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Chinese workers in a gambier and pepper plantation in Singapore, circa 1900.

TheKangchu systemwas a socio-economic system of organisation and administration developed by Chinese agricultural settlers inJohor[fn 1]during the 19th century. The settlers organised themselves into informal associations (similar to theKongsiorganisations found in other Chinese communities), and chose a leader from among themselves.

In Chinese, "Kangchu" (Chinese:Cảng chủ;HokkienPe̍h-ōe-jī:Káng-chú;TeochewPe̍h-ūe-jī:Káng-tsú) literally means ‘master of the riverbank’, and was the title given to the Chinese headmen of these river settlements.[1][fn 2]The "Kangchu" leaders are also called "Kapitan".

The Kangchu system traces its origins from the 18th century when Chinese coolies settled inPenangandRiauand set up gambier and pepper plantations there. The sovereign rulers of Johor,Temenggong Daeng Ibrahimand his son and successor,SultanAbu Bakar,took up the Kangchu system during the first half of the 19th century to provide a more organised form of administration as Chinese immigrants began to settle in the state in great numbers and developed the state's agricultural economy.

The term "Kangchu" became widely used during the 19th century, asChinese immigrantsbegan to settle in and around Johor state and set upgambierandpepper[fn 3]plantations. The social and economic welfare of the early Chinese settlers came under the charge oflocal Chineseleaders, who were responsible for running these agricultural plantations, which were situated along the river banks.[4]In 1917, the British colonial government in Johor implemented an act which abolished the Kangchu system in the state, and the value for gambier declined during the early 20th century.[5]

Variants of the Kangchu system thrived in other parts ofMaritime Southeast Asia,where gambier and pepper were cultivated and where there were significant Chinese populations. The Kangchu andcoolieswho worked in the gambier and pepper plantations were mainly ofTeocheworigin, and were generally first- or second-generation Chinese immigrants.[6]

History

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Early years

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The origins of the Kangchu system dates back to the mid-18th century, when early Chinese settlers inPenang[7]experimented incash cropplantations with various types of crops, including pepper, gambier,betelnutandclove.The plantations were abandoned by the late 18th-century, as Penang experienced wars fromBugineseseafarers that resulted in many gambier plantations being destroyed; contributing to the decline in plantations was the growing popularity of thespice tradethat reaped much greater profits.[8]At the beginning of the 19th century, these Chinese settlers began to look south toMalaccaandSingapore,where gambier and pepper plantations had also been established.

In the late 1820s, Chinese settlers from Singapore also began to look towardsJohorfor gambier and pepper cultivation at the encouragement ofTemenggong Abdul Rahmanand his successor, Daeng Ibrahim.[9]As more Chinese settlers established gambier and pepper plantations in Johor during the 1840s, Temenggong Daeng Ibrahim formed a bureaucracy made up of Malay officials to oversee administrative affairs upon the Kangchu.[10]He began issuing official permits, known asSurat Sungai(transliterated as "river documents" ) inMalay,to the Kangchu (leaders of the settlers) which permitted them to establish these plantations along the river banks. In turn, the Kangchu were required to paytaxesfrom the profits generated by the gambier and pepper farms and theSurat Sungai,which had to be renewed after a specified period of time.[4]

Mid to late-19th century

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The first gambier and pepper plantations appeared in Southern Johor, notably Skudai. Lau Lib Keng, a Chinese settler based in Skudai, was the first person to receive aSurat Sungai,whereby the river banks of Skudai were leased to Lau for the cultivation of gambier and pepper.[11]More Chinese settlers came to Johor from the 1850s onwards, and forested areas in Southern Johor such asTebrau,PlentongandStulangwere cleared for the cultivation of gambier and pepper.[12]By the time Temenggong Daeng Ibrahim's son,Abu Bakartook office from his father in 1862, at least 37Surat Sungaihave been issued to various Kangchu, all of whom were collectively responsible for the operations of the 1,200 gambier and pepper farms in the state.[13]Most of these Chinese leaders were also members ofsecret societies,and communal warfare often broke out in Singapore between different dialect groups as a result of conflicting economic interests. From the late 1850s onwards, the Kangchu began to exert political influence in the state affairs by establishing close ties with Temenggong Abu Bakar. In 1865, Abu Bakar granted official recognition to theTeochew-dominated Johor branch of theNgee Heng Kongsiafter a Kangchu, Tan Kee Soon, raised a small army to subdueSultan Ali'sforces, from whom Abu Bakar was facing considerable dissent but was unable to raise an organised army.[14]Abu Bakar nevertheless called for the Ngee Heng Kongsi to accept Chinese settlers of other dialect groups to prevent possible communal warfare as a result of conflicting economic interests.[12]

Chinese junks sailing in theStraits of Johorin 1879

The crop produce from these plantations were generally exported to other countries fromSingaporewith the assistance of Chinese merchants based in that city. From the 1860s onwards, many of these Kangchu chalked up debts and began to sell their property rights to these merchants or to larger business magnates (Kongsiin Teochew) based in Singapore,[1]who were known to the locals asTuan Sungai(literally Masters of the River). The Kangchu then were often hired as supervisors or managers by the merchants to keep watch on the day-to-day operations of the gambier and pepper plantations. Temenggong Abu Bakar began to issue contract-style letters of recognition to these Kangchu; the letters were known by their Malay nameSurat Tauliah.[15]

As the gambier and pepper plantations expanded in the 1870s, the more established Kangchu were entrusted with larger blocks of farms and made contracts with Chinese merchants from Singapore. The profits generated from harvests of these plantations formed the bulk of Johor's economy,[1]and financed the development of Johor's infrastructure. Abu Bakar's relationship with the Chinese leaders was excellent, and he appointed many of them to political positions in the state. Of particular note, Abu Bakar appointed two Chinese leaders to the Johor State Council: a Kangchu fromChaozhou,Tan Hiok Nee, and a contractor fromTaishan,Wong Ah Fook, who also owned gambier and pepper farms inMersingin the 1880s.[16]As the land along the river banks in Southern Johor was already taken by the earlier waves of Chinese settlers, newer Chinese settlers began migrating northwards in the 1870s and established new gambier and pepper plantations further north; new plantations were established inYong Peng,Batu Pahat,Benut,EndauandKota Tinggi.[17]In particular, Abu Bakar actively encouraged Chinese settlers to establish plantations inMuar,shortly after the British Colonial Government ruled in favour of Abu Bakar overTengku Alam Shah(Sultan Ali's eldest son) and his family, and granted Abu Bakar control of Muar.[18]

Decline

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At the end of the 19th century, Johor's economy began to diversify from gambier and pepper plantations to other agricultural crops. Starting withcoffeein 1881,[19]crops such astapioca,tea,pineappleandrubberwere introduced into the state. Coffee and tapioca was quickly abandoned in the 1890s when the value of these crops experienced a drop, while rubber was introduced and quickly established a strong foothold in Johor, as the world demand forrubber increasedgreatly around 1910.[20]Prices for gambier plunged between 1905 and 1906, and many Kangchu abandoned gambier in favour of rubber.[21]Further decline in the number of gambier and pepper plantations was fuelled by the colonial government's suppression of traditional farming methods employed by the Kangchu for planting gambier and pepper; these method led to soil exhaustion and a depletion of forests which was used as firewood in small factories.[22]A few years before the Kangchu system was abolished, exports for both gambier and pepper plunged by a further 60% between 1912 and 1917.[23]

The British had long frowned upon the Kangchu because of their links with secret societies in Singapore as well as their indulgence in social vices such asgamblingandopiumsmoking, activities which the British had been actively suppressing in Singapore and the Federated Malay States. As early as 1890, theGovernor of the Straits Settlements,Cecil Clementi Smithhad lobbied Abu Bakar to adopt the Societies Ordinance and ban the Ngee Heng Kongsi, but was promptly turned down.[24]Shortly after the British appointed an adviser to Johor, the British began attributing the high crime rates in the state to Chinese settlers loyal to the Kangchu. In 1915, the Johor state government, now effectively under the control of the British Colonial Government, passed theSocieties Enactmentwhich prompted the dissolution of the Ngee Heng Kongsi the following year.[25]The Kangchu system was officially abolished December 1917 in an enactment passed by the Johor state government, which was by then effectively administered by the British colonial government.[19]

Role of the Kangchu

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The Temenggong of Johor (laterSultan of Johor) conferred upon the Kangchu with a large degree of administrative autonomy within the plot of land which each was granted.[26]These included the right to collect taxes on behalf for the Temenggong, as well as for the welfare needs among the Chinesecooliesliving within the plot of land. The Kangchu generally granted tax exemption for the basic consumption by workers within the settlement.[4]Some coolies took on new jobs such as shopkeepers and traders to serve the needs of other coolies within the settlement, and the Kangchu granted tax exemptions to these shopkeepers and traders on the sale ofpork,opiumandalcoholas well.[27]The Kangchu reserved a portion of the land for the construction of a settlement for the coolies, from which small towns were formed and became the administrative centre of the Kangchu. These administrative centres were generally established within the coolie settlements located at the foot of the river, and were known asKangkar(literally "Foot of the river",Chinese:Cảng cước,Pinyin:Gáng Jiǎo,Teochew:Kaang6 Caar8).[28][fn 4]

The Kangchu acted as the middleman in the bulk purchase of the settlement's commodities through suppliers based in Singapore. In particular, opium was highly popular among the coolies, although frowned upon by the British who took strong measures to suppress its distribution. The Kangchu formed illegal opium syndicates which had links to Chinese leaders from Singapore and other Malay states in the north, particularlySelangor.[16]British contempt for the Kangchu was also fuelled by the coolies' preference for gambling and prostitution, both of which were seen as social vices by the British colonial government.[4]The Kangchu maintained friendly relations with the Temenggong (later Sultan), and worked closely with theNgee Heng Kongsiin administrative matters. In particular, the state government attempted to forge close relations with the Kangchu by the appointment of a Malay official who was conversant in Teochew and literate inChinese characters,Mohamed Salleh bin Perang, as the liaison officer between the Temenggong and the Kangchu.[12]Several years later, in the early 1870s, the state government worked closely with theNgee Heng Kongsito draft theKanun Kangchuwhich had legal clauses that defined the powers of the Kangchu in Johor. TheKanun Kangchucontained 81 clauses in total, and was implemented in 1873.[30]

Variants outside Johor

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Singapore

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Chinese coolies at the river base of Jurong River in 1860. The gambier and pepper plantation is in the picture background.

Chinese settlers began migrating from theRiau Islandsto Singapore in the 19th century shortly before thefounding of Singaporeby SirStamford Rafflesin 1819. The nativeMalaysjoined the Chinese in growing gambier, although they cultivated it for subsistence rather than for commercial purposes.[31]The number of gambier and pepper farms expanded greatly between 1819 and 1840, fuelled by the increasing demand for gambier by Chinese traders from China as well as pepper by European traders.[32]As land nearer to the town in the south was quickly used up in the 1820s, the Kangchu began to establish farms near the northern parts of Singapore, particularly stretches of land across theStraits of JohorfromJurong,to the west ofPunggolin the northeast.[33]By 1851, there were about 800 gambier and pepper farms which covered 75% of Singapore's land surface, of which 24,220 acres (98.0 km2) was dedicated to gambier while 2,614 was dedicated to pepper.[fn 5]

In the 1850s and 1860s, many Kangchu abandoned their plantations in Singapore as gambier produce declined due to over farming of the soil, and began to establish new gambier and pepper plantations in neighbouring Johor.[34]Nevertheless, many of these Kangchu settled down as merchants in Singapore and managed the gambier and pepper farms byproxy,mainly through the liaison body of the Ngee Heng Kongsi which had members in Singapore and Johor. Some of these merchants purchased the property rights of gambier and pepper farms from the Kangchu in Johor, who would then assume managerial tasks to ensure the smooth operation of the plantation and the settlement.[35][fn 6]

Unlike its counterpart in Johor, the Ngee Heng Kongsi (also called "Ghi Hin Kongsi" inHokkien) was recognised as anillegal societyin Singapore and its activities were actively suppressed by the colonial government.[37]Factionalism appeared within the Ngee Heng Kongsi in Singapore by the 1850s, as business leaders from various dialect groups were unable to agree upon key issues. In particular, relations between the Teochews and Hokkiens were hostile, partly because some Hokkien merchants competed with the Teochew merchants in the gambier and pepper trade, most of whom had established their bases in theBoat Quayarea along theSingapore River.[38]

The existence of the Kangchu was not recognised by the British colonial government, even though they exercised a similar degree of autonomy as their counterparts in Johor.[4]Nevertheless, the Kangchu in Singapore had easy access to forested land in Singapore compared to their counterparts in Johor, as the British colonial government adopted alaissez-faireattitude to the Kangchu and imposed very little regulation on their agricultural activities.[29]However, the British were wary of the fact that many Kangchu in Singapore were members of the Ngee Heng Kongsi, which was illegal in Singapore and enjoyed monopoly rights over the regional opium trade. The British appointed a Chinese official among the Kangchu to oversee the social and economic affairs of the gambier and pepper plantations in Singapore and to act as the intermediary.[39]

Riau Islands

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The first gambier and pepper plantations appeared in the Riau Islands in the 1730s,[40]after theBuginesewarrior and second Yamtuan Muda of Riau, Daing Chelak, brought Chinese coolies from Malaya to Riau for the purpose of gambier cultivation, which was then widely used for medication among the locals. Another exodus of Chinese migrated to Riau in 1740 following unrest which erupted inBatavia,during which many Chinese were massacred. Chinese settlement in Riau continued into the 18th century, the majority of them coming from theChaoshanarea inGuangdongprovince, along with a sizeable minority from the southern parts ofFujian province.[41]

Gambier and pepper farming were mainly confined to theBintan(formerly spelled as Bentan) andGalang Islands.[42]Similar to the Kangchu system in Johor, gambier and pepper plantations were established on grants of land by the Yamtuan Muda of Riau, who would issue land permits (Surat Sungai) to the Kangchu who would direct the operations of the plantation and workers within the settlement.[2]In the early and middle 19th century, many Chinese settlers and merchants from Riau relocated their businesses to Singapore, and established trading links between Riau and Singapore.[31]These settlers and merchants still maintained trading links with Riau, as the Kangchu from Riau often shipped their produce to Singapore forfree tradeto evade taxes imposed by theDutchcolonial government.[43]Like Singapore, competition for the gambier and pepper trade between the Teochews and Hokkiens in Riau led to communal tensions and sporadic violence in Riau during the 1840s and 1850s.[38]In the early 20th century, the Chinese abandoned gambier and pepper plantations in favour of other agricultural practices, as the worldwide prices for gambier experienced a drastic drop in value and many pepper plants fell prey to a disease plaguing the archipelago.[44]

Sarawak

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The first Chinese immigrants settled along the coastal regions ofSarawakin significant numbers from the 18th century onwards and were engaged in the metal mining industry, mainly forgoldandbauxite.As the supply of gold became exhausted from the 1820s onwards, the Chinese miners gradually turned to trade and agriculture. The Chinese of Teochew and Hakka heritage established gambier and pepper plantations in the 1870s and 1880s,[45]and theWhite Rajah of Sarawakbegan to organise an administrative system for these plantations similar to the Kangchu system in Johor. The Kangchu of each plantation was appointed by theCharles Brooke,the then-White Rajah. Each Kangchu was given responsibilities to oversee the operations of the plantations under his jurisdiction and the welfare of the coolies living there. In 1875, the British promulgated a set of laws which defined the roles and responsibilities of the Kangchu; they were modelled very closely to theKanun Kangchuthat was introduced by Sultan Abu Bakar of Johor in 1873.[46]

Charles Brooke encouraged the immigration of the Chinese coolies, beginning in the 1860s, to expand the state's gambier and pepper industry. Chinese settlers in neighbouringSabahandPontianakalso established gambier and pepper plantations, although they existed as independent fiefdoms. These plantations rose to become one of the state's major industries as worldwide prices for gambier went up during the 1880s and 1890s. In the 20th century, as worldwide gambier prices took a dive, the Kangchu channelled their efforts into pepper and opium cultivation in the state.[47]Sarawak's Kangchu system fell into obscurity in the 1920s, as the opium trade withHong Kongsteadily declined during the course of the decade.[46]

Legacy

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The Kangchu system facilitated the growth of the gambier and pepper plantations and developed Johor's and Singapore's economies in the 19th century. The development of Johor's inland towns were attributed to the efforts by the various Kangchu, who were responsible for drawing the settlement plan for the coolies living within the plantation they were working on, from which new towns were formed.[48]The Chinese immigrant population in Johor and Singapore grew in size during this period; Riau also experienced a similar growth during the 18th century. As a result of mass immigration by the Chinese into Johor, the Chinese quickly outnumbered theMalaysin the state, although many Chinese coolies relocated to Singapore or other parts of Malaya as the gambier and pepper industry declined in the 20th century.[fn 7]Several towns and other places in Johor and Singapore, built upon sites of former gambier and pepper plantations, arenamed after former features of the Kangchu system,and are largely populated by ethnic Chinese.[51]

The Teochew dialect became thelingua francaamong the Chinese in many parts of Johor and Riau, as the majority of the Chinese from these areas were ofTeocheworigin, many of whom were descended from the Chinese coolies who had worked in the gambier and pepper plantations.[52]The Teochews form the second-largest dialect group amongChinese Singaporeans,and many families can trace their family ancestry to immigrants who were Kangchu or coolies in these plantations.[53]

See also

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Footnotes

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  1. ^"Johor" as a state orSultanatehad existed since the 14th century. This system was also practised inSingaporeandRiauwhen theJohor Sultanatestill ruled over them. The state ofJohorlater became part of theFederation of Malaya(laterMalaysia) from 1957 onwards.
  2. ^"Kangchu" is a Chinese term and is correctly used in this form in both singular and plural contexts. Some Western literary texts refer to "Kangchu" as "Kangchus" in its plural form.[2]
  3. ^The gambier and pepper species planted in Singapore, Johor and the other Malay states were of theUncaria GambirandPiper Nigrumtypes respectively.[3]
  4. ^These settlements were known as "Chu Kang", (Chinese:Thố cảng,Pinyin:Cuò Gǎng,Teochew:Chu2 Kaang6) literally "back port" in Chinese, as many settlements were located near the backwater areas of jungles along the river banks. Each "Chu Kang" is named after the owner of the plantation; for instance,Lim Chu Kang(now in modernSingapore,see alsoList of place names of Kangchu system origin)[29]
  5. ^Pepper was cultivated as aCover cropin gambier and pepper plantations to reducesoil erosion.[34]
  6. ^In 1848, approximately 10,000 Teochews in Singapore were hired as coolies to work in gambier and pepper plantations; there were 19,000 Teochews in Singapore altogether, including 200 Teochew gambier and pepper merchants, out of the island's total Chinese population of 39,700. There were no known Hokkiens working as cooliers working in gambier and pepper plantations, although there were a hundred Hokkien gambier and pepper merchants. There were a few Chinese coolies who embracedRoman Catholicism,consisting of Teochews and a fewHakkaswho were also working as coolies inPunggol.[36]
  7. ^In 1893, there were 210,000 Chinese and 50,000 Malays in Johor, out of a total population of 300,000.[49]In 1931, the Chinese and Indians collectively formed 52.3% of Johor's population.[50]

References

[edit]
  1. ^abcAndaya (1984), p. 140
  2. ^abRoyal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (1975), p. 132
  3. ^Corfield & Corfield (2006), p. 175.
  4. ^abcdeOoi (2004), p. 710
  5. ^Do như tù trường ủng hữu đặc quyền cảng chủ bách niên phong quang bất tái: Hệ liệt 2,15 July 2000,Sin Chew Daily(in Chinese)
  6. ^Lim (2002), p. 46
  7. ^Mak (1995), p. 156
  8. ^Hussin (2007), p. 119
  9. ^Gambe (2000), pp. 82-3
  10. ^Hooker (2003), p. 108
  11. ^Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (1975), p. 11
  12. ^abcAhmad & Liok, p. 310
  13. ^Radio Televisyen Malaysia(1987), p. 27
  14. ^Ahmad & Liok (2003), p. 308
  15. ^Ahmad & Liok (2003), p. 311
  16. ^abAhmad & Liok (2003), p. 313
  17. ^Trocki (1979), pp. 134, 136, 158, 179
  18. ^Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (1966), p. 16
  19. ^abAhmad & Liok (2003), p. 316
  20. ^Andaya (1984), p. 214
  21. ^Jackson (1968), p. 49
  22. ^Andaya (1984), p. 211-2
  23. ^Tate (1971), p. 198
  24. ^Ahmad & Liok (2003), pp. 316-7
  25. ^Ahmad & Liok (2003), pp. 317-8
  26. ^Trocki, Carl A.(2007),Prince of Pirates: The Temenggongs and the Development of Johor and Singapore 1784-1885(2nd ed.), NUS Press Singapore, p. 130,ISBN978-9971-69-376-3
  27. ^Lim (2002), p. 79
  28. ^Trocki (1979), p. 90
  29. ^abChia, Mengtat Jack,Beyond Riots: Chinese Businessmen and Secret Societies in Singapore 1819-1890Archived12 October 2008 at theWayback Machine,NUSHistory Society e-journal, pg 7-8
  30. ^Trocki (1979), p. 137
  31. ^abYan (1986), p. 120
  32. ^Ownby & Heidhues (1993), p. 101
  33. ^Corfield & Corfield (2006), p. 206
  34. ^abHavinden & Meredith (1996), pp. 40-1
  35. ^Ownby & Heidhues (1993), p. 99
  36. ^Ownby & Heidhues (1993), p. 116
  37. ^Ownby & Heidhues (1993), p. 90
  38. ^abTrocki (2006), pp. 90-1
  39. ^Ownby & Heidhues (1993), p. 102
  40. ^Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (1975), p. 133
  41. ^Andaya (1984), p. 94
  42. ^Trocki, (1979), p. 113
  43. ^Ownby & Heidhues (1993), p. 98
  44. ^Gerber (2006), p. 176
  45. ^Gerber (2006), p. 173
  46. ^abSwets & Zeitlinger (1971), p. 210
  47. ^Tate (1971), p. 264
  48. ^Tregonning (1964), p. 140
  49. ^Sidek (1970), p. 22
  50. ^Andaya, p. 244
  51. ^Blythe (1969), p. 41
  52. ^Pan (1999), pp. 173-4
  53. ^Chua, Soo Pong,Teochew Opera in Singapore: Continuity and ChangeArchived7 October 2011 at theWayback Machine,Chinese Opera Institute of Singapore, retrieved 10 May 2009

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