maenchen-Helfen has said that depictions of the Xiongnu ofTransbaikaliaand the Ordos commonly show individuals with West Eurasian features.[234]Iaroslav Lebedynsky said that West Eurasian depictions in the Ordos region should be attributed to a "Scythian affinity".[235]

Portraits found in theNoin-Ula excavationsdemonstrate other cultural evidences and influences, showing that Chinese and Xiongnu art have influenced each other mutually. Some of these embroidered portraits in the Noin-Ulakurgansalso depict the Xiongnu with long braided hair with wide ribbons, which is seen to be identical with theAshina clanhair-style.[236]Well-preserved bodies in Xiongnu and pre-Xiongnu tombs in theMongolian Republicand southernSiberiashow both East Asian and West Eurasian features.[237]

Analysis of cranial remains from some sites attributed to the Xiongnu have revealed that they haddolichocephalicskulls with East Asian craniometrical features, setting them apart from neighboring populations in present-day Mongolia.[238]Russian and Chinese anthropological and craniofacial studies show that the Xiongnu were physically very heterogenous, with six different population clusters showing different degrees of West Eurasian and East Asian physical traits.[30]

Noin-Ulacarpet, animal style. 1st century CE.[239]

Presently, there exist four fully excavated and well documented cemeteries:Ivolga,[240]Dyrestui,[241]Burkhan Tolgoi,[242][243]and Daodunzi.[244][245]Additionally thousands of tombs have been recorded inTransbaikaliaand Mongolia.

The archaeologists have chosen to, for the most part, refrain from positing anything about Han-Xiongnu relations based on the material excavated. However, they were willing to mention the following:

"There is no clear indication of the ethnicity of this tomb occupant, but in a similar brick-chambered tomb of the late Eastern Han period at the same cemetery, archaeologists discovered a bronze seal with the official title that the Han government bestowed upon the leader of the Xiongnu. The excavators suggested that these brick chamber tombs all belong to the Xiongnu (Qinghai 1993)."[246]

Classifications of these burial sites make distinction between two prevailing type of burials: "(1) monumental ramped terrace tombs which are often flanked by smaller" satellite "burials and (2) 'circular' or 'ring' burials."[247]Some scholars consider this a division between "elite" graves and "commoner" graves. Other scholars, find this division too simplistic and not evocative of a true distinction because it shows "ignorance of the nature of the mortuary investments and typically luxuriant burial assemblages [and does not account for] the discovery of other lesser interments that do not qualify as either of these types."[248]

Genetics

Maternal lineages

Uniparental haplogroup assignments by group and sex-bias "z" scores of Xiongnu.[211]

A 2003 study found that 89% of Xiongnu maternal lineages are of East Asian origin, while 11% were of West Eurasian origin. However, a 2016 study found that 37.5% of Xiongnu maternal lineages were West Eurasian, in a central Mongolian sample.[249]

According to Rogers & Kaestle (2022), these studies make clear that the Xiongnu population is extremely similar to the precedingSlab Gravepopulation, which had a similar frequency of Eastern and Western maternal haplogroups, supporting a hypothesis of continuity from the Slab Grave period to the Xiongnu. They wrote that the bulk of the genetics research indicates that roughly 27% of Xiongnu maternal haplogroups were of West Eurasian origin, while the rest were East Asian.[250]

Some examples of maternal haplogroups observed in Xiongnu specimens includeD4b2b4,N9a2a,G3a3,D4a6andD4b2b2b.[251]andU2e1.[252]

Paternal lineages

According to Rogers & Kaestle (2022), roughly 47% of Xiongnu period remains belonged to paternal haplogroups associated with modern West Eurasians, while the rest (53%) belonged to East Asian haplogroups. They observed that this contrasts strongly with the precedingSlab Graveperiod, which was dominated by East Asian patrilineages. They suggest that this may reflect an aggressive expansion of people with West Eurasian paternal haplogroups, or perhaps the practice of marriage alliances or cultural networks favoring people with Western patrilines.[253]

Some examples of paternal haplogroups in Xiongnu specimens includeQ1b,[254][255]C3,[256]R1,R1b,O3aandO3a3b2,[257]R1a1a1b2a-Z94, R1a1a1b2a2-Z2124, Q1a, N1a,[258]J2a,J1aandE1b1b1a.[259]

According to Lee & Kuang, the main paternal lineages of 62 Xiongnu Elite remains in theEgiin Golvalley belonged to the paternalhaplogroups N1c1,Q-M242,andC-M217.One sample from Duurlig Nars belongrd toR1a1and another to C-M217. Xiongnu remains fromBarkolbelonged exclusively to haplogroup Q. They argue that the haplogroups C2, Q and N likely formed the major paternal haplogroups of the Xiongnu tribes, while R1a was the most common paternal haplogroup (44.5%) among neighbouring nomads from the Altai mountain, who were probably incorporated into the Xiongnu confederation and may be associated with theJie people.[260]

Autosomal ancestry

A study published in theAmerican Journal of Physical Anthropologyin October 2006 detected significant genetic continuity between the examined individuals at Egyin Gol and modern Mongolians.[261]

Mapping of Xiongnu ancestry per burial sites in Mongolia.Ancient Northeast Asians(ANA,Khövsgöl) form the main contribution, followed by the hybridSakaculture (Chandman), and smaller contributions ofHan,BMACandSarmatian.[211]

A genetic study published inNaturein May 2018 examined the remains of five Xiongnu.[262]The study concluded that Xiongnu confederation was genetically heterogeneous, and Xiongnu individuals belonging to two distinct groups, one being of primarilyEast Asianorigin (associated with the earlierSlab-grave culture) and the other presenting considerable admixture levels with West Eurasian (possibly from Central Saka) sources. The evidence suggested that theHunsprobably emerged through minor male-driven geneflow into the Saka through westward migrations of the Xiongnu.[263]

A study published in November 2020 examined 60 early and late Xiongnu individuals from across of Mongolia. The study found that the Xiongnu resulted from the admixture of three different clusters from the Mongolian region. The two early genetic clusters are "early Xiongnu_west" from theAltai Mountains(formed at 92% by the hybrid EurasianChandmanancestry, and 8%BMACancestry), and "early Xiongnu_rest" from theMongolianPlateau (individuals with primarilyUlaanzuukh-Slab Graveancestry, or mixed with "early Xiongnu_west" ). The later third cluster named "late Xiongnu" has even higher heterogenity, with the continued combination ofChandmanandUlaanzuukh-Slab Graveancestry, and additional geneflow fromSarmatianandHan Chinesesources. Their uniparental haplogroup assignments also showed heterogenetic influence on their ethnogenesis as well as their connection with Huns.[211][264]In contrast, the laterMongolshad a much higher eastern Eurasian ancestry as a whole, similar to that of modern-day Mongolic-speaking populations.[265]

A Xiongnu remain (GD1-4) analysed in a 2024 study was found to be entirely derived fromAncient Northeast Asianswithout any West Eurasian-associated ancestry. The sample clustered closely with aGöktürkremain (GD1-1) from the later Turkic period.[266]

Relationship between ethnicity and status among the Xiongnu

Pre-Xiongnu populations. TheSlab-gravepeople were uniformly ofAncient Northeast Asianorigin (ANA), whileSakapopulations to the west combinedSintashta() and Ancient Northeast Asian (Baikal EBA) ancestry, with someBMACcomponent.

Although the Xiongnu were ethnically heterogeneous as a whole, it appears that variability was highly related to social status. Genetic heterogeneity was highest among retainers of low status, as identified by their smaller and peripheral tombs. These retainers mainly displayed ancestry related to theChandman/Uyuk culture(characterized by a hybrid Eurasian gene pool combining the genetic profile of theSintashta cultureand Baikal hunter-gatherers (Baikal EBA)), or various combinations ofChandman/Uyukand Ancient Northeast AsianUlaanzuukh/Slab Graveprofiles.[150]

On the contrary, high status Xiongnu individuals tended to have less genetic diversity, and their ancestry was essentially derived from the Eastern EurasianUlaanzuukh/Slab Grave culture,or alternatively from theXianbei,suggesting multiple sources for their Eastern ancestry. High Eastern ancestry was more common among high status female samples, while low status male samples tended to be more diverse and having higher Western ancestry.[150]A likelychanyu,a male ruler of the Empire identified by his prestigious tomb, was shown to have had similar ancestry as a high status female in the "western frontiers", deriving about 39.3%Slab Grave(orAncient Northeast Asian) genetic ancestry, 51.9%Han(or Yellow River farmers) ancestry, with the rest (8.8%) beingSaka(Chandman) ancestry.[150]

Culture

Art

Belt buckle with threeIbexes,2nd-1st century BC, Xiongnu.[267][268][269]
Belt buckle with animal combat scene, 2nd-1st century BCE, made in North China for the Xiongnu.[270][160]
Belt Buckle withnomadic-inspiredzoomorphic design,manufactured in China for the Xiongnu.[271][159]

Within the Xiongnu culture more variety is visible from site to site than from "era" to "era," in terms of the Chinese chronology, yet all form a whole that is distinct from that of the Han and other peoples of the non-Chinese north.[272]In some instances, the iconography cannot be used as the main cultural identifier, because art depicting animal predation is common among the steppe peoples. An example of animal predation associated with Xiongnu culture is that of a tiger carrying dead prey.[272]A similar motif appears in work fromMaoqinggou,a site which is presumed to have been under Xiongnu political control but is still clearly non-Xiongnu. In the Maoqinggou example, the prey is replaced with an extension of the tiger's foot. The work also depicts a cruder level of execution; Maoqinggou work was executed in a rounder, less detailed style.[272]In its broadest sense, Xiongnu iconography of animal predation includes examples such as the gold headdress from Aluchaideng and gold earrings with a turquoise and jade inlay discovered inXigoupan,Inner Mongolia.[272]

Xiongnu art is harder to distinguish fromSakaorScythian art.There is a similarity present in stylistic execution, but Xiongnu art and Saka art often differ in terms of iconography. Saka art does not appear to have included predation scenes, especially with dead prey, or same-animal combat. Additionally, Saka art included elements not common to Xiongnu iconography, such as winged, horned horses.[272]The two cultures also used two different kinds of bird heads. Xiongnu depictions of birds tend to have a medium-sized eye and beak, and they are also depicted with ears, while Saka birds have a pronounced eye and beak, and no ears.[273]Some scholars[who?]claim these differences are indicative of cultural differences. Scholar Sophia-Karin Psarras suggests that Xiongnu images of animal predation, specifically tiger-and-prey, are spiritual, representative of death and rebirth, and that same-animal combat is representative of the acquisition or maintenance of power.[273]

Rock art and writing

2nd century BC – 2nd century AD characters of Xiongnu-Xianbeiscript (Mongolia and Inner Mongolia).[274]

The rock art of theYinandHelan Mountainsis dated from the 9th millennium BC to the 19th century AD. It consists mainly of engraved signs (petroglyphs) and only minimally of painted images.[275]

Chinese sourcesindicate that the Xiongnu did not have an ideographic form of writing like Chinese, but in the 2nd century BC, a renegade Chinese dignitary Yue "taught theShanyuto write official letters to the Chinese court on a wooden tablet 31 cm long, and to use a seal and large-sized folder. "The same sources tell that when the Xiongnu noted down something or transmitted a message, they made cuts on a piece of wood ('ke-mu'), and they also mention a" Hu script "(vol.110). At Noin-Ula and other Xiongnu burial sites in Mongolia and the region north of Lake Baikal, among the objects discovered during excavations conducted between 1924 and 1925 were over 20 carved characters. Most of these characters are either identical or very similar to letters of theOld Turkic Alpha betof the Early Middle Ages found on the Eurasian steppes. From this, some specialists conclude that the Xiongnu used a script similar to the ancientEurasian runiform,and that this Alpha bet was a basis for later Turkic writing.[276]

Religion and diet

According to theBook of Han,"the Xiongnu called Heaven ( thiên ) 'Chēnglí,' ( căng lê )[277]a Chinese transcription ofTengri.The Xiongnu were a nomadic people. From their lifestyle of herding flocks and their horse-trade with China, it can be concluded that their diet consist mainly ofmutton,horse meatand wild geese that were shot down. Historical evidence gives reason to believe that, from the 2nd century BC, proto-Mongol peoples (the Xiongnu,Xianbei,andKhitans) were familiar with Buddhism. On the territory of the Ivolginsk Settlement, remains of Buddhistprayer beadswere found in a Xiongnu grave.[278]

See also

Notes

  1. ^This view was put forward toWang Mangin AD 14.[123]

References

Citations

  1. ^Coatsworth, John; Cole, Juan; Hanagan, Michael P.; Perdue, Peter C.; Tilly, Charles; Tilly, Louise (16 March 2015).Global Connections: Volume 1, To 1500: Politics, Exchange, and Social Life in World History.Cambridge University Press. p. 138.ISBN978-1-316-29777-3.
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  27. ^abHarmatta 1994,p. 488: "Their royal tribes and kings (shan-yü) bore Iranian names and all the Hsiung-nu words noted by the Chinese can be explained from an Iranian language of Saka type. It is therefore clear that the majority of Hsiung-nu tribes spoke an Eastern Iranian language. "
  28. ^abBailey 1985,pp. 21–45.
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  35. ^abGeng 2005.
  36. ^Gao, Jingyi ( cao tinh một ) (2013)."Huns and Xiongnu Identified by Hungarian and Yeniseian Shared Etymologies"(PDF).Central Asiatic Journal.56:41.ISSN0008-9192.JSTOR10.13173/centasiaj.56.2013.0041.
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  39. ^Khenzykhenova, Fedora I.; Kradin, Nikolai N.; Danukalova, Guzel A.; Shchetnikov, Alexander A.; Osipova, Eugenia M.; Matveev, Arkady N.; Yuriev, Anatoly L.; Namzalova, Oyuna D. -Ts; Prokopets, Stanislav D.; Lyashchevskaya, Marina A.; Schepina, Natalia A.; Namsaraeva, Solonga B.; Martynovich, Nikolai V. (30 April 2020)."The human environment of the Xiongnu Ivolga Fortress (West Trans-Baikal area, Russia): Initial data".Quaternary International.546:216–228.Bibcode:2020QuInt.546..216K.doi:10.1016/j.quaint.2019.09.041.ISSN1040-6182.S2CID210787385."The slab graves culture existed in this territory prior to the Xiongnu empire. Sites of this culture dating back to approximately 1100-400/300 BC are common in Mongolia and the Trans-Baikal area. The earliest calibrated dates are prior to 1500 BC (Miyamoto et al., 2016). Later dates are usually 100–200 years earlier than the Xiongnu culture. Therefore, it is customarily considered that the slab grave culture preceded the Xiongnu culture. There is only one case, reported by Miyamoto et al. (2016), in which the date of the slab grave corresponds to the time of the making of the Xiongnu Empire."
  40. ^Rogers & Kaestle 2022
  41. ^abcdTse, Wicky W. K. (27 June 2018).The Collapse of China's Later Han Dynasty, 25-220 CE: The Northwest Borderlands and the Edge of Empire.Routledge. pp.45–46,63 note 40.ISBN978-1-315-53231-8.
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  45. ^Whitehouse 2016,p. 369: "From that time until the HAN dynasty the Ordos steppe was the home of semi-nomadic Indo-European peoples whose culture can be regarded as an eastern province of a vast Eurasian continuum of Scytho-Siberian cultures."
  46. ^Harmatta 1992,p. 348: "From the first millennium b.c., we have abundant historical, archaeological and linguistic sources for the location of the territory inhabited by the Iranian peoples. In this period the territory of the northern Iranians, they being equestrian nomads, extended over the whole zone of the steppes and the wooded steppes and even the semi-deserts from the Great Hungarian Plain to the Ordos in northern China."
  47. ^Unterländer, Martina; Palstra, Friso; Lazaridis, Iosif; Pilipenko, Aleksandr; Hofmanová, Zuzana; Groß, Melanie; Sell, Christian; Blöcher, Jens; Kirsanow, Karola; Rohland, Nadin; Rieger, Benjamin (3 March 2017)."Ancestry and demography and descendants of Iron Age nomads of the Eurasian Steppe".Nature Communications.8:14615.Bibcode:2017NatCo...814615U.doi:10.1038/ncomms14615.ISSN2041-1723.PMC5337992.PMID28256537.
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  52. ^Francfort, Henri-Paul(2020)."Sur quelques vestiges et indices nouveaux de l'hellénisme dans les arts entre la Bactriane et le Gandhāra (130 av. J.-C.-100 apr. J.-C. environ)"[On some vestiges and new indications of Hellenism in the arts between Bactria and Gandhāra (130 BC-100 AD approximately)].Journal des Savants:35–39.Page 36: "A renowned openwork gold plate found on the surface of the site depicts a wild boar hunt at the spear by a rider in steppe dress, in a frame of ovals arranged in cells intended to receive inlays (fig. 14). We can today attribute it to a local craft whose intention was to satisfy a horserider patron originating from the distant steppes and related to the Xiongnu" (French: "On peut aujourd'hui l'attribuer à un art local dont l'intention était de satisfaire un patron cavalier originaire des steppes lointaines et apparenté aux Xiongnu." )
    p. 36: "We can also clearly distinguish the crupper adorned with three rings forming a chain, as well as, on the shoulder of the mount, a very recognizable clip-shaped pendant, suspended from a chain passing in front of the chest and going up to the pommel of the saddle, whose known parallels are not to be found among the Scythians but in the realm of the Xiongnu, on bronze plaques from Mongolia and China" (French: "les parallèles connus ne se trouvent pas chez les Scythes mais dans le domaine des Xiongnu" ).
    p. 38: "The hairstyle of the hunter, with long hair pulled back and gathered in a bun, is also found atTakht-i Sangin;it is that of the eastern steppes, which can be seen onthe wild boar hunting plaque "des Iyrques"(fig. 15) "(French: La coiffure du chasseur, aux longs cheveux tirés en arrière et rassemblés en chignon, se retrouve àTakht-i Sangin;C'est celle des steppes orientales, que l'on remarque sur les plaques de la chasse au sanglier «des Iyrques» (fig. 15)
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  54. ^ShijiCh. 110: Xiongnu liezhuanquote: "Hung nô, này tổ tiên hạ sau thị chi dòng dõi cũng, rằng thuần duy."
  55. ^Di Cosmo 2002,p. 2.
  56. ^ShijiVol. 81 "Stories about Lian Po and Lin Xiangru - Addendum: Li Mu"text: "Lý mục giả, Triệu chi phía bắc lương tướng cũng. Thường cư đại nhạn môn, bị Hung nô." translation: "AboutLi Mu,he was a good general atZhao's northern borders. He often stationed at Dai and Wild Goose Gate, prepared [against] the Xiongnu. "
  57. ^Theobald, Ulrich (2019)"Li Mu Lý mục"inChinaKnowledge.de - An Encyclopaedia on Chinese History, Literature and Art
  58. ^abcdPulleyblank 1994,pp. 518–520.
  59. ^abSchuessler 2014,p. 264.
  60. ^Bunker 2002,pp. 27–28.
  61. ^Di Cosmo 2002,p. 129.
  62. ^abShiji,"Hereditary House of Zhao"quote: "Nay trung sơn ở ta tim gan, bắc có yến, đông cóHồ,Tây có lâm hồ, lâu phiền, Tần, Hàn chi biên, mà vô cường binh chi cứu, là vong xã tắc, nại gì? "translation:" (King Wuling of ZhaotoLou Huan:) NowZhongshanis at our heart and belly [note: Zhao surrounded Zhongshan, except on Zhongshan's north-eastern side],Yanto the north,Huto the east, Forest Hu,Loufan,Qin,Hanat our borders to the west. Yet we have no strong army to help us, surely we will lose our country. What is to be done? "
  63. ^abCompare a parallel passage inStratagems of the Warring States,"King Wuling spends his day in idleness", quote: "Tự thường sơn cứ thế đại, thượng đảng, đông có yến,Đông HồChi cảnh, tây có lâu phiền, Tần, Hàn chi biên, mà vô cưỡi ngựa bắn cung chi bị. "Jennifer Dodgson's translation:"FromMount ChangtoDaiandShangdang,our lands border Yan and theDonghuin the east, and to the west we have the Loufan and shared borders with Qin and Han. Nevertheless, we have no mounted archers ready for action. "
  64. ^abShiji,Vol. 110 "Account of the Xiongnu".quote: "Sau Tần diệt lục quốc, mà Thủy Hoàng Đế sử Mông Điềm đem mười vạn chi chúng bắc đánhHồ,Tất thu Hà Nam địa.……Hung nôThiền Vu rằng đầu mạn, đầu mạn không thắng Tần, bắc tỉ. "translation:" Later on, Qin conquered the six other states, and theFirst Emperordispatched generalMeng Tianto lead a multitude of 100,000 north to attack theHu;and he took all lands south the Yellow River. [...] TheXiongnuchanyu was Touman; Touman could not win against Qin, so [they] fled north. "
  65. ^abDi Cosmo 2002,p. 107.
  66. ^Di Cosmo 1999,pp. 892–893.
  67. ^Pulleyblank 1994,pp. 514–523.
  68. ^Pulleyblank 2000,p. 20.
  69. ^abDi Cosmo 1999,pp. 892–893, 964.
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  71. ^abcBeckwith 2009,pp. 71–73.
  72. ^Bentley 1993,p. 38.
  73. ^Baumer, Christoph (18 April 2018).History of Central Asia, The: 4-volume set.Bloomsbury Publishing.p. 4.ISBN978-1-83860-868-2– viaGoogle Books.
  74. ^Di Cosmo 1999,pp. 885–966.
  75. ^abcBentley 1993,p. 36.
  76. ^Lại 《 Hán Thư 》: "Sử vương ô chờ khuy Hung nô. Pháp, hán sử không đi tiết, không lấy mặc xăm mặt, không được nhập khung Lư. Vương ô chờ đi tiết, xăm mặt, đến nhập khung Lư, đơn với ái chi."fromMiscellaneous Morsels from Youyang,Scroll 8Translation fromReed, Carrie E. (2000). "Tattoo in Early China".Journal of the American Oriental Society.120(3): 360–376.doi:10.2307/606008.JSTOR606008.
  77. ^Museum notice
  78. ^Kradin, Nikolay N. (23 January 2020).Competing Narratives between Nomadic People and their Sedentary Neighbours.7th International Conference on the Medieval History of the Eurasian Steppe. Vol. 53. pp. 149–165.doi:10.14232/sua.2019.53.149-165.ISBN978-963-306-708-6.Nonetheless, among archaeologists, there are many supporters of the Xiongnu migration to the West. In recent years, S. Botalov (2009) constructed a broad picture of the migration of the Xiongnu to the Urals, and then Europe. In Kazakhstan, A. N. Podushkin discovered the Arysskaya culture with a distinct stage of Xiongnu influence (2009). Russian archaeologists are actively studying the Hun sites in the Caucasus (Gmyrya 1993; 1995)Citing:
    • Botalov, S. G. (2009).Гунны и туркиGunny i tiurki[Huns and Turks].(in Russian)Chelyabinsk: Рифей
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  150. ^abcdLee, Juhyeon; Miller, Bryan K.; Bayarsaikhan, Jamsranjav; Johannesson, Erik; Ventresca Miller, Alicia; Warinner, Christina; Jeong, Choongwon (14 April 2023)."Genetic population structure of the Xiongnu Empire at imperial and local scales".Science Advances.9(15): eadf3904.Bibcode:2023SciA....9F3904L.doi:10.1126/sciadv.adf3904.ISSN2375-2548.PMC10104459.PMID37058560."In this genome-wide archaeogenetic study, we find high genetic heterogeneity among late Xiongnu-era individuals at two cemeteries located along the far western frontier of the Xiongnu empire and describe patterns of genetic diversity related to social status. Overall, we find that genetic heterogeneity is highest among lower-status individuals. In particular, the satellite graves surrounding the elite square tombs at TAK show extreme levels of genetic heterogeneity, suggesting that these individuals, who were likely low-ranking retainers, were drawn from diverse parts of the empire. In contrast, the highest-status individuals at the two sites tended to have lower genetic diversity and a high proportion of ancestry deriving from EIA Slab Grave groups, suggesting that these groups may have disproportionately contributed to the ruling elite during the formation of the Xiongnu empire." (...) "a chanyu, or ruler of the empire. Like the elite women at the western frontier, he also had very high eastern Eurasian ancestry (deriving 39.3 and 51.9% from SlabGrave1 and Han_2000BP, respectively, and the rest from Chandman_IA; data file S2C)" (...) "Chandman_IA was representative of people in far western Mongolia associated with Sagly/Uyuk (ca. 500 to 200 BCE), Saka (ca. 900 to 200 BCE), and Pazyryk (ca. 500 to 200 BCE) groups in Siberia and Kazakhstan." (...) "This further suggests the existence of an aristocracy in the Xiongnu empire, that elite status and power was concentrated within specific subsets of the broader population."... Although not conclusive, this suggests that the ANA ancestry source of the Xiongnu-period individuals may not be exclusively traced back to the Slab Grave culture but may also include nearby groups with a similar ANA genetic profile, such as the Xianbei.... Last, our findings also confirm that the highest-status individuals in this study were females, supporting previous observations that Xiongnu women played an especially prominent role in the expansion and integration of new territories along the empire's frontier.
  151. ^Kim, Hyun Jin (29 March 2017),"The Xiongnu",Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Asian History,Oxford University Press,doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.013.50,ISBN978-0-19-027772-7,retrieved2024-02-29,There is thus no scholarly consensus on the language that was spoken by the Xiongnu elite
  152. ^Betts, Alison; Vicziany, Marika; Jia, Peter Weiming; Castro, Angelo Andrea Di (19 December 2019).The Cultures of Ancient Xin gian g, Western China: Crossroads of the Silk Roads.Archaeopress Publishing Ltd. p. 104.ISBN978-1-78969-407-9.In Noin-Ula (Noyon Uul), Mongolia, the remarkable elite Xiongnu tombs have revealed textiles that are linked to the pictorial tradition of the Yuezhi: the decorative faces closely resemble theKhalchayanportraits, while the local ornaments have integrated elements of Graeco-Roman design. These artifacts were most probably manufactured in Bactria
  153. ^Francfort, Henri-Paul(1 January 2020)."Sur quelques vestiges et indices nouveaux de l'hellénisme dans les arts entre la Bactriane et le Gandhāra (130 av. J.-C.-100 apr. J.-C. environ)"[On some vestiges and new indications of Hellenism in the arts between Bactria and Gandhāra (130 BC-100 AD approximately)].Journal des Savants(in French): 26–27, Fig.8"Portrait royal diadémé Yuezhi"( "Diademed royal portrait of a Yuezhi" ).
  154. ^Polos'mak, Natalia V.; Francfort, Henri-Paul; Tsepova, Olga (2015). "Nouvelles découvertes de tentures polychromes brodées du début de notre ère dans les" tumuli "n o 20 et n o 31 de Noin-Ula (République de Mongolie)".Arts Asiatiques.70:3–32.doi:10.3406/arasi.2015.1881.ISSN0004-3958.JSTOR26358181.Considered as Yuezhi-Saka or simply Yuezhi, and p.3: "These tapestries were apparently manufactured in Bactria or in Gandhara at the time of the Saka-Yuezhi rule, when these countries were connected with the Parthian empire and the" Hellenized East. "They represent groups of men, warriors of high status, and kings and/ or princes, performing rituals of drinking, fighting or taking part in a religious ceremony, a procession leading to an altar with a fire burning on it, and two men engaged in a ritual."
  155. ^Nehru, Lolita (14 December 2020)."KHALCHAYAN".Encyclopaedia Iranica Online.Brill.About "Khalchayan","site of a settlement and palace of the nomad Yuezhi ":" Representations of figures with faces closely akin to those of the ruling clan at Khalchayan (PLATE I) have been found in recent times on woollen fragments recovered from a nomad burial site near Lake Baikal in Siberia, Noin Ula, supplementing an earlier discovery at the same site), the pieces dating from the time of Yuezhi/Kushan control of Bactria. Similar faces appeared on woollen fragments found recently in a nomad burial in south-eastern Xin gian g (Sampula), of about the same date, manufactured probably in Bactria, as were probably also the examples from Noin Ula. "
  156. ^Neumann, Iver B.; Wigen, Einar (19 July 2018).The Steppe Tradition in International Relations: Russians, Turks and European State Building 4000 BCE–2017 CE.Cambridge University Press.p. 103.ISBN978-1-108-42079-2– viaGoogle Books.While most scholars hold the Xiongnu to have originally had a leadership from a Sogdian kinship line, Kim (2023: 28-29) argues that during their migration west, they seem to have undergone a transformation from having had a Yeniseian leadership, which ruled over various Iranic, Alanic and Turko-Mongol to developing a Turkic royal line.
  157. ^Beckwith 2009,p. 405: "Accordingly, the transcription now read as Hsiung- nu may have been pronounced * Soγdâ, * Soγlâ, * Sak(a)dâ, or even * Skla(C)da, etc."
  158. ^abcdSavelyev, Alexander; Jeong, Choongwoon (7 May 2020)."Early nomads of the Eastern Steppe and their tentative connections in the West".Evolutionary Human Sciences.2(E20).doi:10.1017/ehs.2020.18.hdl:21.11116/0000-0007-772B-4.PMC7612788.PMID35663512.S2CID218935871.Text was copied from this source, which is available under aCreative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License."Such a distribution of Xiongnu words may be an indication that both Turkic and Eastern Iranian-speaking groups were present among the Xiongnu in the earlier period of their history. Etymological analysis shows that some crucial components in the Xiongnu political, economic and cultural package, including dairy pastoralism and elements of state organization, may have been imported by the Eastern Iranians. Arguably, these Iranian-speaking groups were assimilated over time by the predominant Turkic-speaking part of the Xiongnu population.... The genetic profile of published Xiongnu individuals speaks against the Yeniseian hypothesis, assuming that modern Yeniseian speakers (i.e. Kets) are representative of the ancestry components in the historical Yeniseian speaking groups in southern Siberia. In contrast to the Iron Age populations listed in Table 2, Kets do not have the Iranian-related ancestry component but harbour a strong genetic affinity with Samoyedic-speaking neighbours, such as Selkups (Jeong et al., 2018, 2019)."
  159. ^abBunker 2002,p. 29.
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  161. ^Jin Kim, Hyun (November 2015).The Huns.Taylor & Francis.pp. 6–17.ISBN978-1317340904– viaGoogle Books.
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  168. ^"Metropolitan Museum of Art".metmuseum.org.
  169. ^Bunker 2002,p. 137, item 109.
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  171. ^Craig Benjamin (2007, 49), In: Hyun Jin Kim,The Huns, Rome and the Birth of Europe.Cambridge University Press.2013. page 176.
  172. ^Linghu Defenet al.,Zhoushu,vol. 50quote: "Đột Quyết giả, cái Hung nô chi đừng loại, họ a sử kia thị."
  173. ^Beishi"vol. 99 - section Tujue"quote: "Đột Quyết giả, này trước cư Tây Hải chi hữu, độc vì bộ lạc, cái Hung nô chi đừng loại cũng." translation: "The Tujue, their ancestors dwelt on the right bank of the Western Sea; a lone tribe, probably a separate branch of the Xiongnu"
  174. ^Golden, Peter B. (August 2018)."The Ethnogonic Tales of the Türks".The Medieval History Journal,21 (2): p. 298 of 291–327, fn. 36. quote: "'Western Sea' (xi hai Tây Hải ) has many possible meanings designating different bodies of water from theMediterranean,CaspianandAralSeas toKuku-nor.In the Sui era (581–618) it was viewed as being nearByzantium(Sinor, 'Legendary Origin': 226). Taşağıl,Gök-Türkler,vol. 1: 95, n. 553 identies it withEtsin-Gol,which is more likely. "
  175. ^abDu You,Tongdianvol. 197quote: "Đột Quyết chi trước, bình lạnh nay bình lạnh quận tạp hồ cũng, cái Hung nô chi đừng loại, họ a sử kia thị."
  176. ^Xin Tangshu,vol. 215A."Đột Quyết a sử kia thị, cái cổ Hung nô bắc bộ cũng." "The Ashina family of the Turk probably were the northern tribes of the ancient Xiongnu." quoted and translated in Xu (2005),Historical Development of the Pre-Dynastic Khitan,University of Helsinki, 2005
  177. ^Wei Zhenget al.,Suishu,vol. 84quote: "Đột Quyết chi trước, bình lạnh tạp hồ cũng, họ a sử kia thị."
  178. ^Zhoushu,"vol. 50" "Hoặc vân Đột Quyết chi trước xuất phát từ tác quốc, ở Hung nô chi bắc."
  179. ^Beishi"vol. 99 - section Tujue" quote: "Lại rằng Đột Quyết chi trước, xuất phát từ tác quốc, ở Hung nô chi bắc."
  180. ^abGolden 1992,p. 155.
  181. ^Wei Shouet al.,Book of Weivol. 103 - section Gaochequote: "Cao xe, cái cổ xích địch rất nhiều loại cũng, sơ hào vì địch lịch, phương bắc cho rằng lai lặc, chư hạ cho rằng cao xe, leng keng. Này ngữ lược cùng Hung nô cùng mà khi có tiểu dị, hoặc vân này trước Hung nô chi sanh cũng. Này loại có Địch thị, Viên hột thị, hộc luật thị, giải phê thị, hộ cốt thị, dị kỳ cân thị." translation: "The Gaoche are probably remnants of the ancient RedDi.Initially they had been called Dili. Northerners consider themChile.Thevarious Xia(aka Chinese) consider them GaocheDingling(High-Cart Dingling). Their language, in brief, and Xiongnu [language] are the same yet occasionally there are small differences. Some say that they [Gaoche] are the sororal nephews/sons-in-laws of the Xiongnu of yore. Their tribes ( loại ) are Di, Yuanhe (akaUyghurs), Hulu, Jiepi, Hugu, Yiqijin. "
  182. ^Xin Tangshuvol 217A - Huihuquote: "Hồi Hột, này trước Hung nô cũng, tục nhiều thừa cao luân xe, nguyên Ngụy khi cũng hào cao xe bộ, có người nói rằng sắc lặc, ngoa vì thiết lặc." translation: "Huihe, their ancestors were the Xiongnu; because they customarily drove carts with high-wheels and many spokes, inYuan Wei's they were also called Gaoche (High-Cart), or also called Chile, mistakenly rendered asTiele."
  183. ^Weishu,"vol. 102Wusun, Shule, & Yueban"quote:" Duyệt quốc,…… Này trước, Hung nô bắc Thiền Vu chi bộ lạc cũng.…… Này phong tục ngôn ngữ cùng cao xe cùng "
  184. ^Jinshuvol. 97 Four Barbarians - Xiongnu"
  185. ^Yuanhe Maps and Records of Prefectures and Countiesvol. 4 quote: "Bắc người hô bác mã vì Hạ Lan"
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  201. ^Xue Juzhenget al.Old History of the Five Dynastiesvol. 137quote: "Khiết Đan giả, cổ Hung nô chi loại cũng." translation: "The Khitans, a kind of Xiongnu of yore."
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Further reading

  • Davydova, Anthonina. The Ivolga archaeological complex. Part 1. The Ivolga fortress. In:Archaeological sites of the Xiongnu,vol. 1. St Petersburg, 1995.
  • Davydova, Anthonina. The Ivolga archaeological complex. Part 2. The Ivolga cemetery. In:Archaeological sites of the Xiongnu,vol. 2. St Petersburg, 1996.
  • (in Russian)Davydova, Anthonina & Minyaev Sergey. The complex of archaeological sites near Dureny village. In:Archaeological sites of the Xiongnu,vol. 5. St Petersburg, 2003.
  • Davydova, Anthonina & Minyaev Sergey. The Xiongnu Decorative bronzes. In:Archaeological sites of the Xiongnu,vol. 6. St Petersburg, 2003.
  • (in Hungarian)Helimski, Eugen."A szamojéd népek vázlatos története"(Short History of the Samoyedic peoples). In:The History of the Finno-Ugric and Samoyedic Peoples.2000, Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, Hungary.
  • (in Russian)Kiuner (Kjuner, Küner) [Кюнер], N.V. 1961.Китайские известия о народах Южной Сибири, Центральной Азии и Дальнего Востока(Chinese reports about peoples of Southern Siberia, Central Asia, and Far East). Moscow.
  • (in Russian)Klyashtorny S.G. [Кляшторный С.Г.] 1964.Древнетюркские рунические памятники как источник по истории Средней Азии.(Ancient Türkic runiform monuments as a source for the history of Central Asia). Moscow: Nauka.
  • (in Russian)Kradin, Nikolay. 2002."Hun Empire".Acad. 2nd ed., updated and added., Moscow: Logos,ISBN5-94010-124-0
  • Kradin, Nikolay. 2005. Social and Economic Structure of the Xiongnu of the Trans-Baikal Region.Archaeology, Ethnology & Anthropology of Eurasia,No 1 (21), p. 79–86.
  • Kradin, Nikolay. 2012. New Approaches and Challenges for the Xiongnu Studies. In:Xiongnu and its eastward Neighbours.Seoul, p. 35–51.
  • (in German)Liu Mau-tsai. 1958.Die chinesischen Nachrichten zur Geschichte der Ost-Türken (T'u-küe).Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.
  • Minyaev, Sergey. On the origin of the Xiongnu // Bulletin of International association for the study of the culture of Central Asia, UNESCO. Moscow, 1985, No. 9.
  • Minyaev, Sergey. News of Xiongnu Archaeology // Das Altertum, vol. 35. Berlin, 1989.
  • Minyaev, Sergey. "Niche Grave Burials of the Xiong-nu Period in Central Asia", Information Bulletin, Inter-national Association for the Cultures of Central Asia 17 (1990): 91–99.
  • Minyaev, Sergey. The excavation of Xiongnu Sites in the Buryatia Republic//Orientations,vol. 26, n. 10, Hong Kong, November 1995.
  • Minyaev, Sergey. Les Xiongnu// Dossiers d' archaeologie, # 212. Paris 1996.
  • Minyaev, Sergey. Archaeologie des Xiongnu en Russie: nouvelles decouvertes et quelques Problemes. In:Arts Asiatiques,tome 51, Paris, 1996.
  • (in Russian)Minyaev, Sergey. Derestuj cemetery. In: Archaeological sites of the Xiongnu, vol. 3. St-Petersburg, 1998.
  • Minyaev, Sergey. The origins of the "Geometric Style" in Hsiungnu art // BAR International series 890. London, 2000.
  • Minyaev, Sergey. Art and archeology of the Xiongnu: new discoveries in Russia. In: Circle of Iner Asia Art, Newsletter, Issue 14, December 2001, pp. 3–9
  • (in Russian)Minyaev, Sergey. The Xiongnu cultural complex: location and chronology. In:Ancient and Middle Age History of Eastern Asia.Vladivostok, 2001, pp. 295–305.
  • Miniaev, Sergey & Elikhina, Julia. On the chronology of the Noyon Uul barrows. The Silk Road 7 (2009): 21–30.
  • Minyaev, Sergey & Sakharovskaja, Lidya. Investigation of a Xiongnu Royal Tomb in the Tsaraam valley, part 1. In:Newsletters of the Silk Road Foundation,vol. 4, no.1, 2006.
  • Minyaev, Sergey & Sakharovskaja, Lidya. Investigation of a Xiongnu Royal Tomb in the Tsaraam valley, part 2. In:Newsletters of the Silk Road Foundation,vol. 5, no.1, 2007.
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