Phonological history of English consonant clusters

(Redirected fromYod-dropping)

Thephonological history of Englishincludes various changes in thephonologyofconsonant clusters.

H-cluster reductions

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The H-cluster reductions are variousconsonant reductionsthat have occurred in the history of English, involving consonant clusters beginning with/h/that have lost the/h/(or become reduced to/h/) in some or all dialects.

Reductions of /hw/

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The cluster/hw/(spelled ⟨wh⟩ sinceMiddle English) has been subject to two kinds of reduction:

  • Reduction to/h/beforerounded vowels(due to/hw/being perceived as a/h/with thelabializationcharacteristic of that environment). This occurred with the wordhowin theOld Englishperiod, and withwho,whomandwhoseinMiddle English(the latter words having had an unrounded vowel in Old English).
  • Reduction to/w/,a development that has affected the speech of the great majority of English speakers, causing them to pronounce ⟨wh-⟩ the same as ⟨w-⟩ (sometimes called thewine–whine mergerorglidecluster reduction). The distinction is maintained, however, inScotland,most ofIreland,and someSouthern American English.

Reduction of /hl/, /hr/ and /hn/

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The Old English consonant clusters/hl/,/hr/and/hn/were reduced to/l/,/r/,and/n/in Middle English. For example, Old Englishhlāf,hringandhnutubecomeloaf,ringandnutin Modern English.

Reduction of /hj/

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In some dialects of English the cluster/hj/is reduced to/j/,[1]leading to pronunciations like/juːdʒ/forhugeand/ˈjuːmən/forhuman,and makinghew,hue,andHughhomophonesofewe,yew,andyou.This is sometimes considered a type ofglide cluster reduction,but it is much less widespread than wh-reduction, and is generallystigmatizedwhere it is found. Aside from accents with generalH-dropping,in theUnited Statesthis reduction is mostly found in accents ofPhiladelphiaandNew York City;it also occurs inCorkaccents ofIrish English.In other dialects of English,hewandyewremain distinct; however, the cluster/hj/ofhew,human,etc. is often reduced from[çj]to just[ç](avoiceless palatal fricative).[2][3]

Y-cluster reductions

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Y-cluster reductions are reductions of clusters ending with thepalatal approximant/j/,which is the sound of⟨y⟩inyes,and is sometimes referred to as "yod", from theHebrewletteryod(h),which has the sound[j].Many such clusters arose in dialects in which the falling diphthong/ɪu/(the product of the merger of several Middle English vowel sequences) became the rising diphthong/juː/.(For more information, seePhonological history of English high back vowels.) They were thus often found before the vowel/uː/,as incube/kjuːb/– which was in some casesmodifiedto/ʊə/or/ʊ/before (historical)/r/,as incure,or weakened to/ʊ/or/ə/as inargument.They also occurred in words ending in-ionand-ious,such asnationandprecious.

This change from/ɪu/to/juː/,which had occurred in London by the end of the 17th century, did not take place in all dialects. A few dialects, notably inWales,as well as in some parts of northern England,New England,and theAmerican South,still retain a (falling)/ɪu/diphthong where standard English has/juː/– these dialects therefore lack the clusters with/j/and have not been subject to the reductions described here.[4]

The diphthongs/juː/or/ɪʊ̯/are most commonly indicated by the spellingseu,ew,uCV(whereCis any consonant andVis any vowel),ueandui,as infeud,few,mute,cueandsuit,while the historical monophthong/uː/is commonly indicated by the spellingsooandou,as inmoonandsoup.

Yod-dropping

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Yod-dropping is theelisionof the/j/from certain syllable-initial clusters of the type described above. Particular cases of yod-dropping may affect all or some of the dialects that have the relevant clusters.

The change of[ɪ]to[j]in these positions (as described above) produced some clusters which would have been difficult or impossible to pronounce, which led to whatJohn Wellscalls Early Yod Dropping in which the[j]was elided in the following environments:[5]

  • After/ʃ,tʃ,dʒ/,for examplechute/ʃuːt/,chew/tʃuː/,juice/dʒuːs/
  • After/j/,for exampleyew/juː/(compare[jɪʊ̯]in some conservative dialects)
  • After/r/,for examplerude/ruːd/
  • After stop+/l/clusters, for exampleblue/bluː/

The previously mentioned accents that did not have the[ɪ][j]change were not subject to this process. Thus, for example, in muchWelsh Englishpairs likechews/choose,yew/youandthrew/throughremain distinct: the first member of each pair has the diphthong/ɪʊ̯/,while the second member has/uː/:[6]

  • chews/tʃɪʊ̯z/,choose/tʃuːz/
  • yew/jɪʊ̯/,you/juː/
  • threw/θrɪʊ̯/,through/θruː/

Conversely, an initial/j/does not appear in Welsh English before/iː/in words such asyeastandyield.[7]

Many varieties of English have extended yod-dropping to the following environments if the/j/is in the same syllable as the preceding consonant:

  • After/s/,for examplesuit/suːt/
  • After/l/,for examplelute/ˈluːt/
  • After/z/,for exampleZeus/ˈzuːs/
  • After/θ/,for exampleenthuse/ɛnˈθuːz/

Yod-dropping in the above environments used to be considered nonstandard in England but now also occurs by educatedRP-speakers.[8](The/j/after/s/is not normally dropped in RP in medial positions, however: comparepursuit/pəˈsjuːt/.) InGeneral American,yod-dropping is found not only in the above environments but also after/t/,/d/and/n/,for exampletune/ˈtuːn/,dew/ˈduː/,new/ˈnuː/

The lack of yod-dropping in those contexts has occasionally been held to be ashibbolethdistinguishing Canadians from Americans. However, in a survey conducted in theGolden Horseshoearea of Southern Ontario in 1994, over 80% of respondents under the age of 40 pronouncedstudentandnewswithout yod.[9]

The areas marked in pink show where in the United States a distinction between/ɪʊ̯/indewand/u/indomay be made.[10]

General American thus undergoes yod-dropping after allalveolar consonants.A few accents ofAmerican English,such as working-classSouthern American English,however, preserve the distinction in pairs likedo/dewbecause, like in the Welsh English dialects discussed above, they retain a diphthong/ɪʊ̯/in words in which RP has/juː/:/lut~lɪʊ̯t/,/du~dɪʊ̯/,etc.[10]

However, in words likeannual,menu,volume,Matthew,continue,etc., with a syllable break before the/j/,there is no yod-dropping. The same applies accordingly to British and other accents; the yod is often dropped after initial/l/,for example, but it is not dropped in words likevolumeorvalue.(British speakers omit the/j/infigure,but most Americans retain it.)

Additionally, there is no/j/in British pronunciations ofcouponandPulitzer,/ˈkuːpɒn/and/ˈpʊlɪtsə/respectively, but many American speakers keep the yod, realizing them as/ˈkjuːpɒn/and/ˈpjuːlɪtsər/,althoughPulitzerwith thepewsound is widely incorrect.[11][12]

InNew Zealandand to some extentAustralian English,debutis mainly pronounced without the yod as/ˈdæebʉː/.[13]

Yod-dropping after/t/,/d/,and/n/was also a traditional feature ofCockneyspeech, which continues to be the case after/n/,but now, after/t/and/d/,yod-coalescenceis now more common.[14]

SomeEast Anglianaccents such asNorfolk dialectextend yod-dropping not only to the position after/t/,/d/or/n/but also to the position after nonalveolar consonants as well: pairs likebeauty/booty,mute/moot,cute/cootcan then be homophonous.[15]A well-known series of British television advertisements beginning in the 1980s featuredBernard Matthews,who was from Norfolk and described his turkeys as "bootiful" (forbeautiful). Such accents pronounce a/j/in words like "use", "unit", etc. only if there is no consonant before the/j/.

Homophonous pairs after j, r, ʃ, and tʃ
/ɪʊ̯/ /uː/ IPA Notes
brewed brood ˈbruːd
brume broom ˈbruːm
chews choose ˈtʃuːz
chute shoot ˈʃuːt
drupe droop ˈdruːp
rheum room ˈruːm
rude rood ˈruːd
rue roo ˈruː
ruse roos ˈruːz
threw through ˈθruː
yew you ˈjuː
yule you'll ˈjuːl
Homophonous pairs after l and s
/ɪʊ̯/ /uː/ IPA Notes
Blume bloom ˈbluːm
glume gloom ˈgluːm
Lewis Louis ˈluːɪs
lieu loo ˈluː
lieu Lou ˈluː
Luke look ˈluːk Withfoot–goose merger.
lune loon ˈluːn
lute loot ˈluːt
slew slough ˈsluː
slue slough ˈsluː
sue Sioux ˈsuː
suit soot ˈsuːt Withfoot–goose merger.
Homophonous pairs after d, n, and t
/ɪʊ̯/ /uː/ IPA Notes
adieu ado əˈduː
dew do ˈduː
Dewar doer ˈduːər
due do ˈduː
dune Doon ˈduːn
knew nu ˈnuː
new nu ˈnuː
tune toon ˈtuːn
Homophonous pairs after other consonants
/ɪʊ̯/ /uː/ IPA Notes
beaut boot ˈbuːt
beauty booty ˈbuːti
butte boot ˈbuːt
cue coo ˈkuː
cute coot ˈkuːt
feud food ˈfuːd
few foo ˈfuː
fuel fool ˈfuːl Withvile–vial merger.
hew who ˈhuː
hews who's ˈhuːz
hews whose ˈhuːz
hue who ˈhuː
hues who's ˈhuːz
hues whose ˈhuːz
Hugh who ˈhuː
Hughes who's ˈhuːz
Hughes whose ˈhuːz
Kew coo ˈkuː
kyu coo ˈkuː
mew moo ˈmuː
mew moue ˈmuː
mewed mood ˈmuːd
muse moos ˈmuːz
muse moues ˈmuːz
mute moot ˈmuːt
pew poo ˈpuː
pule pool ˈpuːl
pure poor ˈpʊə(r)
Q; cue coo ˈkuː
que coo ˈkuː
queue coo ˈkuː

Yod-coalescence

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Yod-coalescence is a process thatfusesthe clusters/dj,tj,sj,zj/into thesibilants[dʒ,tʃ,ʃ,ʒ]respectively (for the meanings of those symbols, seeEnglish phonology). The first two are examples ofaffrication.

Unlike yod-dropping, yod-coalescence frequently occurs with clusters that would be considered to span a syllable boundary and so commonly occurs before unstressed syllables. For example, ineducate,the/dj/cluster would not usually be subject to yod-dropping in General American, as the/d/is assigned to the previous syllable, but it commonly coalesces to[dʒ].Here are a few examples of yod-coalescence universal in all English dialects:

  • /tj/[tʃ]in most words ending-ture,such asnature[ˈneɪtʃəɹ]
  • /dj/[dʒ]insoldier[ˈsoʊldʒəɹ]
  • /sj/[ʃ]in words ending with-ssuresuch aspressure[ˈpɹɛʃəɹ](also in words ending with consonant+sure,consonant+sion,-tion)
  • /zj/[ʒ]in words ending vowel+suresuch asmeasure[ˈmɛʒəɹ](also vowel+sion)

In some other words, the coalesced pronunciation is common in English dialects around the world, but an older non-coalesced form still exists among some speakers of standard British English:

  • educate[ˈɛdʒʊkeɪt](also in standardRP:[ˈɛdjʊkeɪt])
  • azure[ˈæʒɚ](also in RP[ˈæzjə])
  • issue[ˈɪʃuː](also in RP[ˈɪsjuː]), the intermediate form[ˈɪʃjuː]being also common

Coalescence can even occur across word boundaries, as in the colloquial "gotcha"/ˈɡɒə/(forgot you/ˈɡɒtju/) and "whatcha"/ˈwɒə/(forwhat're you/ˈwɒtərjə/).

In certain English accents, yod-coalescence also occurs in stressed syllables, as intuneanddune.That occurs inAustralian,Cockney,Estuary English,Zimbabwean English,some speakers ofHiberno-English,Newfoundland English,South African English,and to a certain extent[16]inNew Zealand English,RP,[17]many speakers inScottish English,and even some varieties of English in Asia, likePhilippine English(many speakers because of the influence by the phonology of their mother languages). That results in pronunciations such as the following:

  • dew/due[dʒuː](RP:[djuː])
  • tune[tʃuːn](RP:[tjuːn])

In certain varieties such as Australian, Ugandan, and someRP,[17]stressed[sj,zj]can also coalesce:

  • resume[ɹəˈʒuːm](RP:[ɹɪˈzjuːm])
  • assume[əˈʃuːm](RP:[əˈsjuːm])

That can lead to additional homophony; for instance,dewandduecome to be pronounced the same asJew.

Yod-coalescence has traditionally been resisted inReceived Pronunciation.It has certainly become established in words of the first group listed above (nature,soldier,pressureetc.), but it is not yet universal in those of the second group (educateetc.), and it does not generally occur in those of the third group (dew,tuneetc.).[18]

Homophonous pairs
/ɪu/ /juː/ IPA Notes
deuce juice ˈdʒuːs
dew Jew ˈdʒuː
dewed Jude ˈdʒuːd
dual jewel ˈdʒuːəl
due Jew ˈdʒuː
duel jewel ˈdʒuːəl
duke juke ˈdʒuːk
duly Julie ˈdʒuːli
dune June ˈdʒuːn
duty Judy ˈdʒuːɾi Withintervocalic alveolar flapping.
sue shoe ˈʃuː
sue shoo ˈʃuː
suit chute ˈʃuːt
suit shoot ˈʃuːt
'tude chewed ˈtʃuːd

See also

Other initial cluster reductions

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Reduction of /wr/ and /wl/

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Old and Middle English had an initial/wr/cluster (note that /r/ does not denote[ɹ]here), hence the spelling of words likewriteandwrong.This was reduced to just/r/,apparently during the 17th century. An intermediate stage may have been an[r]withlip rounding.[19]

As a result of this reduction, pairs of words likerapandwrap,riteandwrite,etc. arehomophonesin practically all varieties of Modern English. They remain distinct in theDoric dialectofScots,where thewr-cluster is pronounced/vr/.Alexander John Ellisreported distinctions betweenwrandrinCumbriaand in several varieties of Scots in the nineteenth century.[20]

Old English also had a cluster/wl/,which reduced to/l/during Middle English. For example, the wordlispderives from Old Englishwlisp(ian).

Reduction of/kn/

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Middle English initial/kn/is reduced in modern English to/n/,making pairs likeknot/notandknight/nighthomophones.

The/kn/cluster was spelledcn-in Old English; this changed tokn-in Middle English, and this spelling survives in Modern English, despite the loss of the/k/sound. Cognates in otherGermanic languagesusually still sound the initial/k/.For example, the Old English ancestor ofkneewascnēo,pronounced/kneːo̯/,and the cognate word in Modern German isKnie,pronounced/kniː/.

Most dialects of English reduced the initial cluster/kn/to/n/relatively recently; the change seems to have taken place in educated English during the 17th century.[21]Several German-language grammars of English from the late 17th and early 18th centuries transcribed Englishkn-astn-,dn-,implying that a stage of assimilation (or perhapsdebuccalizationto/ʔn/) preceded that of complete reduction.[22]

The cluster is preserved in someScotsdialects,[23]andAlexander John Ellisrecorded it in parts of the Northern English counties ofCumbriaandNorthumberlandin the late nineteenth century.[24]

Reduction of /ɡn/

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The Middle English initial cluster/ɡn/is reduced to/n/in Modern English. Like the reduction of/kn/,this seems to have taken place during the seventeenth century.[25]The change affected words likegnat,gnostic,gnome,etc., the spelling withgn-being retained despite the loss of the/ɡ/sound. The cluster is preserved in someScotsdialects.[23]

The songThe Gnujokes about this silentgand other silent letters in English. In fact thegingnumay always have been silent in English, since this loanword did not enter the language until the late 18th century.[26]The trumpeterKenny Wheelerwrote a composition titledGnu High,a pun on "new high".

S-cluster reductions

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In some types ofCaribbean English,the initial clusters/sp/,/st/,and/sk/are reduced by the loss of/s/.The followingstopis then subject to regularaspiration(or devoicing of the following approximant) in its new word-initial environment. Some examples of such pronunciations are:

spit 'pit [ˈspɪt] [ˈpʰɪt]
stomach 'tomach [ˈstʌmək] [ˈtʰʌmək]
spend 'pen [ˈspɛnd] [ˈpʰɛn](also affected byfinal cluster reduction)
squeeze 'queeze [ˈskwiːz] [ˈkʰw̥iːz]

According toWells,these reductions occur only in the broadestcreole.[27]

Final cluster reductions

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NG-coalescence

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NG-coalescence is a historical sound change by which the final cluster/nɡ/,pronounced[ŋɡ](the/n/being realized as avelar nasalbyassimilationwith the velar/ɡ/), came to be pronounced as just[ŋ]– that is, the final[ɡ]was dropped, but the velar quality of the nasal remained. The change took place in educated London speech around the end of the 16th century, and explains why there is no[ɡ]sound at the end of words likefang,sing,wrongandtonguein the standard varieties of Modern English.[28]

The change in fact applies not only at the end of a word, but generally at the end of amorpheme.If a word ending in-ngis followed by asuffixor is compounded with another word, the[ŋ]pronunciation normally remains. For example, in the wordsfangs,sings,singing,singer,wronged,wrongly,hangman,there is no[ɡ]sound. An exception is thecomparativeandsuperlativeforms of adjectives: in the wordslonger/longest,stronger/strongest,younger/youngest,the[ɡ]is pronounced in most accents. The pronunciation with[ɡ]is thus possible only before a vowel; before a consonant, the only possibility is a bare[ŋ].

In other cases (when it is not morpheme-final), word-internal-ng-does not show the effects of coalescence, and the pronunciation[ŋɡ]is retained, as infingerandangle.This means that the wordsfingerandsingerdo not rhyme in most modern varieties of English, although they did in Middle English. The process of NG-coalescence might therefore be referred to as thesinger–fingersplit.

Pronunciation of⟨ng⟩in the wordtonguein various regional dialects of England

Some accents, however, do not show the full effects of NG-coalescence as described above. In these accents,singmay be found with[ŋɡ],andsingermay rhyme withfinger.[29]This is particularly associated withEnglish Englishaccents in areas such asLancashire,theWest MidlandsandDerbyshire,and is also present in north-east varieties ofWelsh English.This includes the cities ofBirmingham(seeBrummie),Manchester(seeManchester dialect),Liverpool(seeScouse),SheffieldandStoke-on-Trent(seePotteries dialect). This also occurs in a small area ofKent.As this occurs around the mining area of Kent, it might be a result of large-scale migration by miners from other more northerly coalfields to Kent in the 1920s.

It is also associated with someAmerican Englishaccents in theNew York Cityarea.[30]

On the other hand, in some accents of the west ofScotlandandUlster,NG-coalescence is extended to morpheme-internal position, so thatfingeris pronounced/ˈfɪŋər/(cf.Dutchvinger/ˈvɪŋər/), thus rhyming withsinger(although the[ɡ]is not dropped before a stressed syllable, as inengage).

It is because of NG-coalescence that/ŋ/is now normally regarded one of thephonemes of standard English.In Middle English, the[ŋ]can be regarded as anallophoneof/n/,occurring beforevelar consonants,but in Modern English, in view ofminimal pairssuch aspan–pangandsin–sing,that analysis no longer appears to hold. Nevertheless, some linguists (particularlygenerativists) do regard a word likesingas beingunderlyingly/sɪnɡ/,positing a rule that deletes[ɡ]after a nasal before a morpheme boundary, after the nasal has undergone assimilation. A problem with this view is that there are a few words in which[ŋ]is followed neither by a velar nor a morpheme boundary (such asgingham,dinghy,orangutanandSingaporefor those speakers who pronounce them without[ɡ]), and some in which the[ɡ]is not deleted before a morpheme boundary (longeretc., as noted above).

The above-mentioned accents which lack NG-coalescence may more easily be analyzed as lacking a phoneme/ŋ/.The same may apply to those where NG-coalescence is extended to morpheme-internal position, since here a more consistent[ɡ]-deletion rule can be formulated.[31]

G-dropping

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G-dropping is a popular name for the feature of speech whereby/n/is used in place of the standard/ŋ/inweak syllables.This applies especially to the-ingending of verbs, but also in other words such asmorning,nothing,ceiling,Buckingham,etc. G-dropping speakers may pronounce this syllable as[ɪn]or[ən](reducing to asyllabic [n]in some cases), while non-G-dropping speakers have/ɪŋ/(/əŋ/with theweak vowel merger) or/iŋ/.[32]

Relative to the great majority of modern dialects, which haveNG-coalescence,G-dropping does not involve the dropping of any sound, simply the replacement of thevelar nasalwith thealveolar nasal.The name derives from the apparentorthographicconsequence of replacing the sound written⟨ng⟩with that normally written⟨n⟩.The spelling-in'is sometimes used to indicate that a speaker uses the G-dropping pronunciation, as inmakin'formaking.

The pronunciation with/n/rather than/ŋ/is a long-established one. Old English verbs had apresent participlein-endeand a verbal noun (gerund) form in-ing(e).These merged into a single form, written-ing,but not necessarily spoken as such – the/n/pronunciation may be inherited from the former distinct present participle form. The/n/variant appears to have been fashionable generally during the 18th century, with the alternative/ɪŋ/being adopted in educated speech around the 1820s, possibly as aspelling pronunciation.[33]

Today, G-dropping is a feature of colloquial and non-standard speech of all regions, including stereotypically ofCockney,Southern American EnglishandAfrican American Vernacular English.Its use is highly correlated with thesocioeconomicclass of the speaker, with speakers of lower classes using/n/with greater frequency. It has also been found to be more common among men than women, and less common in more formal styles of speech.[34]

The fact that the/n/pronunciation was formerly associated with certain upper-class speech is reflected in the phrasehuntin’, shootin’ and fishin’(used in referring to countrygentrywho frequently engaged in suchfield sports). Further evidence that this pronunciation was once standard comes from old rhymes, as in this couplet fromJohn Gay's 1732 pastoralAcis and Galatea,set to music byHandel:

Shepherd, what art thou pursuing,
Heedless running to thy ruin?

which was presumably pronounced "shepherd, what art thou pursuin', heedless runnin' to thy ruin", although this would sound very odd in an opera today. Similarly, in the poetry ofJonathan Swift(1667–1745),-ingforms consistently rhyme with words ending in/ɪn/,as in this verse ofA Ballad on the Game of Traffic,where "lining" rhymes with "fine in":

But Weston has a new-cast gown
On Sundays to be fine in,
And, if she can but win a crown,
'Twill just new dye the lining.

Reduction of /mb/ and /mn/

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In later Middle English, the final cluster/mb/was reduced to just/m/(the plum-plumb merger). This affects words such aslambandplumb,as well as derived forms with suffixes, such aslambs,lambing,plumbed,plumber.

By analogy with words like these, certain other words ending in/m/,which had no historical/b/sound, had a silent letter⟨b⟩added to their spelling by way ofhypercorrection.Such words includelimbandcrumb.[35]

Where the final cluster/mn/occurred, this was reduced to/m/(the him-hymn merger), as incolumn,autumn,damn,solemn.(Compare Frenchautomne,where the cluster has been reduced to/n/.) Both sounds are nonetheless still pronounced before vowels in certain derivatives, such ascolumnar,autumnal,damnation,solemnity.

Generalized final cluster reduction

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General reduction of final consonant clusters occurs inAfrican American Vernacular EnglishandCaribbean English.It also appears in theLocal Dublin English.[36]The new final consonant may be slightly lengthened as an effect.

Examples are:

test tes' [tɛst] [tɛs(ˑ)]
desk des' [dɛsk] [dɛs(ˑ)]
hand han' [hænd] [hæn(ˑ)]
send sen' [sɛnd] [sɛn(ˑ)]
left lef' [lɛft] [lɛf(ˑ)]
wasp was' [wɒsp] [wɒs(ˑ)]

Thepluralsoftestanddeskmay becometessesanddessesby the same rule that gives pluralmessesfrom singularmess.[37][38][39][40]

Medial cluster reductions

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When a consonant cluster ending in astopis followed by another consonant or cluster in the next syllable, the final stop in the first syllable is oftenelided.This may happen within words or across word boundaries. Examples of stops that will often be elided in this way include the[t]inpostmanand the[d]incold cutsorband saw.[41]

Historically, similar reductions have taken place beforesyllabic consonantsin certain words, leading to the silent⟨t⟩in words likecastleandlisten.This change took place around the 17th century. In the wordoften,the[t]sound later came to be re-inserted by some speakers as aspelling pronunciation.[42]

An earlier reduction that took place in early Middle English was thechange of/ts/to/s/(the sent-cent merger). This led to the modern sound ofsoft⟨c⟩.

Consonant insertions

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Prince–prints merger

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For many speakers, anepenthetic[t]is inserted in the final cluster/ns/,making it identical or very similar to the cluster/nts/.For example, the wordsprinceandprintshave come to be homophones or nearly so.

The epenthesis is a natural consequence of the transition from thenasal[n]to thefricative[s];if the raising of the soft palate (which converts a nasal to an oral sound) is completed before the release of the tongue tip (which enables a fricative sound), an intervening stop[t]naturally results.[43]The merger of/ns/and/nts/is not necessarily complete, however; the duration of the epenthetic[t]in/ns/has been found to be often shorter (and the[n]longer) than in the underlying cluster/nts/.[44]Some speakers preserve a clearer distinction, withprincehaving[ns],andprintshaving[nts]or[nʔs].The epenthesis does not occur between syllables, in words likeconsider.[45]

Other insertions

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The merger of/nz/and/ndz/is also possible, makingbansandpenssound likebandsandpends.However, this is less common than the merger of/ns/and/nts/described above, and in rapid speech may involve theelisionof the/d/from/ndz/rather than epenthesis in/nz/.[46]

Epenthesis of a stop between a nasal and a fricative can also occur in other environments, for example:

  • /nʃ/may become/ntʃ/(sopinscheris often pronounced likepincher)
  • /ms/may become/mps/(soSamsonbecomes "Sampson",hamsterbecomes "hampster" )
  • /ŋs/may become/ŋks/(soKingstonbecomes "kinkston" )[46]

Epenthesis may also happen in the cluster/ls/,which then becomes/lts/,soelserhymes withbelts.

An epenthetic[p]often intervenes in the cluster/mt/in the worddreamt,making it rhyme withattempt.

Some originally epenthetic consonants have become part of the established pronunciation of words. This applies, for instance, to the/b/in words likethimble,grumbleandscramble.[35]

For the insertion of glottal stops before certain consonants, seeGlottalizationbelow.

Homophonous pairs
fricative affricate IPA Notes
Aaron's errands ˈɛrən(d)z WithMary-marry-merry merger.
-ance -ants -ən(t)s
ANSI antsy ˈæn(t)si
bans bands ˈbæn(d)z
Ben's bends ˈbɛn(d)z
bines binds ˈbaɪn(d)z
brans brands ˈbræn(d)z
bunce bunts ˈbʌn(t)s
Bynes binds ˈbaɪn(d)z
chance chants ˈtʃæn(t)s,ˈtʃɑːn(t)s
dense dents ˈdɛn(t)s
dense dints ˈdɛn(t)s Withpen-pin merger.
-ence -ents -ən(t)s
Erin's errands ˈɛrən(d)z Withweak vowel merger.
fines finds ˈfaɪn(d)z
fens fends ˈfɛn(d)z
Finns fends ˈfɪn(d)z Withpen-pin merger.
fins fends ˈfɪn(d)z Withpen-pin merger.
glans glands ˈɡlæn(d)z
Hans hands ˈhæn(d)z Hansmay also be pronounced/ˈhɑːnz/or/ˈhɑːns/.
Heinz hinds ˈhaɪn(d)z Heinzmay also be pronounced/ˈhaɪnts/.
hence hints ˈhɪn(t)s Withpen-pin merger.
Hines hinds ˈhaɪn(d)z
inns ends ˈɪn(d)z Withpen-pin merger.
ins ends ˈɪn(d)z Withpen-pin merger.
intense intents ɪnˈtɛn(t)s
Kines kinds ˈkaɪn(d)z
LANs lands ˈlæn(d)z
lens lends ˈlɛn(d)z
men's mends ˈmɛn(d)z
mince mints ˈmɪn(t)s
mines minds ˈmaɪn(d)z
N's; ens ends ˈɛn(d)z
patience patients ˈpeɪʃən(t)s
pawns ponds ˈpɑn(d)z Withcot-caught merger.
pens pends ˈpɛn(d)z
pins pends ˈpɪn(d)z Withpen-pin merger.
ponce ponts ˈpɑn(t)s
pons ponds ˈpɑn(d)z
presence presents ˈprɛzən(t)s
prince prints ˈprɪn(t)s
rinse rents ˈrɪn(t)s Withpen-pin merger.
sans sands ˈsæn(d)z
sense cents ˈsɛn(t)s
sense scents ˈsɛn(t)s
since cents ˈsɪn(t)s Withpen-pin merger.
since scents ˈsɪn(t)s Withpen-pin merger.
spins spends ˈspɪn(d)z Withpen-pin merger.
Stan's stands ˈstæn(d)z
tens tends ˈtɛn(d)z
tense tents ˈtɛn(t)s
tense tints ˈtɪn(t)s Withpen-pin merger.
tins tends ˈtɪn(d)z Withpen-pin merger.
Vince vents ˈvɪn(t)s Withpen-pin merger.
wans wands ˈwɑn(d)z
wens wends ˈwɛn(d)z
wens winds (n.) ˈwɪn(d)z Withpen-pin merger.
wince Wentz ˈwɪn(t)s Withpen-pin merger.
whence Wentz ˈwɪn(t)s Withwine-whine merger.
whines winds (v.) ˈwaɪn(d)z Withwine-whine merger.
wines winds (v.) ˈwaɪn(d)z
wins wends ˈwɪn(d)z Withpen-pin merger.
wins winds (n.) ˈwɪn(d)z
wyns, wynns wends ˈwɪn(d)z Withpen-pin merger.
wyns, wynns winds (n.) ˈwɪn(d)z

Alterations of clusters

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Assimilation

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In English as in other languages,assimilationof adjacent consonants is common, particularly of anasalwith a following consonant. This can occur within or between words. For example, the/n/inencaseis often pronounced[ŋ](becoming avelarnasal by way of assimilation with the following velar stop/k/), and the/n/inten menlikely becomes[m],assimilating with the followingbilabial nasal/m/.Other cases of assimilation also occur, such as pronunciation of the/d/inbad boyas[b].Voicing assimilation determines the sound of the endings-s(as inplurals,possessivesandverb forms) and-ed(in verb forms): these are voiced ([z],[d]) following avoiced consonant(or vowel), but voiceless ([s],[t]) after a voiceless consonant, as ingets,knocked.[47]

Glottalization

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While there are many accents (such asCockney) in which syllable-final/t/is frequentlyglottalized(realized as aglottal stop,[ʔ]) regardless of what follows it, the glottaling of/t/in clusters is a feature even of standard accents, such as RP. There,[ʔ]may be heard for/t/in such words and phrases asquite good,quite nice,nights.More precisely, it occurs in RP when/t/appears in thesyllable coda,is preceded by a vowel,liquidornasal,and it is followed by another consonant except (normally) a liquid orsemivowelin the same word, as inmattress.[48]

Another possibility is pre-glottalization (or glottal reinforcement), where a glottal stop is inserted before a syllable-final stop, rather than replacing it. That can happen before/p/,/t/and/k/or also before theaffricate/tʃ/.It can occur in RP in the same environments as those mentioned above, without the final restriction so a glottal stop may appear before the/t/,as inmattress.It can also occur before a pause as inquite!spoken alone but not inquite easy.In the case of/tʃ/,pre-glottalization is common even before a vowel, as inteacher.[49]

According to Wells, this pre-glottalization originated in the 20th century (at least, it was not recorded until then). Glottalization of/t/spread rapidly during the 20th century.[48]

S-cluster metathesis

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Final consonant clusters starting with/s/sometimes undergometathesis,meaning that the order of the consonants is switched. For example, the wordaskmay be pronounced like "ax", with the/k/and the/s/switched.

This example has a long history: the Old English verbáscianalso appeared asacsian,and both forms continued into Middle English, the latter, metathesizing to "ask". The formaxeappears in Chaucer: "I axe, why the fyfte man Was nought housband to the Samaritan?" (Wife of Bath's Prologue,1386), and was considered acceptable in literary English until about 1600.[50][failed verification]It persists in some dialects of rural England as well as inUlster Scots[51]as/ˈaks/,and inJamaican Englishas/ˈaːks/,from where it has enteredLondon Englishas/ˈɑːks/.

S-cluster metathesis has been observed in some forms ofAfrican American Vernacular English,although it is not universal, one of the most stigmatized features of AAVE and often commented on by teachers.[37][failed verification]Examples of possible AAVE pronunciations include:

ask /ˈæks/
grasp /ˈɡræps/
wasp /ˈwɑps/
gasp /ˈɡæps/

Merger of /str/ and /skr/

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For some speakers ofAfrican American Vernacular English,theconsonant cluster/str/is pronounced as/skr/.For example, the wordstreetmay be pronounced as/skrit/.[52]

The form has been found to occur inGullahand in the speech of some young African Americans born in the Southern United States. It is reported to be a highly stigmatized feature, with children who use it often being referred to speech pathologists.[53]

Yod-rhotacization

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Yod-rhotacization is a process that occurs for someMemphisAAVE[37]speakers, where/j/is rhotacized to[r]in consonant clusters, causing pronunciations like:

beautiful [ˈbruɾɪfl̩]
cute [krut]
music [ˈmruzɪk]

Compareyod-droppingandyod-coalescence,described above (and also thecoil–curl merger,which features the reverse process,/r//j/).

See also

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References

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  1. ^"Archived copy".Archived fromthe originalon 2005-03-20.Retrieved2005-06-14.{{cite web}}:CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  2. ^Gimson, A. C.(1980).An Introduction to the Pronunciation of English(3rd ed.).London:Edward Arnold Publishers.ISBN0-7131-6287-2.
  3. ^Ladefoged, Peter(2001).A Course in Phonetics(4th ed.).Fort Worth, Texas:Harcourt College Publishers.ISBN0-15-507319-2.
  4. ^Wells, John C.(1982).Accents of English.Vol. 1.Cambridge University Press.p. 207.ISBN0-521-22919-7.
  5. ^Wells (1982), p. 207.
  6. ^Wells (1982), p. 385.
  7. ^Mees, Inger M.; Collins, Beverley (1999). "Cardiff: A Real-time Study of Glottalisation". In Foulkes, Paul; Docherty, Gerard (eds.).Urban Voices.Arnold. p. 192.ISBN0-340-70608-2.
  8. ^Wells (1982), p. 206.
  9. ^"Changes in Progress in Canadian English: Yod-dropping".CHASS.UToronto.ca.University of Toronto. Archived fromthe originalon February 29, 2008.RetrievedMarch 30,2010.Excerpts from:Chambers, J. K. (1998). "Social embedding of changes in progress".Journal of English Linguistics.26:5–36.doi:10.1177/007542429802600102.S2CID144942447.
  10. ^abLabov, William;Ash, Sharon; Boberg, Charles (2006).The Atlas of North American English.Berlin:Mouton de Gruyter.ISBN3-11-016746-8.
  11. ^Duryee, Tricia (6 November 2011)."A Nation Divided on How to Say the Word" Coupon "".All Things D.Dow Jones & Company Inc.
  12. ^"FAQ".The Pulitzer Prizes.Columbia University.24. How is 'Pulitzer' pronounced? The correct pronunciation is 'PULL it sir.'
  13. ^L. J. Bauer;P. Warren (2008)."New Zealand English: phonology".In Burridge, Kate; Kortmann, Bernd (eds.).Varieties of English 3: The Pacific and Australasia.Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 60.ISBN9783110208412.
  14. ^Wells (1982), p. 330.
  15. ^Wells (1982), p. 338.
  16. ^Bauer, L.; Warren, P. (2005)."New Zealand English: Phonology".In Schneider, E. W. (ed.).A Handbook of Varieties of English: Phonology.Vol. 1. Berlin:Mouton de Gruyter.ISBN9783110175325.
  17. ^abWhy some say CHUBE and some say TOOB,retrieved2023-05-04
  18. ^Wells (1982), p. 247.
  19. ^Jespersen, O.,A Modern English Grammar on Historical Principles,vol. 1, 12.81-82.
  20. ^"Ellis Atlas survival of distinction between wr- and r-".lel.ed.ac.uk.Retrieved2022-05-08.
  21. ^Jespersen, O.,A Modern English Grammar on Historical Principles,vol. 1, 12.71.
  22. ^Vietor, Wilhelm:Elemente der Phonetik und Orthoepie des Deutschen, Englischen und Französischen,2nd ed., Heilbronn, 1887, p. 171
  23. ^ab"Wir Ain Leed - Mid Northern Scots".Scots Online.Retrieved21 March2020.
  24. ^"Ellis Atlas survival of distinction between kn- and n-".lel.ed.ac.uk.Retrieved2022-05-08.
  25. ^Jespersen, O.,A Modern English Grammar on Historical Principles,vol. 1, 12.72.
  26. ^The first recorded use of the wordgnuin English dates back to 1777, according toMerriam-Webster's dictionary.
  27. ^Wells (1982), p. 567.
  28. ^Wells (1982), p. 188.
  29. ^Bailey, George (15 December 2020)."Insertion and deletion in Northern English (ng): Interacting innovations in the life cycle of phonological processes".Journal of Linguistics.Cambridge University Press.
  30. ^Wells (1982), pp. 189, 366.
  31. ^Wells (1982), pp. 60–64.
  32. ^Wells (1982), p. 262.
  33. ^Wyld, H.C.,A History of Modern Colloquial English,Blackwell 1936, cited in Wells (1982), p. 262.
  34. ^Wells (1982), pp. 17, 19, 26.
  35. ^abLiberman, Anatoly (21 October 2009)."The Oddest and Dumbest English Spellings, Part 15, With a Note on Words and Things".OUP.Retrieved28 January2015.
  36. ^*Hickey, Raymond (2007).Irish English: History and Present Day Forms.Cambridge University Press. p. 353-354.ISBN9781139465847.
  37. ^abc"Phonological Features of African American Vernacular English (AAVE)".rehabmed.ualberta.ca.March 17, 2001.
  38. ^HLW: Word Forms: Processes: English Accents
  39. ^List of AAVE features contrasting with MUSEArchived2006-06-22 at theWayback Machine
  40. ^Ebonics Notes and Discussion
  41. ^Denham, K.,Lobeck, A.,Linguistics for Everyone: An Introduction,Cengage Learning 2012, p. 162.
  42. ^Algeo, J., Butcher, C.The Origins and Development of the English Language,Cengage Learning 2013, p. 49.
  43. ^Wells (1982), p. 95.
  44. ^Yu, A.C.L., inThe Blackwell Companion to Phonology,Wiley 2011, p. 1906.
  45. ^Wells, J.C.,"Some day my prints will come",John Wells's Phonetic Blog, 25 August 2010.
  46. ^abAlan Cruttenden,Gimson's Pronunciation of English,Routledge 2013, p. 99.
  47. ^Nathan, G.S.,Phonology: A Cognitive Grammar Introduction,John Benjamins Publishing 2008, pp. 77–78.
  48. ^abWells (1982), p. 261.
  49. ^Wells (1982), p. 260.
  50. ^Online Etymology Dictionary -Ask
  51. ^Kperogi, Farooq A. (2015).Glocal English: The Changing Face and Forms of Nigerian English in a Global World.Peter Lang. p. 208.ISBN978-1-4331-2926-1.
  52. ^Green, Lisa J. (2002).African American English: a linguistic introduction(1. publ., 4. print. ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p.122.ISBN978-0521891387.
  53. ^Dandy, E.B.,Black Communications: Breaking Down the Barriers,African American Images, 1991, p. 44.