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History of Chile

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The territory ofChilehas been populated since at least 3000 BC. By the 16th century, Spanish invaders began to raid the region of present-day Chile, and the territory was a colony between 1540 and 1818, when it gainedindependence from Spain.The country's economic development was successively marked by the export of first agricultural produce, thensaltpeterand later copper. The wealth of raw materials led to an economic upturn, but also led to dependency, and even wars with neighboring states. Chile was governed during most of its first 150 years of independence by different forms of restricted government, where the electorate was carefully vetted and controlled by an elite.

Failure to address the economic and social increases and increasing political awareness of the less-affluent population, as well as indirect intervention and economic funding to the main political groups by theCIA,[1]as part of theCold War,led to a political polarization underSocialistpresidentSalvador Allende.This in turn resulted in the1973 coup d'étatand the military dictatorship of GeneralAugusto Pinochet,whose subsequent17-year regimewas responsible for manyhuman rights violationsanddeep market-oriented economic reforms.In 1990, Chile made a peacefultransition to democracyand initiate a succession of democratic governments.

Early history (pre-1540)[edit]

About 10,000 years ago, migratingNative Americanssettled in the fertile valleys and coastal areas of what is present-day Chile. Pre-Hispanic Chile was home to over a dozen different Amerindian societies. The current prevalent theories are that the initial arrival of humans to the continent took place either along the Pacific coast southwards in a rather rapid expansion long preceding theClovis culture,or even trans-Pacific migration. These theories are backed by findings in theMonte Verdearchaeological site, which predates the Clovis site by thousands of years. Specific early human settlement sites from the very early human habitation in Chile include theCueva del Milodonand thePali Aike Crater'slava tube.[2]

"Tulor" settlement nearSan Pedro de Atacama,a Pre-ColumbianAtacameñoculture

Despite such diversity, it is possible to classify the indigenous people into three major cultural groups: the northern people, who developed rich handicrafts and were influenced bypre-Incan cultures;the Araucanian culture, who inhabited the area between the riverChoapaand the island ofChiloé,and lived primarily off agriculture; and thePatagonian culturecomposed of various nomadic tribes, who supported themselves through fishing and hunting (and who in Pacific/Pacific Coast immigration scenario would be descended partly from the most ancient settlers). No elaborate, centralized, sedentary civilization reigned supreme.[3]

The Araucanians, a fragmented society of hunters, gatherers, and farmers, constituted the largest Native American group in Chile. Mobile people who engaged in trade and warfare with other indigenous groups lived in scattered family clusters and small villages. Although the Araucanians had no written language, they did use a common tongue. Those in what became central Chile were more settled and more likely to use irrigation. Those in the south combinedslash-and-burn agriculturewith hunting. Of the three Araucanian groups, the one that mounted the fiercest resistance to the attempts at seizure of their territory were theMapuche,meaning "people of the land."[3]

TheMapuchewere the original inhabitants of central and southern Chile

TheInca Empirebriefly extended their empire into what is now northern Chile, where they collected tribute from small groups of fishermen and oasis farmers but were not able to establish a strong cultural presence in the area.[4]As the Spaniards would after them, the Incas encountered fierce resistance and so were unable to exert control in the south. During their attempts at conquest in 1460 and again in 1491, the Incas established forts in the Central Valley of Chile, but they could not colonize the region. TheMapuchefought against the SapaTupac Inca Yupanqui(c. 1471–1493)[5]and his army. The result of the bloody three-day confrontation known as theBattle of the Maulewas that the Inca conquest of the territories of Chile ended at theMaule river,[6]which subsequently became the boundary between the Incan empire and the Mapuche lands until the arrival of the Spaniards.

Scholars speculate that the total Araucanian population may have numbered 1.5 million at most when the Spaniards arrived in the 1530s; a century of European conquest and disease reduced that number by at least half. During the conquest, the Araucanians quickly added horses and European weaponry to their arsenal of clubs and bows and arrows. They became adept at raiding Spanish settlements and, albeit in declining numbers, managed to hold off the Spaniards and their descendants until the late 19th century. The Araucanians' valor inspired the Chileans to mythologize them as the nation's first national heroes, a status that did nothing, however, to elevate the wretched living standard of their descendants.[3][7]

The ChileanPatagonialocated south of theCalle-Calle RiverinValdiviawas composed of many tribes, mainlyTehuelches,who were considered giants by Spaniards during Magellan's voyage of 1520.

The name Patagonia comes from the wordpatagón[8]used byMagellanto describe the native people whom his expedition thought to be giants. It is now believed the Patagons were actuallyTehuelcheswith an average height of 1.80 m (~5′11″) compared to the 1.55 m (~5′1″) average for Spaniards of the time.[9]

The Argentine portion of Patagonia includes the provinces ofNeuquén,Río Negro,ChubutandSanta Cruz,as well as the eastern portion ofTierra del Fuegoarchipelago. The Argentine politico-economic Patagonic Region includes theProvince of La Pampa.[10]

The Chilean part of Patagonia embraces the southern part ofValdivia,Los Lagosin Lake Llanquihue,Chiloé,Puerto Monttand the Archaeological site ofMonte Verde,also the fiords and islands south to the regions ofAisénandMagallanes,including the west side ofTierra del FuegoandCape Horn.[7]

European conquest and colonization (1540–1810)[edit]

Pedro de Valdivia

The first European to sight Chilean territory wasFerdinand Magellan,who crossed theStrait of Magellanon November 1, 1520. However, the title of discoverer of Chile is usually assigned toDiego de Almagro.Almagro wasFrancisco Pizarro's partner, and he received the Southern area (Nueva Toledo). He organized an expedition that brought him to central Chile in 1537, but he found little of value to compare with the gold and silver of the Incas in Peru. Left with the impression that the inhabitants of the area were poor, he returned to Peru, later to be garotted following defeat by Hernando Pizarro in a Civil War.[11][12]

After this initial excursion there was little interest from colonial authorities in further exploring modern-day Chile. However,Pedro de Valdivia,captain of the army, realizing the potential for expanding the Spanish empire southward, asked Pizarro's permission to invade and conquer the southern lands. With a couple of hundred men, he subdued the local inhabitants and founded the city of Santiago de Nueva Extremadura, nowSantiago de Chile,on February 12, 1541.[13]

Picture "The youngLautaro"ofPedro Subercaseauxthat show to genius military and hero of the Arauco war after the arrival of the Spanish to Chilean territory

Although Valdivia found little gold in Chile he could see the agricultural richness of the land. He continued his explorations of the region west of the Andes and founded over a dozen towns and established the firstencomiendas.The greatest resistance to Spanish rule came from theMapuchepeople, who opposed European conquest and colonization until the 1880s; this resistance is known as theArauco War.Valdivia died at theBattle of Tucapel,defeated byLautaro,a young Mapuchetoqui(war chief), but the European conquest was well underway.

The Spaniards never subjugated the Mapuche territories; various attempts at conquest, both by military and peaceful means, failed. The Great Uprising of 1598 swept all Spanish presence south of theBío-Bío Riverexcept Chiloé (and Valdivia which was decades later reestablished as a fort), and the great river became the frontier line between Mapuche lands and the Spanish realm. North of that line cities grew up slowly, and Chilean lands eventually became an important source of food for theViceroyalty of Peru.

Valdivia became the first governor of theCaptaincy General of Chile.In that post, he obeyed the viceroy of Peru and, through him, the King of Spain and his bureaucracy. Responsible to the governor, town councils known asCabildoadministered local municipalities, the most important of which was Santiago, which was the seat of a Royal Appeals Court (Real Audiencia) from 1609 until the end of colonial rule.

Chile was the least wealthy realm of the Spanish Crown for most of its colonial history. Only in the 18th century did a steady economic and demographic growth begin, an effect of the reforms by Spain'sBourbondynasty and a more stable situation along the frontier.

Independence (1810–1818)[edit]

Bernardo O'Higgins

The drive for independence from Spain was precipitated by the usurpation of the Spanish throne byNapoleon's brotherJoseph Bonaparte.The Chilean War of Independence was part of the largerSpanish American independence movement,and it was far from having unanimous support among Chileans, who became divided between independentists and royalists. What started as an elitist political movement against their colonial master, finally ended as a full-fledged civil war between pro-IndependenceCriolloswho sought political and economic independence from Spain androyalistCriollos, who supported the continued allegiance to and permanence within theSpanish Empireof theCaptaincy General of Chile.The struggle for independence was a war within the upper class, although the majority of troops on both sides consisted of conscripted mestizos and Native Americans.

The beginning of the Independence movement is traditionally dated as of September 18, 1810, when a national junta was established to govern Chile in the name of the deposed kingFerdinand VII.Depending on what terms one uses to define the end, the movement extended until 1821 (when the Spanish were expelled from mainland Chile) or 1826 (when the last Spanish troops surrendered andChiloéwas incorporated into the Chilean republic). The independence process is normally divided into three stages:Patria Vieja,Reconquista,andPatria Nueva.

Chile's first experiment with self-government, the "Patria Vieja" (old fatherland,1810–1814), was led byJosé Miguel Carrera,an aristocrat then in his mid-twenties. The military-educated Carrera was a heavy-handed ruler who aroused widespread opposition. Another of the earliest advocates of full independence,Bernardo O'Higgins,captained a rival faction that plunged the Criollos into civil war. For him and certain other members of the Chilean elite, the initiative for temporary self-rule quickly escalated into a campaign for permanent independence, although other Criollos remained loyal to Spain.

Among those favouring independence, conservatives fought with liberals over the degree to which French revolutionary ideas would be incorporated into the movement. After several efforts, Spanish troops from Peru took advantage of the internecine strife to reconquer Chile in 1814, when they reasserted control by theBattle of Rancaguaon October 12. O'Higgins, Carrera and many of the Chilean rebels escaped to Argentina.

The second period was characterized by the Spanish attempts to reimpose arbitrary rule during the period known as theReconquistaof 1814–1817 ( "Reconquest": the term echoes theReconquistain which the Christian kingdoms retook Iberia from the Muslims). During this period, the harsh rule of the Spanish loyalists, who punished suspected rebels, drove more and more Chileans into the insurrectionary camp. More members of the Chilean elite were becoming convinced of the necessity of full independence, regardless of who sat on the throne of Spain. As the leader of guerrilla raids against the Spaniards,Manuel Rodríguezbecame a national symbol of resistance.

Chilean and Argentinean troops going to theBattle of Chacabuco(February 12, 1817) led byJosé de San Martín

In exile in Argentina, O'Higgins joined forces withJosé de San Martín.Their combined army freed Chile with a daring assault over the Andes in 1817, defeating the Spaniards at theBattle of Chacabucoon February 12 and marking the beginning of thePatria Nueva.San Martín considered the liberation of Chile a strategic stepping-stone to the emancipation of Peru, which he saw as the key to hemispheric victory over the Spanish.

Chile won its formal independence when San Martín defeated the last large Spanish force on Chilean soil at theBattle of Maipúon April 5, 1818. San Martín then led his Argentine and Chilean followers north to liberate Peru; and fighting continued in Chile's southern provinces, the bastion of the royalists, until 1826.

Adeclaration of independencewas officially issued by Chile on February 12, 1818, and formally recognized by Spain in 1840, when full diplomatic relations were established.

Republican era (1818–1891)[edit]

Constitutional organization (1818–1833)[edit]

Chilean patriots, byJohann Moritz Rugendas
TheArauco War.The painting depicts a woman being kidnapped during amalón

From 1817 to 1823, Bernardo O'Higgins ruled Chile assupreme director.He won plaudits for defeating royalists and founding schools, but civil strife continued. O'Higgins alienated liberals and provincials with his authoritarianism, conservatives and the church with his anticlericalism, and landowners with his proposed reforms of the land tenure system. His attempt to devise a constitution in 1818 that would legitimize his government failed, as did his effort to generate stable funding for the new administration. O'Higgins's dictatorial behavior aroused resistance in the provinces. This growing discontent was reflected in the continuing opposition of partisans ofCarrera,who was executed by the Argentine regime in Mendoza in 1821, as were his two brothers three years earlier.

Although opposed by many liberals, O'Higgins angered the Roman Catholic Church with his liberal beliefs. He maintained Catholicism's status as the official state religion but tried to curb the church's political powers and to encourage religious tolerance as a means of attracting Protestant immigrants and traders. Like the church, the landed aristocracy felt threatened by O'Higgins, resenting his attempts to eliminate noble titles and, more important, to eliminate entailed estates.

O'Higgins's opponents also disapproved of his diversion of Chilean resources to aid San Martín's liberation of Peru. O'Higgins insisted on supporting that campaign because he realized that Chilean independence would not be secure until the Spaniards were routed from the Andean core of the empire. However, amid mounting discontent, troops from the northern and southern provinces forced O'Higgins to resign. Embittered, O'Higgins departed for Peru, where he died in 1842.

After O'Higgins went into exile in 1823, civil conflict continued, focusing mainly on the issues of anticlericalism and regionalism. Presidents and constitutions rose and fell quickly in the 1820s. The civil struggle's harmful effects on the economy, and particularly on exports, prompted conservatives to seize national control in 1830.

In the minds of most members of the Chilean elite, the bloodshed and chaos of the late 1820s were attributable to the shortcomings of liberalism and federalism, which had been dominant over conservatism for most of the period. The political camp became divided by supporters ofO'Higgins,Carrera,liberalPipiolosand conservativePelucones,being the two last the main movements that prevailed and absorbed the rest. The abolition of slavery in 1823—long before most other countries in the Americas—was considered one of the Pipiolos' few lasting achievements. One Pipiolo leader from the south,Ramón Freire,rode in and out of the presidency several times (1823–1827, 1828, 1829, 1830) but could not sustain his authority. From May 1827 to September 1831, with the exception of brief interventions by Freire, the presidency was occupied byFrancisco Antonio Pinto,Freire's former vice president.

In August 1828, Pinto's first year in office, Chile abandoned its short-lived federalist system for aunitaryform of government, with separate legislative, executive, and judicial branches. By adopting a moderately liberal constitution in 1828, Pinto alienated both the federalists and the liberal factions. He also angered the old aristocracy by abolishing estates inherited by primogeniture (mayorazgo) and caused a public uproar with hisanticlericalism.After the defeat of his liberal army at the Battle of Lircay on April 17, 1830, Freire, like O'Higgins, went into exile in Peru.

Conservative Era (1830–1861)[edit]

Diego Portales

Although never president,Diego Portalesdominated Chilean politics from the cabinet and behind the scenes from 1830 to 1837. He installed the "autocratic republic", which centralized authority in the national government. His political program enjoyed support from merchants, large landowners, foreign capitalists, the church, and the military. Political and economic stability reinforced each other, as Portales encouraged economic growth through free trade and put government finances in order. Portales was an agnostic who said that he believed in the clergy but not in God. He realized the importance of the Roman Catholic Church as a bastion of loyalty, legitimacy, social control and stability, as had been the case in the colonial period. He repealed Liberal reforms that had threatened church privileges and properties.

The "Portalian State" was institutionalized by theChilean Constitution of 1833.One of the most durable charters ever devised in Latin America, the Portalian constitution lasted until 1925. The constitution concentrated authority in the national government, more precisely, in the hands of the president, who was elected by a tiny minority. The chief executive could serve two consecutive five-year terms and then pick a successor. Although the Congress had significant budgetary powers, it was overshadowed by the president, who appointed provincial officials. The constitution also created an independent judiciary, guaranteed inheritance of estates by primogeniture, and installed Catholicism as the state religion. In short, it established an autocratic system under a republican veneer.

Portales also achieved his objectives by wielding dictatorial powers, censoring the press, andmanipulating elections.For the next forty years, Chile's armed forces would be distracted from meddling in politics by skirmishes and defensive operations on thesouthern frontier,although some units got embroiled in domestic conflicts in1851and 1859.

The Portalian president was GeneralJoaquín Prieto,who served two terms (1831–1836, 1836–1841). President Prieto had four main accomplishments: implementation of the 1833 constitution, stabilization of government finances, defeat of provincial challenges to central authority, and victory over the Peru-Bolivia Confederation. During the presidencies of Prieto and his two successors, Chile modernized through the construction of ports, railroads, and telegraph lines, some built by United States entrepreneur William Wheelwright. These innovations facilitated the export-import trade as well as domestic commerce.

Fiestas Patrias of Chile,1854

Prieto and his adviser, Portales, feared the efforts of Bolivian generalAndrés de Santa Cruzto unite with Peru against Chile. These qualms exacerbated animosities toward Peru dating from the colonial period, now intensified by disputes over customs duties and loans. Chile also wanted to become the dominant South American military and commercial power along the Pacific. Santa Cruz united Peru and Bolivia in thePeru–Bolivian Confederationin 1836 with a desire to expand control over Argentina and Chile. Portales got Congress to declare war on the Confederation. Portales was killed by traitors in 1837. The generalManuel Bulnesdefeated the Confederation in theBattle of Yungayin 1839.

After his success Bulnes was elected president in 1841. He served two terms (1841–1846, 1846–1851). His administration concentrated on the occupation of the territory, especiallythe Strait of Magellanand theAraucanía.The VenezuelanAndres Bellomade important intellectual advances in this period, most notably the creation of theUniversity of Santiago.But political tensions, including a liberal rebellion, led to theChilean Civil War of 1851.In the end the conservatives defeated the liberals.

The last conservative president wasManuel Montt,who also served two terms (1851–1856, 1856–1861), but his poor administration led to the liberal rebellion in 1859. Liberals triumphed in 1861 with the election ofJose Joaquin Perezas president.

Map showing changes of territory due to theWar of the Pacific

Liberal era (1861–1891)[edit]

The political revolt brought little social change, however, and 19th century Chilean society preserved the essence of the stratified colonial social structure, which was greatly influenced by family politics and theRoman Catholic Church.A strong presidency eventually emerged, but wealthy landowners remained powerful.[14]

Territorial losses of the Republic of Chile de jure (by law) according to Chilean historiography.

Toward the end of the 19th century, the government in Santiago consolidated its position in the south by persistently suppressing theMapucheduring theOccupation of the Araucanía.In 1881, it signed theBoundary Treaty of 1881 between Chile and Argentinaconfirming Chilean sovereignty over theStrait of Magellan,but conceding all of orientalPatagonia,and a considerable fraction of the territory it had during colonial times. As a result of theWar of the PacificwithPeruandBolivia(1879–1883), Chile expanded its territory northward by almost one-third and acquired valuablenitratedeposits, the exploitation of which led to an era of national affluence.

In the 1870s, the church influence started to diminish slightly with the passing of several laws that took some old roles of the church into the State's hands such as the registry of births and marriages.

José Manuel Balmaceda

In 1886,José Manuel Balmacedawas elected president. His economic policies visibly changed the existing liberal policies. He began to violate theconstitutionand slowly began to establish a dictatorship. Congress decided to depose Balmaceda, who refused to step down.Jorge Montt,among others, directed an armed conflict against Balmaceda, which soon extended into the1891 Chilean Civil War.Defeated, Balmaceda fled to Argentina's embassy, where he committed suicide. Jorge Montt became the new president.

Parliamentary era (1891–1925)[edit]

The so-called Parliamentary Republic was not a true parliamentary system, in which the chief executive is elected by the legislature. It was, however, an unusual regime in presidentialist Latin America, for Congress really did overshadow the rather ceremonial office of the president and exerted authority over the chief executive's cabinet appointees. In turn, Congress was dominated by the landed elites. This was the heyday of classic political and economic liberalism.

Picture of the 1915 presidential election in Chile

For many decades thereafter, historians derided the Parliamentary Republic as a quarrel-prone system that merely distributed spoils and clung to its laissez-faire policy while national problems mounted.[15]The characterization is epitomized by an observation made by PresidentRamón Barros Luco(1910–1915), reputedly made in reference to labor unrest: "There are only two kinds of problems: those that solve themselves and those that can't be solved."

At the mercy of Congress, cabinets came and went frequently, although there was more stability and continuity in public administration than some historians have suggested. Chile also temporarily resolved its border disputes with Argentina with thePuna de Atacama Lawsuitof 1899, theBoundary treaty of 1881 between Chile and Argentinaand the1902 General Treaty of Arbitration,though not without engaging inan expensive naval arms racebeforehand.

Political authority ran from local electoral bosses in the provinces through the congressional and executive branches, which reciprocated with payoffs from taxes on nitrate sales. Congressmen often won election by bribing voters in this clientelistic and corrupt system. Many politicians relied on intimidated or loyal peasant voters in the countryside, even though the population was becoming increasingly urban. The lackluster presidents and ineffectual administrations of the period did little to respond to the country's dependence on volatile nitrate exports, spiraling inflation, and massive urbanization.[15]

However, particularly when the authoritarian regime of Augusto Pinochet is taken into consideration, some scholars have in recent years reevaluated the Parliamentary Republic of 1891–1925.[15]Without denying its shortcomings, they have lauded its democratic stability. They have also hailed its control of the armed forces, its respect for civil liberties, its expansion of suffrage and participation, and its gradual admission of new contenders, especially reformers, to the political arena. In particular, two young parties grew in importance – the Democrat Party, with roots among artisans and urban workers, and theRadical Party,representing urban middle sectors and provincial elites.

By the early 20th century, both parties were winning increasing numbers of seats in Congress. The more leftist members of the Democrat Party became involved in the leadership of labor unions and broke off to launch theSocialist Workers' Party(Spanish:Partido Obrero Socialista– POS) in 1912. The founder of the POS and its best-known leader,Luis Emilio Recabarren,also founded theCommunist Party of Chile(Spanish:Partido Comunista de Chile– PCCh) in 1922.

Presidential era (1925–1973)[edit]

Arturo Alessandri Palma

By the 1920s, the emerging middle and working classes were powerful enough to elect a reformist president,Arturo Alessandri Palma.Alessandri appealed to those who believed the social question should be addressed, to those worried by the decline in nitrate exports during World War I, and to those weary of presidents dominated by Congress. Promising "evolution to avoid revolution", he pioneered a new campaign style of appealing directly to the masses with florid oratory and charisma. After winning a seat in the Senate representing the mining north in 1915, he earned the sobriquet "Lion of Tarapacá."[16]

As a dissident Liberal running for the presidency, Alessandri attracted support from the more reformist Radicals and Democrats and formed the so-called Liberal Alliance. He received strong backing from the middle and working classes as well as from the provincial elites. Students and intellectuals also rallied to his banner. At the same time, he reassured the landowners that social reforms would be limited to the cities.[16]

Alessandri soon discovered that his efforts to lead would be blocked by the conservative Congress. Like Balmaceda, he infuriated the legislators by going over their heads to appeal to the voters in the congressional elections of 1924. His reform legislation was finally rammed through Congress under pressure from younger military officers, who were sick of the neglect of the armed forces, political infighting, social unrest, and galloping inflation, whose program was frustrated by a conservative congress.

A double military coup set off a period of great political instability that lasted until 1932. First military right-wingers opposing Alessandri seized power in September 1924, and then reformers in favor of the ousted president took charge in January 1925. TheSaber noise(ruido de sables) incident of September 1924, provoked by discontent of young officers, mostly lieutenants from middle and working classes, lead to the establishment of theSeptember Juntaled by GeneralLuis Altamiranoand the exile of Alessandri.

However, fears of a conservative restoration in progressive sectors of the army led toanother coup in January,which ended with the establishment of theJanuary Juntaas interim government while waiting for Alessandri's return. The latter group was led by two colonels,Carlos Ibáñez del CampoandMarmaduke Grove.They returned Alessandri to the presidency that March and enacted his promised reforms by decree. The latter re-assumed power in March, and anew Constitutionencapsulating his proposed reforms was ratified in a plebiscite in September 1925.

The new constitution gave increased powers to the presidency. Alessandri broke with theclassical liberalism's policies oflaissez-faireby creating aCentral Bankand imposing arevenue tax.However, social discontents were also crushed, leading to theMarusia massacrein March 1925 followed by theLa Coruña massacre.

The longest lasting of the ten governments between 1924 and 1932 was that of General Carlos Ibáñez, who briefly held power in 1925 and then again between 1927 and 1931 in what was ade factodictatorship. When constitutional rule was restored in 1932, a strong middle-class party, the Radicals, emerged. It became the key force in coalition governments for the next 20 years.

TheSeguro Obrero Massacretook place on September 5, 1938, in the midst of a heated three-way election campaign between the ultraconservativeGustavo Ross Santa María,the radicalPopular Front'sPedro Aguirre Cerda,and the newly formed Popular Alliance candidate,Carlos Ibáñez del Campo.TheNational Socialist Movement of Chilesupported Ibáñez's candidacy, which had been announced on September 4. In order to preempt Ross's victory, the National Socialists mounted acoup d'étatthat was intended to take down the rightwing government ofArturo Alessandri Palmaand place Ibáñez in power.

During the period ofRadical Partydominance (1932–1952), the state increased its role in the economy. In 1952, voters returned Ibáñez to office for another 6 years.Jorge Alessandrisucceeded Ibáñez in 1958.

The1964 presidential electionofChristian DemocratEduardo Frei Montalvaby anabsolute majorityinitiated a period of major reform. Under the slogan "Revolution in Liberty", the Frei administration embarked on far-reaching social and economic programs, particularly in education, housing, andagrarian reform,including rural unionization of agricultural workers. By 1967, however, Frei encountered increasing opposition from leftists, who charged that his reforms were inadequate, and from conservatives, who found them excessive. At the end of his term, Frei had accomplished many noteworthy objectives, but he had not fully achieved his party's ambitious goals.

Popular Unity years[edit]

Marchers forSalvador Allende

In the1970 presidential election,SenatorSalvador Allende Gossenswon apluralityof votes in a three-way contest. He was aMarxistphysician and member of Chile'sSocialist Party,who headed the "Popular Unity"(UP or" Unidad Popular ") coalition of the Socialist, Communist, Radical, and Social-Democratic Parties, along with dissident Christian Democrats, thePopular Unitary Action Movement(MAPU), and the Independent Popular Action.

Allende had two main competitors in the election —Radomiro Tomic,representing the incumbent Christian Democratic party, who ran a left-wing campaign with much the same theme as Allende's, and the right-wing former presidentJorge Alessandri.In the end, Allende received a plurality of the votes cast, getting 36% of the vote against Alessandri's 35% and Tomic's 28%.

Despite pressure from the government of the United States,[17]theChilean Congress,keeping with tradition, conducted a runoff vote between the leading candidates, Allende and former presidentJorge Alessandri.This procedure had previously been a near-formality, yet became quite fraught in 1970. After assurances of legality on Allende's part, the murder of the Army Commander-in-Chief, GeneralRené Schneiderand Frei's refusal to form an alliance with Alessandri to oppose Allende – on the grounds that the Christian Democrats were a workers' party and could not make common cause with the oligarchs – Allende was chosen by a vote of 153 to 35.

The Popular Unity platform included the nationalization of U.S. interests in Chile's majorcoppermines, the advancement of workers' rights, deepening of theChilean land reform,reorganization of the national economy into socialized, mixed, and private sectors, a foreign policy of "international solidarity" and national independence and a new institutional order (the "people's state" or "poder popular" ), including the institution of a unicameral congress. Immediately after the election, the United States expressed its disapproval and raised a number of economic sanctions against Chile.[17]

In addition, theCIA's website reports that the agency aided three different Chilean opposition groups during that time period and "sought to instigate a coup to prevent Allende from taking office".[17]The action plans to prevent Allende from coming to power were known as Track I andTrack II.

In the first year of Allende's term, the short-term economic results of Economics MinisterPedro Vuskovic'sexpansive monetary policywere unambiguously favorable: 12% industrial growth and an 8.6% increase inGDP,accompanied by major declines in inflation (down from 34.9% to 22.1%) and unemployment (down to 3.8%). Allende adopted measures including price freezes, wage increases, and tax reforms, which had the effect of increasing consumer spending and redistributing income downward. Joint public-privatepublic worksprojects helped reduce unemployment. Much of the banking sector wasnationalized.Many enterprises within the copper,coal,iron,nitrate,andsteelindustries wereexpropriated,nationalized, or subjected to state intervention. Industrial output increased sharply andunemploymentfell during the administration's first year. However, these results were not sustainable and in 1972 the Chileanescudohad runawayinflationof 140%. Aneconomic depressionthat had begun in 1967 peaked in 1972, exacerbated bycapital flight,plummeting private investment, and withdrawal of bank deposits in response to Allende's socialist program. Production fell and unemployment rose. The combination of inflation and government-mandated price-fixing led to the rise ofblack marketsin rice, beans, sugar, and flour, and a "disappearance" of such basic commodities from supermarket shelves.[18]

Recognizing that U.S. intelligence forces were trying to destabilize his presidency through a variety of methods, the KGB offered financial assistance to the first democratically elected Marxist president.[19]However, the reason behind the U.S. covert actions against Allende concerned not the spread of Marxism but fear over losing control of its investments. "By 1968, 20 percent of total U.S. foreign investment was tied up in Latin America...Mining companies had invested $1 billion over the previous fifty years in Chile's copper mining industry – the largest in the world – but they had sent $7.2 billion home."[20]Part of the CIA's program involved a propaganda campaign that portrayed Allende as a would-be Soviet dictator. In fact, however, "the U.S.'s own intelligence reports showed that Allende posed no threat to democracy."[21]Nevertheless, theRichard Nixonadministrationorganized and inserted secret operativesin Chile, in order to quickly destabilize Allende's government.[22]

In addition, Nixon gave instructions to make the Chilean economy scream,[23]and international financial pressure restricted economic credit to Chile. Simultaneously, theCIAfunded opposition media, politicians, and organizations, helping to accelerate a campaign of domestic destabilization.[24]By 1972, the economic progress of Allende's first year had been reversed, and the economy was in crisis. Political polarization increased, and large mobilizations of both pro- and anti-government groups became frequent, often leading to clashes.

By 1973, Chilean society had grown highly polarized, between strong opponents and equally strong supporters of Salvador Allende and his government. Military actions and movements, separate from the civilian authority, began to manifest in the countryside. TheTanquetazowas a failed military coup d'état attempted against Allende in June 1973.[25]

In its "Agreement",on August 22, 1973, theChamber of Deputies of Chileasserted that Chilean democracy had broken down and called for "redirecting government activity", to restore constitutional rule. Less than a month later, on September 11, 1973, the Chilean military deposed Allende, whoshot himself in the headto avoid capture[26]as thePresidential Palacewas surrounded and bombed. Subsequently, rather than restore governmental authority to the civilian legislature,Augusto Pinochetexploited his role as Commander of the Army toseize total powerand to establish himself at the head of ajunta.

CIAinvolvement in the coup is documented.[27]As early as theChurch CommitteeReport (1975), publicly available documents have indicated that the CIA attempted to prevent Allende from taking office after he was elected in 1970; the CIA itself released documents in 2000 acknowledging this and that Pinochet was one of their favored alternatives to take power.[28]

According to theVasili MitrokhinandChristopher Andrew,theKGBand the CubanIntelligence Directoratelaunched a campaign known asOperation TOUCAN.[29][30]For instance, in 1976, the New York Times published 66 articles on human rights abuses in Chile and only 4 on Cambodia, where the communistKhmer Rougekilled some 1.5 million people of 7.5 million people in the country.[30][31]

Military dictatorship (1973–1990)[edit]

Augusto Pinochet

By early 1973,inflationhad risen 600% under Allende's presidency.[32]The crippled economy was further battered by prolonged and sometimes simultaneousstrikesby physicians, teachers, students, truck owners, copper workers, and the small business class. Amilitary coupoverthrew Allende on September 11, 1973. As the armed forces bombarded the presidential palace (Palacio de La Moneda), Allende committed suicide.[33][34]A military government, led by GeneralAugusto Pinochet Ugarte,took over control of the country.

The first years of the regime were marked byhuman rights violations.The junta jailed, tortured, and executed thousands of Chileans. In October 1973, at least 72 people were murdered by theCaravan of Death.[35][36][37]At least a thousand people were executed during the first six months of Pinochet in office, and at least two thousand more were killed during the next sixteen years, as reported by theRettig Report.[38][39]At least 29,000 were imprisoned and tortured.[40]According to the Latin American Institute on Mental Health and Human Rights (ILAS), "situations of extreme trauma" affected about 200,000 persons.;[41][42]this figure includes individuals killed, tortured or exiled, and their immediate families. About 30,000 left the country.[43]

The four-man junta headed by General Augusto Pinochet abolishedcivil liberties,dissolved the national congress, banned union activities, prohibited strikes and collective bargaining, and erased the Allende administration's agrarian and economic reforms.[44]

The junta embarked on a radical program ofliberalization,deregulationandprivatization,slashingtariffsas well as government welfare programs anddeficits.[45]Economic reforms were drafted by a group of technocrats who became known as theChicago Boysbecause many of them had been trained or influenced byUniversity of Chicagoprofessors. Under these new policies, the rate of inflation dropped:[46]

Year 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982
Inflation (%) 508.1 376.0 340.0 174.0 63.5 30.3 38.9 31.2 9.5 20.7
Chilean (orange) and average Latin American (blue) rates of growth ofGDP(1971–2007)

A newconstitutionwas approved byplebiscitecharacterized by the absence of registration lists, on September 11, 1980, and General Pinochet became president of the republic for an 8-year term.[47]

In 1982–1983 Chile witnessed asevere economic crisiswith a surge in unemployment and a meltdown of the financial sector.[48]16 out of 50 financial institutions faced bankruptcy.[49]In 1982 the two biggest banks werenationalizedto prevent an even worsecredit crunch.In 1983 another five banks were nationalized and two banks had to be put under government supervision.[49]The central bank took over foreign debts. Critics ridiculed the economic policy of the Chicago Boys as "Chicago way to socialism “.[50]

After the economic crisis,Hernán Büchibecame Minister of Finance from 1985 to 1989, introducing a more pragmatic economic policy. He allowed the peso to float and reinstated restrictions on the movement of capital in and out of the country. He introducedBank regulations,simplified and reduced the corporate tax. Chile went ahead with privatizations, including public utilities plus the re-privatization of companies that had returned to the government during the 1982–1983 crisis. From 1984 to 1990, Chile's gross domestic product grew by an annual average of 5.9%, the fastest on the continent. Chile developed a good export economy, including the export of fruits and vegetables to the northern hemisphere when they were out of season, and commanded high prices.

The military junta began to change during the late 1970s. Due to problems with Pinochet, Leigh was expelled from the junta in 1978 and replaced by GeneralFernando Matthei.In the late 1980s, the government gradually permitted greater freedom of assembly,speech,and association, to include trade union and political activity. Due to theCaso Degollados( "slit throats case" ), in which threeCommunist partymembers were assassinated,César Mendoza,member of the junta since 1973 and representants of thecarabineros,resigned in 1985 and was replaced byRodolfo Stange.[citation needed]The next year,Carmen Gloria Quintanawas burnt alive in what became known as theCaso Quemado( "Burnt Alive case" ).[51]

Chile'sconstitutionestablished that in 1988 there would be another plebiscite in which the voters would accept or reject a single candidate proposed by the Military Junta. Pinochet was, as expected, the candidate proposed, but was denied a second 8-year term by 54.5% of the vote.[47]

Transition to democracy (1990–)[edit]

Five presidents of Chile sinceTransition to democracy(1990–2022), celebrating theBicentennial of Chile

Aylwin, Frei, and Lagos[edit]

Chileans elected a new president and the majority of members of a two-chamber congress on December 14, 1989. Christian DemocratPatricio Aylwin,the candidate of a coalition of 17 political parties called theConcertación,received an absolute majority of votes (55%).[52]President Aylwin served from 1990 to 1994, in what was considered a transition period. In February 1991 Aylwin created theNational Commission for Truth and Reconciliation,which released in February 1991 theRettig Reporton human rights violations committed during the military rule.

This report counted 2,279 cases of "disappearances"which could be proved and registered. Of course, the very nature of" disappearances "made such investigations very difficult. The same problem arose, several years later, with theValech Report,released in 2004 and which counted almost 30,000 victims oftorture,among testimonies from 35,000 persons.

In December 1993, Christian DemocratEduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle,the son of previous presidentEduardo Frei Montalva,led the Concertación coalition to victory with an absolute majority of votes (58%).[53]Frei Ruiz-Tagle was succeeded in 2000 by SocialistRicardo Lagos,who won the presidency in an unprecedentedrunoff electionagainstJoaquín Lavínof the rightistAlliance for Chile,[54]by a very tight score of fewer than 200,000 votes (51,32%).

In 1998, Pinochet travelled to London for back surgery. But under orders of Spanish judgeBaltasar Garzón,he wasarrested there,attracting worldwide attention, not only because of the history of Chile and South America, but also because this was one of the first arrests of a former president based on theuniversal jurisdictionprinciple. Pinochet tried to defend himself by referring to theState Immunity Act of 1978,an argument rejected by the British justice. However,UK Home SecretaryJack Strawtook the responsibility to release him on medical grounds, and refused to extradite him to Spain. Thereafter, Pinochet returned to Chile in March 2000. Upon descending the plane on his wheelchair, he stood up and saluted the cheering crowd of supporters, including an army band playing his favorite military march tunes, which was awaiting him at the airport in Santiago. PresidentRicardo Lagoslater commented that the retired general's televised arrival had damaged the image of Chile, while thousands demonstrated against him.[55]

Bachelet and Piñera[edit]

TheConcertacióncoalition has continued to dominate Chilean politics for last two decades. In January 2006 Chileans elected their first female president,Michelle Bachelet,of the Socialist Party.[56]She was sworn in on March 11, 2006, extending theConcertacióncoalition governance for another four years.[57]

In 2002 Chile signed an association agreement with theEuropean Union(comprising a free trade agreement and political and cultural agreements), in 2003, an extensive free trade agreement with the United States, and in 2004 withSouth Korea,expecting a boom in import and export of local produce and becoming a regional trade-hub. Continuing the coalition's free trade strategy, in August 2006 President Bachelet promulgated afree trade agreementwithChina(signed under the previous administration of Ricardo Lagos), the first Chinese free trade agreement with a Latin American nation; similar deals with Japan and India were promulgated in August 2007. In October 2006, Bachelet promulgated a multilateral trade deal with New Zealand,SingaporeandBrunei,theTrans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership(P4), also signed under Lagos' presidency. Regionally, she has signed bilateral free trade agreements withPanama,PeruandColombia.

After 20 years, Chile went in a new direction with the win of center-rightSebastián Piñera,[58][59]in theChilean presidential election of 2009–2010,defeating former PresidentEduardo Freiin the runoff.[60]

On 27 February 2010, Chile was struck by an 8.8 MWearthquake,the fifth largest ever recorded at the time. More than 500 people died (most from the ensuingtsunami) and over a million people lost their homes. The earthquake was also followed by multiple aftershocks.[61]Initial damage estimates were in the range of US$15–30 billion, around 10 to 15 percent of Chile's real gross domestic product.[62]

Chile achieved global recognition for the successfulrescue of 33 trapped minersin 2010. On 5 August 2010, the access tunnel collapsed at the San José copper and gold mine in theAtacama DesertnearCopiapóin northern Chile, trapping 33 men 700 metres (2,300 ft) below ground. A rescue effort organized by the Chilean government located the miners 17 days later. All 33 men were brought to the surface two months later on 13 October 2010 over a period of almost 24 hours, an effort that was carried on live television around the world.[63]

Despite good macroeconomic indicators, there was increased social dissatisfaction, focused on demands for better and fairer education, culminating inmassive protestsdemanding more democratic and equitable institutions. Approval of Piñera's administration fell irrevocably.

In 2013, Bachelet, a Social Democrat, was elected again as president,[64]seeking to make the structural changes claimed in recent years by the society relative toeducation reform,tributary reform,same sex civil union,and definitely end theBinomial System,looking to further equality and the end of what remains of the dictatorship. In 2015 a series of corruption scandals (most notablyPenta caseandCaval case) became public, threatening the credibility of the political and business class.

On 17 December 2017,Sebastián Piñera[58]was elected president of Chile for a second term. He received 36% of the votes, the highest percentage among all 8 candidates. In the second round, Piñera facedAlejandro Guillier,a television news anchor who represented Bachelet's New Majority (Nueva Mayoría) coalition. Piñera won the elections with 54% of the votes.[65]

Estallido Socialand Constitutional Referendum[edit]

In October 2019 there wereviolent protests about costs of living and inequality,[66]resulting in Piñera declaring astate of emergency.[67]On 15 November, most of the political parties represented in the National Congress signed an agreement to call anational referendumin April 2020 regarding the creation of a new Constitution.[68]But theCOVID-19 pandemicpostponed the date of the elections, while Chile was one of the hardest hit nations in the Americas as of May 2020. On October 25, 2020, Chileans voted 78.28 per cent in favor of anew constitution,while 21.72 per cent rejected the change. Voter turnout was 51 per cent. A second vote was held on April 11, 2021, to select 155 Chileans who form the convention which will draft the new constitution.[69][70]

On 19 December 2021, leftist candidate, the 35-year-old former student protest leader,Gabriel Boric,won Chile's presidentialelectionto become the country's youngest ever leader, after the most polarizing election since democracy was restored, defeating right wing pinochetist and leader of theChilean Republican PartyJosé Antonio Kast.[71][72]The center-left and center-right political conglomerates alternating power during the last 32 years (ex-ConcertaciónandChile Vamos) ended up in fourth and fifth place of the presidential election.

Gabriel Boric presidency (2022- )[edit]

On 11 March 2022, Gabriel Boric was sworn in as president to succeed outgoing President Sebastian Pinera.[73]Out of 24 members of Gabriel Boric's female-majority Cabinet, 14 are women.[74]

On 4 September 2022, voters rejected overwhelmingly thenew constitutionin theconstitutional referendum,which was put forward by theconstitutional conventionand strongly backed by President Boric.[75]Prior to the dismissal of the proposed constitution the issue of constitutionalplurinationalismwas noted in polls as particularly divisive in Chile.[76]In May 2023, the far-right Republican Party became first in Chilean Constitutional Councilelection.The Republican party won 22 out of the 51 seats, with right-wing parties winning another 11 seats, in the assembly tasked with drawing up Chile's new constitution.[77]

See also[edit]

General:

References[edit]

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Further reading[edit]

In English[edit]

  • This article incorporates text from a publication now in thepublic domain:Chisholm, Hugh,ed. (1911). "Chile".Encyclopædia Britannica.Vol. 6 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 142–160.(See pp. 153–160.)
  • Andrew, Christopher;Vasili Mitrokhin(2005).The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World.UK: Basic Books.ISBN0-465-00311-7.
  • Antezana-Pernet, Corinne. "Peace in the World and Democracy at Home: The Chilean Women's Movement in the 1940s" inLatin America in the 1940s,David Rock,ed. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press 1994, pp. 166–186.
  • Bergquist, Charles W.Labor in Latin America: Comparative Essays on Chile, Argentina, Venezuela, and Colombia.Stanford: Stanford University Press 1986.
  • Burr, Robert N.By Reason or Force: Chile and the Balancing Power of South America 1830–1905.Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press 1965.
  • Collier, Simon.Ideas and Politics of Chilean Independence, 1808–1833.New York: Cambridge University Press 1967.
  • Collier, Simon; William F. Sater (1994).A History of Chile: 1808–1994.Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
  • Crow, John A (1992).The Epic of Latin America(4th ed.). New York: University of California Press. pp.331–333.
  • Cruz Farias, Eduardo (2002)."An overview of the Mapuche and Aztec military response to the Spanish Conquest".Archived fromthe originalon 6 April 2004.Retrieved15 October2008.
  • Drake, Paul.Socialism and Populism in Chile, 1932–1952.Urbana: University of Illinois Press 1978.
  • Drake, Paul. "International Crises and Popular Movements in Latin America: Chile and Peru from the Great Depression to the Cold War," inLatin America in the 1940s,David Rock,ed. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press 1994, 109–140.
  • Drake, Paul; et al. (1994).Chile: A Country Study.Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress.
  • Faundez, Julio (1988).Marxism and democracy in Chile: From 1932 to the fall of Allende.New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press.
  • Harvey, Robert. "Liberators: Latin America`s Struggle For Independence, 1810–1830". John Murray, London (2000).ISBN0-7195-5566-3
  • Kaufman, Edy (1988).Crisis in Allende's Chile: New Perspectives.New York: Praeger Publishers.
  • Klubock, Thomas.La Frontera: Forests and Ecological Conflict in Chile's Frontier Territory.Durham: Duke University Press 2014.
  • Korth, Eugene E (1968).Spanish Policy in Colonial Chile: the Struggle for Social Justice, 1535–1700.Stanford, California: Stanford University Press.
  • Lovemen, Brian.Chile: The Legacy of Hispanic Capitalism(3rd ed.). Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
  • Mallon, Florencia.Courage Tastes of Blood: The Mapuche Community of Nicolás Ailío and the Chilean State, 1906–2001.Durham: Duke University Press 2005.
  • Pike, Frederick B.Chile and the United States, 1880–1962: The Emergence of Chile's Social Crisis and challenge to United States Diplomacy.University of Notre Dame Press 1963.
  • Prago, Albert (1970).The Revolutions in Spanish America.New York: The Macmillan Company.
  • Rector, John L (2005).The History of Chile.US: Palgrave Macmillan.
  • Stern, Steve J.Battling for Hearts and Minds: Memory Struggles in Pinochet's Chile, 1973–1988.Durham: Duke University Press 2006.
  • Whelan, James (1989).Out of the Ashes: The Life, Death and Transfiguration of Democracy in Chile.Washington, D.C.: Regnery Gateway.

In Spanish[edit]

External links[edit]