Jump to content

Congress of Berlin

Coordinates:52°30′42″N13°22′55″E/ 52.51167°N 13.38194°E/52.51167; 13.38194
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
(Redirected fromBerlin Congress)
For similar international conferences in Berlin, seeBerlin Conference (disambiguation).

Anton von Werner's painting,Congress of Berlin(1881), depicting the final meeting at theReich Chancelleryon 13 July 1878.Bismarck(representing Germany) is shown in the centre, betweenGyula Andrássy(Austria-Hungary) andPyotr Shuvalov(Russia). On the left areAlajos Károlyi(Austria-Hungary),Alexander Gorchakov(Russia) (seated) andBenjamin Disraeli(Great Britain).

TheCongress of Berlin(13 June – 13 July 1878) was adiplomatic conferenceto reorganise the states in theBalkan Peninsulaafter theRusso-Turkish War (1877–1878),which had been won by Russia against theOttoman Empire.Represented at the meeting were Europe's then sixgreat powers:Russia,Great Britain,France,Austria-Hungary,Italy,andGermany;[1]theOttomans;and four Balkan states:Greece,Serbia,RomaniaandMontenegro.The congress concluded with the signing of theTreaty of Berlin,replacing the preliminaryTreaty of San Stefanowhich had been signed three months earlier.

Borders in the Balkan peninsula after theTreaty of Berlin (1878)

The leader of the congress, German ChancellorOtto von Bismarck,sought to stabilise the Balkans, reduce the role of the defeated Ottoman Empire in the region, and balance the distinct interests of Britain, Russia and Austria-Hungary. He also wanted to avoid domination of the Balkans by Russia or the formation of aGreater Bulgaria,and to keepConstantinoplein Ottoman hands. Finally Bismarck wanted to encourage the development of civil rights for Jews in the region.[2]

The affected territories were instead granted varying degrees of independence. Romania became fully independent, though was forced to give part ofBessarabiato Russia, and gainedNorthern Dobruja.Serbia and Montenegro were also granted full independence but lost territory, with Austria-Hungary occupying theSanjak of Novi Pazaralong withBosnia and Herzegovina.[3]Britain took possession ofCyprus.Of the territory that remained within the Ottoman Empire,Bulgariawas made a semi-independent principality,Eastern Rumeliabecame a special administration, and theregion of Macedoniawas returned to the Ottomans on condition of reforms to its governance.

The results were initially hailed as a success for peace in the region, but most of the participants were not satisfied with the outcome. The Ottomans were humiliated and had their weakness confirmed as the "sick man of Europe".Russia resented the lack of rewards, despite having won the war that the conference was supposed to resolve, and felt humiliated by the other great powers in their rejection of the San Stefano settlement. Serbia, Bulgaria and Greece all received far less than they thought they deserved, especially Bulgaria which was left with less than half of the territory envisioned by the Treaty of San Stefano. Bismarck became hated byRussian nationalistsandPan-Slavists,and later found that he had tied Germany too closely to Austria-Hungary in the Balkans.[4]Although Austria-Hungary gained substantial territory, this angered theSouth Slavsand led to decades of tensions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, culminating in theassassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand.

In the long term, the settlement led to rising tensions between Russia and Austria-Hungary, and disputes overnationalismin the Balkans. Grievances with the results of the congress festered until they exploded in theFirstandSecond Balkan Wars(1912 and 1913 respectively). Continuing nationalism in the Balkans wasone of the causesof theFirst World Warin 1914.

Background[edit]

Pro-Greek ethnic map of theBalkansby Ioannis Gennadius,[5]published by the English cartographer E. Stanford in 1877

In the decades leading up to the congress, Russia and the Balkans had been gripped byPan-Slavism,a movement to unite all the Balkan Slavs under one rule. TheTreaty of San Stefano,which had created a "Greater Bulgaria",was opposed as a display of Pan-Slavic hegemonic ambition in southeastern Europe. In Imperial Russia, Pan-Slavism meant the creation of a unified Slavic state, under Russian direction, and was essentially a byword for Russian conquest of the Balkan peninsula.[6]The realisation of the goal would have given Russia control of theDardanellesand theBosphorus,thus economic control of theBlack Seaand substantially greater geopolitical power. That desire evolved similarly to thePan-GermanismandPan-Italianism,which had resulted in two unifications, took different forms in the various Slavic nations.

Balkan Slavs felt they needed both an equivalent toPiedmontto serve as a base and an outside sponsor corresponding to France.[7]The state that was meant to serve as the locus for unification of the Balkans under a "Slavic" rule was not always clear, as initiative wafted between Serbia and Bulgaria. Italian rhetoric by contrast cast Romania asLatin,a "second Piedmont".

The recognition of theBulgarian Exarchateby the Ottomans in 1870 had been intended to separate the Bulgarians, religiously from theEcumenical Patriarch of Constantinople,and politically from Serbia.[8]Pan-Slavism required the end of Ottoman rule in the Balkans. How and whether that goal would be realised was the major question to be answered at the Congress of Berlin.

Great powers in the Balkans[edit]

The Balkans were a major stage for competition between the Europeangreat powersin the second half of the 19th century. Britain and Russia had interests in the fate of the Balkans. Russia was interested in the region, both ideologically, as a pan-Slavist unifier, and practically, to secure greater control of the Mediterranean. Britain was interested in preventing Russia from accomplishing its goals. Furthermore, theUnifications of Italyandof Germanyhad stymied the ability of a third European power, Austria-Hungary, to expand its domain to the southwest any further. Germany, as the most powerful continental nation since the 1871Franco-Prussian Warhad little direct interest in the settlement and so was the only power that could mediate the Balkan question credibly.[9]

Russia and Austria-Hungary, the two powers that were most invested in the fate of the Balkans, were allied with Germany in the conservativeLeague of Three Emperors,which had been founded to preserve the monarchies ofContinental Europe.The Congress of Berlin was thus mainly a dispute among supposed allies of Bismarck and his German Empire, the arbiter of the discussion, would thus have to choose before the end of the congress which of their allies to support. That decision was to have direct consequences on the future of European geopolitics.[10][9]

Ottoman brutality in theSerbian–Ottoman Warand the violent suppression of theHerzegovina Uprisingfomented political pressure within Russia, which saw itself as the protector of the Serbs, to act against the Ottoman Empire. David MacKenzie wrote that "sympathy for the Serbian Christians existed in Court circles, among nationalist diplomats, and in the lower classes, and was actively expressed through the Slav committees".[11]

Eventually, Russia sought and obtained Austria-Hungary's pledge ofbenevolent neutralityin the coming war, in return for ceding Bosnia Herzegovina to Austria-Hungary in theBudapest Convention of 1877.act: The Berlin Congress in effect postponed resolution of the Bosnian question and left Bosnia and Herzegovina under Habsburg control. This was the goal of Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister CountGyula Andrássy.[12]

Treaty of San Stefano[edit]

Main article:Treaty of San Stefano
Bulgaria after the Conference of Constantinople, 1876
Bulgaria after the Treaty of San Stefano, 1878

After the BulgarianApril Uprisingin 1876 and the Russian victory in theRusso-Turkish War in 1877–1878,Russia had liberated almost all of the Ottoman European possessions. The Ottomans recognisedMontenegro,RomaniaandSerbiaas independent, and the territories of all three of them were expanded. Russia created a largePrincipality of Bulgariaas an autonomous vassal of the sultan. That expanded Russia's sphere of influence to encompass the entire Balkans, which alarmed other powers in Europe. Britain, which had threatened war with Russia if it occupiedConstantinople,[13]and France did not want another power meddling in either the Mediterranean or the Middle East, where both powers were prepared to make largecolonial gains.Austria-Hungary desired Habsburg control over the Balkans, and Germany wanted to prevent its ally from going to war. German ChancellorOtto von Bismarckthus called the Congress of Berlin to discuss the partition of the Ottoman Balkans among the European powers and to preserve the League of Three Emperors in the face of the spread of Europeanliberalism.[14]

The Congress was attended by Britain, Austria-Hungary, France, Germany,Italy,Russia and theOttoman Empire.Delegates fromGreece,Romania, Serbia and Montenegro attended the sessions that concerned their states, but they were not members.[citation needed]

The Congress was solicited by Russia's rivals, particularly Austria-Hungary and Britain, and was hosted in 1878 by Bismarck. It proposed and ratified theTreaty of Berlin.The meetings were held at Bismarck'sReich Chancellery,the formerRadziwillPalace, from 13 June to 13 July 1878. The congress revised or eliminated 18 of the 29 articles in theTreaty of San Stefano.Furthermore, by using as a foundation the Treaties ofParis (1856)and ofWashington(1871), the treaty rearranged the East.[citation needed]

Other powers' fear of Russian influence[edit]

Ethnic composition map of theBalkansby the German-English cartographerErnst Georg Ravensteinof 1870

The principal mission of the participants at the Congress was to deal a fatal blow to the burgeoning movement ofpan-Slavism.The movement caused serious concern in Berlin and even more so in Vienna, which was afraid that the repressed Slavic nationalities would revolt against theHabsburgs.The British and the French governments were nervous about both the diminishing influence of the Ottoman Empire and the cultural expansion of Russia to the south, where both Britain and France were poised to coloniseEgyptandPalestine.By the Treaty of San Stefano, the Russians, led by Foreign MinisterAlexander Gorchakov,had managed to create in Bulgaria an autonomous principality, under the nominal rule of the Ottoman Empire.

That sparked theGreat Game,the massive British fear of the growing Russian influence in theMiddle East.The new principality, including a very large portion ofMacedoniaas well as access to theAegean Sea,could easily threaten theDardanelles Straits,which separate theBlack Seafrom theMediterranean Sea.

The arrangement was not acceptable to the British, who considered the entire Mediterranean to be a Britishsphere of influenceand saw any Russian attempt to gain access there as a grave threat to British power. On 4 June, before the Congress opened on 13 June, British Prime MinisterLord Beaconsfieldhad already concluded theCyprus Convention,a secret alliance with the Ottomans against Russia in which Britain was allowed to occupy the strategically-placed island ofCyprus.The agreement predetermined Beaconsfield's position during the Congress and led him to issue threats to unleash a war against Russia if it did not comply with Ottoman demands.

Negotiations between Austro-Hungarian Foreign MinisterGyula Andrássyand British Foreign SecretaryMarquess of Salisburyhad already "ended on 6 June by Britain agreeing to all the Austrian proposals relative to Bosnia-Herzegovina about to come before the congress while Austria would support British demands".[15]

Bismarck as host[edit]

Bismarck manipulates the emperors of Austria, Germany & Russia like a ventriloquist's puppets.
Borders of Bulgaria according to the preliminaryTreaty of San Stefano(red stripes) and the supersedingTreaty of Berlin(solid red)

The Congress of Berlin is frequently viewed as the culmination of the battle betweenAlexander Gorchakovof Russia andOtto von Bismarckof Germany. Both were able to persuade other European leaders that a free and independent Bulgaria would greatly improve the security risks posed by a disintegrating Ottoman Empire. According to historianErich Eyck,Bismarck supported Russia's position that "Turkish rule over a Christian community (Bulgaria) was an anachronism which undoubtedly gave rise to insurrection and bloodshed and should therefore be ended".[16]He used theGreat Eastern Crisisof 1875 as proof of growing animosity in the region.[citation needed]

Bismarck's ultimate goal during the Congress of Berlin was not to upset Germany's status on the international platform. He did not wish to disrupt theLeague of the Three Emperorsby choosing between Russia and Austria as an ally.[16]To maintain peace in Europe, Bismarck sought to convince other European diplomats that dividing up theBalkanswould foster greater stability. During the process, Russia began to feel cheated despite eventually gaining independence for Bulgaria. Problems in the alliances in Europe before the First World War were thus noticeable.[citation needed]

One reason that Bismarck was able to mediate the various tensions at the Congress of Berlin was his diplomatic persona. He sought peace and stability when international affairs did not pertain to Germany directly. Since he viewed the current situation in Europe as favourable for Germany, any conflicts between the major European powers that threatened the status quo was against German interests. Also, at the Congress of Berlin, "Germany could not look for any advantage from the crisis" that had occurred in the Balkans in 1875.[16]Therefore, Bismarck claimed impartiality on behalf of Germany at the Congress, which enabled him to preside over the negotiations with a keen eye for foul play.[citation needed]

Though most of Europe went into the Congress expecting a diplomatic show, much like theCongress of Vienna,they were to be sadly disappointed. Bismarck, unhappy to be conducting the Congress in the heat of the summer, had a short temper and a low tolerance for malarky. Thus, any grandstanding was cut short by the testy German chancellor. The ambassadors from the small Balkan territories whose fate was being decided were barely even allowed to attend the diplomatic meetings, which were between mainly the representatives of the great powers.[17]

According toHenry Kissinger,[18]the congress saw a shift in Bismarck'sRealpolitik.Until then, as Germany had become too powerful for isolation, his policy was to maintain the League of the Three Emperors. Now that he could no longer rely on Russia's alliance, he began to form relations with as many potential enemies as possible.[citation needed]

Legacy[edit]

Events leading toWorld War I
Sarajevo

Bowing to Russia's pressure, Romania, Serbia and Montenegro were all declared independent principalities. Russia recoveredSouthern Bessarabia,which it had annexed in the Russo-Turkish War of 1812 but lost to Moldavia/Romania in 1856 after theCrimean War.The Bulgarian state that Russia had created by theTreaty of San Stefanowas divided into thePrincipality of BulgariaandEastern Rumelia,both of which were given nominal autonomy, under the control of the Ottoman Empire.[19]Bulgaria was promised autonomy, and guarantees were made against Turkish interference, but they were largely ignored.[citation needed]Romania receivedNorthern Dobrujaas a compensation for Southern Bessarabia, but even so it did not benefit of substantial gain of territory despite its consistent war effort alongside Russia. Romanians deeply resented the loss of Southern Bessarabia and Russo-Romanian relationship remained very cold for decades. Montenegro obtainedNikšić,along with the primary Albanian regions ofPodgorica,BarandPlav-Gusinje.The Ottoman government, orPorte,agreed to obey the specifications contained in the Organic Law of 1868 and to guarantee the civil rights of non-Muslim subjects. The region of Bosnia-Herzegovina was handed over to the administration of Austria-Hungary, which also obtained the right to garrison theSanjak of Novi Pazar,a small border region between Montenegro and Serbia. Bosnia and Herzegovina were put on the fast track to eventual annexation. Russia agreed thatMacedonia,the most important strategic section of the Balkans, was too multinational to be part of Bulgaria and permitted it to remain under the Ottoman Empire.[citation needed]Eastern Rumelia, which had its own large Turkish and Greek minorities, became an autonomous province under a Christian ruler, with its capital atPhilippopolis.The remaining portions of the original "Greater Bulgaria" became the new state of Bulgaria.

In Russia, the Congress of Berlin was considered to be a dismal failure. After finally defeating the Turks despite many past inconclusive Russo-Turkish wars, many Russians had expected "something colossal", a redrawing of the Balkan borders in support of Russian territorial ambitions. Instead, the victory resulted in an Austro-Hungarian gain on the Balkan front that was brought about by the rest of the European powers' preference for a stronger Austria-Hungarian Empire, which threatened basically no one, to a powerful Russia, which had been locked in competition with Britain in the so-calledGreat Gamefor most of the century. Gorchakov said, "I consider the Berlin Treaty the darkest page in my life". Many Russians were furious over the European repudiation of their political gains, and though there was some thought that it represented only a minor stumble on the road to Russian hegemony in the Balkans, it actually gave Bosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia over to Austria-Hungary's sphere of influence and essentially removed all Russian influence from the area.[20]

The Serbs were upset with "Russia... consenting to the cession of Bosnia to Austria":[21]

Ristićwho was Serbia's first plenipotentiary at Berlin tells how he asked Jomini, one of the Russian delegates, what consolation remained to the Serbs. Jomini replied that it would have to be the thought that 'the situation was only temporary because within fifteen years at the latest we shall be forced to fight Austria.' 'Vain consolation!' comments Ristić.[21]

Italy was dissatisfied with the results of the Congress, and the tensions between Greece and the Ottoman Empire were left unresolved. Bosnia-Herzegovina would also prove to be problematic for the Austro-Hungarian Empire in later decades. TheLeague of the Three Emperors,established in 1873, was destroyed since Russia saw lack of German support on the issue of Bulgaria's full independence as a breach of loyalty and the alliance.[citation needed]The border between Greece and Turkey was not resolved. In 1881, after protracted negotiations, a compromise borderwas acceptedafter a naval demonstration of the great powers had resulted in the cession ofThessalyand theArta Prefectureto Greece.[22]

Two states that didn't participate in the war, Great Britain and Austria-Hungary, achieved great benefits from this Congress. The former was granted administrative control ofCyprusin exchange for guarantees that Britain would use the island as a base to protect the Ottoman Empire against possible Russian aggression. The latter obtained the administration of Bosnia-Herzegovina and secured the control of a corridor leading to theAegean Sea.Both of these territories had to remainde jurepart of the Ottoman Empire, but in 1914 the British Empire formally annexed Cyprus, whereas Bosnia-Herzegovina was annexed by Austria in 1908.[citation needed]

Thus, the Berlin Congress sowed the seeds of further conflicts, including the Balkan Wars and (ultimately) theFirst World War.In the 'Salisbury Circular' of 1 April 1878, the British Foreign Secretary, theMarquess of Salisbury,clarified the objections of him and the government to the Treaty of San Stefano because of the favorable position in which it left Russia.[23]

In 1954, the British historianA. J. P. Taylorwrote:

"If the treaty of San Stefano had been maintained, both the Ottoman Empire and Austria-Hungary might have survived to the present day. The British, except forBeaconsfieldin his wilder moments, had expected less and were therefore less disappointed. Salisbury wrote at the end of 1878: We shall set up a rickety sort of Turkish rule again south of the Balkans. But it is a mere respite. There is no vitality left in them. "[24]

Though the Congress of Berlin constituted a harsh blow toPan-Slavism,it, by no means, solved the question of the area. The Slavs in the Balkans were still mostly under non-Slavic rule, split between the rule of Austria-Hungary and the ailing Ottoman Empire. The Slavic states of the Balkans had learned that banding together as Slavs benefited them less than playing to the desires of a neighboring great power. That damaged the unity of the Balkan Slavs and encouraged competition between the fledgling Slav states.[25]

The underlying tensions of the region would continue to simmer for thirty years until they again exploded in theBalkan Warsof 1912–1913. In 1914, theassassination of Franz Ferdinand,the Austro-Hungarian heir, led to theFirst World War.In hindsight, the stated goal of maintaining peace and balance of powers in the Balkans obviously failed since the region would remain a source of conflict between the great powers well into the 20th century.[26]

  • Pro-Greek map of the ethnic composition of the Balkans in 1877 by A. Synvet, a renowned French professor of the Ottoman Lyceum of Constantinople[27]
    Pro-Greek map of the ethnic composition of theBalkansin 1877 by A. Synvet, a renowned French professor of the Ottoman Lyceum of Constantinople[27]
  • Allegorical depiction of Bulgarian autonomy after the Treaty of Berlin. Lithograph by Nikolai Pavlovich
    Allegorical depiction of Bulgarian autonomy after theTreaty of Berlin.
    Lithograph byNikolai Pavlovich
  • Greek Delegation in the Berlin Congress
    Greek Delegation in the Berlin Congress

Internal opposition to Andrássy's objectives[edit]

Austro-Hungarian Foreign MinisterGyula Andrássyand theoccupation and administration of Bosnia-Herzegovinaalso obtained the right to station garrisons in theSanjak of Novi Pazar,which remained under Ottoman administration. The Sanjak preserved the separation of Serbia and Montenegro, and the Austro-Hungarian garrisons there would open the way for a dash toSalonikathat "would bring the western half of the Balkans under permanent Austrian influence".[28]"High [Austro-Hungarian] military authorities desired... [an] immediate major expedition with Salonika as its objective".[29]

On 28 September 1878 the Finance Minister, Koloman von Zell, threatened to resign if the army, behind which stood theArchduke Albert,were allowed to advance to Salonika. In the session of theHungarian Parliamentof 5 November 1878 the Opposition proposed that the Foreign Minister should be impeached for violating the constitution by his policy during the Near East Crisis and by the occupation of Bosnia-Herzegovina. The motion was lost by 179 to 95. By the Opposition rank and file the gravest accusations were raised against Andrassy.[29]

Delegates[edit]

Fan signed by the delegates in the Berlin Congress

United KingdomUnited Kingdom

RussiaRussian Empire

GermanyGerman Empire

Austria-HungaryAustria-Hungary

FranceFrance

Kingdom of ItalyKingdom of Italy

Ottoman EmpireOttoman Empire

RomaniaRomania

GreeceKingdom of Greece

SerbiaPrincipality of Serbia

MontenegroPrincipality of Montenegro

Albanians in the CongressAlbania

See also[edit]

Notes[edit]

  1. ^Suleyman Elik (March 2013).Iran-Turkey Relations, 1979–2011: Conceptualising the Dynamics of Politics, Religion and Security in Middle-Power States.Routledge. p. 12.ISBN978-1-136-63088-0.
  2. ^[https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/berlin-congress-of.Congress of Berlin
  3. ^"Vincent Ferraro. The Austrian Occupation of Novibazar, 1878–1909 (based on Anderson, Frank Maloy and Amos Shartle Hershey, Handbook for the Diplomatic History of Europe, Asia, and Africa 1870–1914. National Board for Historical Service. Government Printing Office, Washington, 1918".Archived fromthe originalon 19 January 2012.Retrieved13 July2011.
  4. ^Jerome L. Blum, et al.The European World: A History(1970) p. 841
  5. ^Zartman, I. William(25 January 2010).Understanding Life in the Borderlands.University of Georgia Press. p. 169.ISBN978-0-8203-3614-5.
  6. ^Ragsdale, Hugh; Ponomarev, V. N. (1993).Imperial Russian Foreign Policy.Woodrow Wilson Center Press. p. 228.
  7. ^Glenny 2000,pp. 120–127.
  8. ^Taylor, Alan J. P.(1954).Struggle for the Mastery of Europe 1848–1918.UK: Oxford University Press. p.241.ISBN0-19-881270-1.
  9. ^abGlenny 2000,pp. 135–137.
  10. ^William Norton Medlicott (1963).Congress of Berlin and After.Routledge. pp. 14–.ISBN978-1-136-24317-2.
  11. ^David MacKenzie (1967).The Serbs and Russian Pan-Slavism, 1875–1878.Cornell University Press. p.7.
  12. ^Dimitrije Djordjevic, "The Berlin Congress of 1878 and the Origins Of World War I."Serbian Studies(1998) 12 #1 pp 1–10.
  13. ^Ragsdale, Hugh, and V. N. Ponomarev.Imperial Russian Foreign Policy.Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 1993, pp. 239–40.
  14. ^Glenny 2000,pp. 135–138.
  15. ^Albertini 1952,p. 20.
  16. ^abcErich Eyck,Bismarck and the German Empire(New York: W.W. Norton, 1964), pp. 245–46.
  17. ^Glenny 2000,pp. 138–140.
  18. ^Kissinger, Henry (4 April 1995).Diplomacy.Simon & Schuster. pp. 139–143.ISBN0-671-51099-1.
  19. ^Oakes, Augustus; Mowat, R. B. (1918).The Great European Treaties of the Nineteenth Century.Clarendon Press. pp. 332–60.
  20. ^Ragsdale, Hugh; Ponomarev, V. N. (1993).Imperial Russian Foreign Policy.Woodrow Wilson Center Press. pp. 244–46.
  21. ^abAlbertini 1952,p. 32.
  22. ^Immig, Nicole (2009). "The" New "Muslim Minorities in Greece: Between Emigration and Political Participation, 1881–1886".Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs.29(4): 511–522.doi:10.1080/13602000903411408.S2CID143664377.
  23. ^Walker, Christopher J. (1980).Armenia: The Survival of A Nation.London: Croom Helm. p. 112.
  24. ^Taylor, A. J. P.(1954).The Struggle for Mastery in Europe 1914–1918.Oxford University Press.p.253.ISBN0-19-881270-1.
  25. ^Glenny 2000,pp. 133–134.
  26. ^Glenny 2000,p. 151.
  27. ^Alex G., Papadopoulos; Triantafyllos G., Petridis (2021).Hellenic Statecraft and the Geopolitics of Difference.Routledge. p. 88.ISBN978-1-351-01869-2.
  28. ^Albertini 1952,p. 19.
  29. ^abAlbertini 1952,p. 33.
  30. ^Weeks, Richard G. Jr. (1979). "Peter Shuvalov and the Congress of Berlin: A Reinterpretation".Journal of Modern History.51(S1): D1055–D1070.doi:10.1086/242036.JSTOR1878445.S2CID144951273.
  31. ^Stone, James J. (2013). "Bismarck and Blowitz at the Congress of Berlin".Canadian Journal of History.48(2): 253–276.doi:10.3138/cjh.48.2.253.
  32. ^Pflanze, Otto (1990).Bismarck and the Development of Germany, Volume II: The Period of Consolidation, 1871–1880.Princeton University Press. pp. 415–442.JSTORj.ctt7zvf42.
  33. ^Marshall, Philip R. (1975). "William Henry Waddington: The Making of a Diplomat".Historian.38(1): 79–97.doi:10.1111/j.1540-6563.1975.tb01189.x.
  34. ^MacKenzie, David (2004). "Jovan Ristic at the Berlin Congress 1878".Serbian Studies.18(2): 321–339.

References and further reading[edit]

External links[edit]

52°30′42″N13°22′55″E/ 52.51167°N 13.38194°E/52.51167; 13.38194

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Congress_of_Berlin&oldid=1230621478"