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Polish Workers' Party

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Polish Workers' Party
Polska Partia Robotnicza
First leaderMarceli Nowotko
Last leaderBolesław Bierut
Founded5 January 1942
Dissolved16 December 1948
Preceded byKPP
Merged intoPZPR
Youth wingUnion of Youth Struggle
Military wingPeople's Guard
People's Army
Ideology
Political positionFar-left
National affiliationDemocratic Bloc(1947–1948)
International affiliationComintern(1942–1943)
Cominform(1947–1948)
ColoursRed
Party flag

ThePolish Workers' Party(Polish:Polska Partia Robotnicza,PPR) was acommunist partyinPolandfrom 1942 to 1948. It was founded as a reconstitution of theCommunist Party of Poland(KPP) and merged with thePolish Socialist Party(PPS) in 1948 to form thePolish United Workers' Party(PZPR).[1]From the end ofWorld War IIthe PPR led Poland, with theSoviet Unionexercising moderate influence. During the PPR years, the centers of opposition activity were largely diminished, and asocialistsystem was established in the country.

Arriving from the Soviet Union, a group of Polish communists was parachuted intooccupied Polandin December 1941. WithJoseph Stalin's permission, in January 1942 they established the Polish Workers' Party, a new communist party. The PPR established a partisan military organizationGwardia Ludowa,later renamedArmia Ludowa.In November 1943,Władysław Gomułkabecame secretary (chief executive) of theCentral Committeeof the PPR. On 1 January 1944 the party created theState National Council(KRN), proclaimed to be a wartime parliament of Poland; the body was chaired byBolesław Bierut.In June 1944 theUnion of Polish Patriots,a rival to the PPR Polish-communist organization operating in the Soviet Union, recognized the KRN as "the true representation of the Polish nation". The PPR was initially a small party with marginal support; it grew because of its alliance with the victorious Soviet Union.

In July 1944 the Polish communists, working in close cooperation with Stalin and other Soviet leaders, established and declared in liberatedLublina provisional executive quasi-government of Poland, which they called thePolish Committee of National Liberation(PKWN). In thePKWN Manifestoissued at that time, the PKWN claimed its authority in Poland and promised post-war reconstruction as well asland reform.The KRN and the PKWN were established when thePolish government-in-exileinLondonwas the internationally recognized government of Poland. By the end of 1944, the PKWN was replaced with theProvisional Government of the Republic of Poland,recognized by the Soviet Union, with which it signed in April 1945 a 20-year friendship, alliance and cooperation treaty. As a result of theYalta ConferenceAllieddeterminations, the Provisional Government was converted to a formally coalitionProvisional Government of National Unity(TRJN) in June 1945. The Polish government-in-exile was excluded from participation and the PPR ended up controlling the new government, which was soon recognized by theUnited States,theUnited Kingdom,and other countries. Establishment of a permanent government was conditioned on national elections being held, as mandated by the Allies. In the meantime the PPR engaged in a massive program of rebuilding the country and its industry, in combating and containing the various forms and manifestations of opposition to its rule, but also in manipulating the election preparation process to ensure the party's lasting domination.

The1946 Polish people's referendumand the following1947 Polish legislative electionwere rigged and declared a decisive victory of the PPR's "Democratic Bloc". The only legal opposition, thePolish People's Party,was marginalized. Gomułka's victory, however, was short-lived. Pressured by theCold War,Stalin had no more patience for the Polish leader's national brand of communism, and from August 1948 the PPR was led by Bierut. In December 1948, the PPR and the purged PPS were merged to form the PZPR. What was left of democratic and pluralistic practices and pretenses was abandoned and Poland entered its period ofStalinistrule.

Communist Party of Poland and its demise

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TheCommunist Party of Poland(KPP, until 1925 the Communist Workers' Party of Poland) was an organization of thefar-left.The views adhered to and promulgated by its leaders (Maria Koszutska,Adolf Warski,Maksymilian Horwitz,Edward Próchniak) led to the party's difficult relationship withJoseph Stalinalready in 1923–24.[2]TheCommunist International(Comintern) condemned the KPP for its support ofJózef Piłsudski'sMay Coupof 1926 (the party's "May error" ).[3]From 1933, the KPP was increasingly treated with suspicion by the Comintern. The party structures were seen as compromised due to infiltration by agents of the Polish military intelligence. Some of the party leaders, falsely accused of being such agents, were subsequently executed in theSoviet Union.In 1935 and 1936, the KPP undertook a formation of aunified worker and peasant frontin Poland and was then subjected to further persecutions by the Comintern, which also arbitrarily accused the Polish communists of harboringTrotskyistselements in their ranks. The apogee of theMoscow-held prosecutions, aimed at eradicating the various "deviations" and ending usually in death sentences, took place in 1937–38, with the last executions carried out in 1940. The KPP members were persecuted and often imprisoned by the PolishSanationregime, which turned out to likely save the lives of a number of future Polish communist leaders, includingBolesław Bierut,Władysław Gomułka,Edward Ochab,Stefan JędrychowskiandAleksander Zawadzki.During theGreat Purge,seventy members and candidate members of the party'sCentral Committeefled or were brought to the Soviet Union and were shot there, along with a large number of other activists (almost all prominent Polish communists were murdered or sent to labor camps). The Comintern, in reality directed by Stalin, had the party dissolved and liquidated in August 1938.[4][5][6]

The PPR's World War II foundations

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On 28 June 1940, soon after theKatyn massacre,Stalin receivedWanda Wasilewska,an unofficial leader of Polish communists, at theMoscow Kremlin.The event initiated a reorientation of Soviet policies in regard to Poles. As a result, a wide range of official political, military, social, cultural, educational and other Soviet-Polish projects and activities commenced in 1940 and continued during the years that followed.[7]

TheGerman attack on the Soviet Unionin June 1941 changed the course ofWorld War IIand with it the nature of Polish-Soviet governmental relations. Pressured by the British government, the London-basedPolish government-in-exile,led byWładysław Sikorski,signed anagreement with the Soviet Union,which included a Soviet recognition of the Polish government. APolish armywas formed in the Soviet Union, but was soon taken out of there and into theMiddle EastbyWładysław Anders.The Katyn massacre perpetrated by the Soviets on PolishPOWswas revealed and the Soviet Union "suspended" diplomatic relations with the Polish government. Prime Minister Sikorski waskilled in an airplane crashin July 1943. These and other factors, including disagreements about future borders, caused the Polish-Soviet relations to deteriorate.[8]

Meanwhile, Stalin, beginning in the summer of 1941, pursued other Polish options, utilizing Polish communists and other Poles willing to cooperate, many of whom were present at that time in the Soviet Union. Polish language radio broadcasts began in August 1941; they called upon the Poles in Poland to unconditionally engage in anti-German resistance. Some prewar Polish officers were transferred to occupied Poland to conduct pro-Soviet conspiratorial activities and the Polish communists worked in November on organizing the Poles in the Soviet Union.[8][9]Among the communist groups that became active in Poland afterOperation Barbarossawas the Union for Liberating Struggle (Związek Walki Wyzwoleńczej), whose leaders includedMarian Spychalski.[10]

A September 1941 attempt to transport activists from the Soviet Union to Poland was unsuccessful, but beginning in late December, a group of Polish communists which includedMarceli Nowotko,Paweł Finder,Bolesław MołojecandMałgorzata Fornalska,was parachuted into Poland. They had Stalin's permission to create a new Polish communist party.[10]In Polish society the communists could count on marginal support only, so to avoid negative connotations it was decided not to include the word "communist" in the party's title. The party took the name "Polish Workers' Party."[11]The PPR, intended in some sense as a continuation of the prewar KPP, was established inWarsawon 5 January 1942, when some of the new arrivals met with local communist activists.[10]

The new party, which presented itself as an anti-NaziPolish patriotic front, distributed a manifesto printed in Moscow entitledTo workers, peasants and intelligentsia! To all Polish patriots!,in which it called for an uncompromising struggle against the German occupier. A leftist, formally democratic program was proposed and the party, whose operations concentrated mostly in theGeneral Government,grew to about six thousand members by the summer of 1942. From 1943, an affiliated youth organization existed; it was called the Union for the Struggle of the Youth (Związek Walki Młodych).[10]

The PPR operated under theCentral Committeeled by SecretaryMarceli Nowotko.Nowotko was killed on 28 November 1942. Mołojec took over as secretary (party chief), but he was suspected of arranging Nowotko's murder and subsequently condemned and executed by the ruling of the party court. In January 1943, Finder became secretary and the three-person Secretariat also includedWładysław GomułkaandFranciszek Jóźwiak.[10]

Gwardia Ludowa(the People's Guard) military organization originated together with the party it served. It was led by Mołojec and then Jóźwiak. Gwardia Ludowa attacked Germans in Warsaw and organized partisan units in the countryside, primarily to destroy the German communication facilities.[10]

In February 1943 the PPR undertook talks with theGovernment Delegation for Poland,which represented in occupied Poland the Polish government-in-exile, and the central command of the undergroundHome Army,on possible cooperation. The negotiations made no progress because of the irreconcilable points of view of the two sides. After the Soviet Union broke diplomatic relations with the Polish government (25 April 1943), the contacts were terminated and the PPR's attitude toward the exile government-led Polish authority became hostile.[10]

The war progressively radicalized Polish society and the communists tried to take advantage of the situation by forming a coalition with other leftist and agrarian forces. However, a common "democratic front", meant as a platform for the future power struggle, failed to materialize because the rival parties were generally unwilling to cooperate with the PPR.[10]

Polish communist institutions in the Soviet Union

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Facilitated by Stalin, communist-controlled Polish civilian and military institutions were also formed in the Soviet Union. The leading roles in them were initially assumed byWanda Wasilewska,a daughter offormer Polish ministerand Piłsudski's associate, herself a friend of Stalin, and the Polish officerZygmunt Berling.From October 1940, Berling led a group of Polish officers working to establish a Polish division within the SovietRed Army.[12]TheUnion of Polish Patriots,proposed and organized from January 1943, had its founding congress in June 1943 and was led by Wasilewska. Berling, Alfred Lampe,Stefan Jędrychowski,Andrzej WitosandBolesław Drobnerwere among the communists and individuals of other political orientations active in the organization, people willing to participate in a communist-dominated undertaking. After the Soviet authorities closed the branches of the Polish government's delegation in Soviet controlled territories, the union, assisted by a Soviet agency, established a social welfare department to look after the Poles scattered throughout its range of operations.[13][14]ThePolish 1st Tadeusz Kościuszko Infantry Division,commanded by Berling, was formed beginning in May 1943. The division fought at theBattle of Leninoin October 1943. The Polish National Committee, intended to develop into a communist government, was organized under Wasilewska from December 1943, but its formation was abandoned when Moscow found out about the existence of theState National Councilin Warsaw. The Polish civilian and military activities in the Soviet Union were managed from January 1944 by theCentral Bureau Communists of Poland.Its important members were ChairmanAleksander Zawadzki,Wasilewska,Karol Świerczewski,Jakub Berman,Stanisław Radkiewicz,Roman Zambrowski,Hilary MincandMarian Spychalski.Some of them would later form the core of theStalinistand strictly pro-Soviet (internationalistin outlook) faction of Poland's ruling communists, who worked closely withBolesław Bierutand were opposed to the national PPR current led by Gomułka. On the military side, the First Polish Corps was formed from the Kościuszko Division and expanded into theFirst Polish Armyin March 1944, still under command of General Berling. The army was incorporated into the1st Belorussian Front.[15][16][17]

Gomułka's leadership, State National Council, Polish Committee of National Liberation

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In November 1943 Finder and Fornalska were arrested by theGestapo,which also took the PPR's radio equipment. Communication between Warsaw and Moscow was no longer possible. Władysław Gomułka became secretary of the Central Committee of the PPR on 23 November 1943 and Bierut became a member of the Secretariat.[18]

The PPR published the "What are we fighting for" (O co walczymy) program declaration. Democratic ideas and future elections were proclaimed there, while the government-in-exile and theUnderground Statewere denied the right to represent the Polish nation. Territorial changes after the war were indicated andnationalizationof industry was promised together withland reform.[18]

At that time the Central Committee decided to create theState National Council(Krajowa Rada Narodowa,KRN), a quasi-parliament rival to the government-in-exile and the Underground State institutions. The council was established on 1 January 1944 and was chaired by Bierut. Members of splinter socialist and peasant groups were co-opted to participate. The communist partisan military formation was now namedArmia Ludowa(AL); it was placed under command of GeneralMichał Rola-Żymierski.[18]

After communications with Moscow were restored, a KRN delegation left for Moscow. Upon arriving there, they were officially greeted by Soviet officials and in June the Union of Polish Patriots had to recognize the KRN as the "true representation of the Polish nation". After the second KRN delegation arrived in Moscow, the Polish communists, in close cooperation with Stalin and other Soviet leaders, began working on a temporary executive government to administer the Polish lands (west of theBug River) liberated by the Soviet and Polish communist armies. On 22 July 1944 the new organ, named thePolish Committee of National Liberation(PKWN), was officially established in theLublinprovince. ThePKWN Manifestowas issued, in which the committee claimed its authority in liberated Poland and announced fundamental and wide-ranging reconstruction and systemic changes, most prominently a land reform, to be implemented in the country. The socialistEdward Osóbka-Morawskiwas the PKWN's head and General Żymierski led the defense department, which diminished the role of General Berling. Most of the remaining PPR and KRN leaders left Warsaw and entered the Soviet-controlled territory.Zenon Kliszkoand few others stayed in the capital to coordinate communist activities in the still occupied part of Poland.[18][19]

Government-in-exile after Sikorski's death

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After the death of Prime Minister Sikorski, the important figures in the exile government in London were PresidentWładysław Raczkiewicz,the newly nominated Prime MinisterStanisław Mikołajczykand Commander-in-chiefKazimierz Sosnkowski.During theTehran Conference(November–December 1943) Stalin,Franklin D. RooseveltandWinston Churchilldetermined the geographic location of the future Polish state (between theOder Riverand theCurzon Line) without consulting or even notifying the Polish leaders.Czechoslovakia,previously Poland's partner for a planned confederation, signed in December 1943 a friendship treaty with the Soviet Union. As a result of the developing Soviet wartime advantage, the Polish government was gradually abandoned by its allies.[20]

Early in January 1944, the Soviet forces crossed the 1939 border of Poland. The British pressured the Polish government to accept the Soviet conditions for a resumption of Polish-Soviet diplomatic relations and practical cooperation (a recognition of the Curzon Line border and removal of anti-Soviet politicians from the Polish government), but the Polish side balked. Mikołajczyk advocated compromising with the Soviets for the sake of preserving the country's independence, while Sosnkowski, counting on the outbreak ofwar between the Allies,rejected making any concessions. In February Churchill publicly announced his government's support for a Curzon Line Polish-Soviet border anyway.[20]

In June 1944, Mikołajczyk officially traveled to the United States, where President Roosevelt suggested that he visits the Soviet Union to conduct political discussions. Roosevelt also asked Stalin to invite the Polish prime minister for talks on a resumption of bilateral relations.[21]On 30 July Mikołajczyk arrived in Moscow accompanied by Foreign MinisterTadeusz RomerandStanisław Grabski,chairman of theNational Council.The PKWN had already been established and Stalin proposed negotiations between the two Polish representations aimed at their unification. The talks with Bierut, Osóbka-Morawski and Wasilewska did take place, but Mikołajczyk found the communist ideas and demands unacceptable, even though he was offered the job of prime minister in a combined government. The PKWN leaders were willing to grant the pro-Western Poles only four out of the eighteen discussed ministerial seats. Mikołajczyk reported to thegovernment delegate in Polandthat the Soviets would consider establishing diplomatic relations if the Poles first agreed between themselves, that "the Soviet government has not yet finally sided with the (Polish) communists", but "Polish communists are determined to exploit the situation for turning Poland into a communist state". Thus the prime minister, himself unable to convince his government of the necessity of offering significant concessions to victorious communists, believed that Polish communist leaders were effectively blocking his deal with Stalin. After Mikołajczyk's return to London, the government-in-exile came up with its own version of compromise proposals which included the PPR's participation in the government, but they were rejected by the PKWN.[20][22]

Defeat of Operation Tempest and the Warsaw Uprising

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In 1944, the lack of Polish-Soviet diplomatic relations and the resultant inability to conduct negotiations forced the Polish leadership to undertake political and military actions in an attempt to create afait accomplisituation in Poland that the Soviets would be compelled to accept. According to the plannedOperation Tempest,the retreating German forces would be attacked by theHome Army,temporary Polish civilian administration would be installed in the liberated areas and its members, representing the government-in-exile, would greet the incoming Soviets as the rightful hosts. Consequently, in the spring and summer of 1944, the Polish underground waged numerous military operations in the areas where the Soviet advance was taking place. The actions resulted in military and political defeats, because the Soviets disarmed, arrested and deported the Home Army fighters, while the Western Allies cultivated good relations with the Soviet Union and were not interested in investigating the Polish claims of mistreatment or lending the Poles practical support. Fighting and winning a battle for Warsaw seemed the only opportunity left for the mainstream Polish independence movement.[23]

The establishment of thePKWNprovided an additional motivation for starting theWarsaw Uprisingon 1 August 1944. The Soviets did not join the battle and stopped their offensive. The insurgents were being overpowered by the Germans and the belated rescue attempt in September by the1st Infantry Divisionof Berling'sFirst Polish Armyended in a bloody defeat. The Home Army capitulated on 2 October, Warsaw was subsequently largely demolished perAdolf Hitler's orders, and the Polish government-in-exile was no longer capable of staging major armed demonstrations in Poland. General Sosnkowski, having criticized the lack of effective aid to the Warsaw Uprising participants from the Allies, was removed from his top command position in September 1944.[20][23][24]

Mikołajczyk's resignation, Provisional Government

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In October, Churchill andAnthony Edenwent to Moscow, as did Mikołajczyk, Grabski and Romer. They negotiated again with Bierut, Osóbka-Morawski and Rola-Żymierski. Mikołajczyk resisted the British and Soviet pressure to accept the communist territorial and other demands. In November in London, the Polish government rejected the Curzon Line border again. President Roosevelt disappointed the Poles by designating the Polish, British and Soviet governments as the proper forum for border discussions, but Prime Minister Mikołajczyk, unable to convince his colleagues of the need for further compromises, resigned on 24 November 1944. The Polish government, now led byTomasz Arciszewski,was no longer seriously considered by the Allies.[20]

On 31 December 1944, the State National Council converted the PKWN to theProvisional Government of the Republic of Poland,with Osóbka-Morawski as the prime minister. The Soviet Union recognized the new institution and the Western Allies did not object.[20]The KRN and the Provisional Government gradually strengthened their position, as the SovietNKVDfacilitated the process by performing large scale arrests of opponents of communist rule.[25]

The Provisional Government signed a 20-year friendship, alliance and cooperation treaty with the Soviet Union on 21 April 1945.[26]

Communist-led war effort

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The leftist, Soviet-alliedPolish armed forces,placed under the authority of the PKWN and then the Provisional Government, were rapidly expanded, ultimately to about 400,000 people in two armies. In the summer of 1944, the First Polish Army establishedbridgeheadson the Vistula'a left bank south of Warsaw and in August its1st Armoured Brigadefought the Germans at theBattle of Studzianki.[24]

Many diversionary military actions and other combat operations were undertaken by Armia Ludowa and theSoviet partisansin September and October 1944, especially, but not only, in theKielceprovince. At the end of October, led by the AL commanderMieczysław Moczar,most units broke through the front lines to the Soviet-Polish side.[25]

The Soviet offensive was resumed on 12 January 1945. On 17 January the First Polish Army led by GeneralStanisław Popławskientered the destroyed Warsaw. It fought on the1st Belorussian Frontand during the following month participated in overcoming strongly fortified German defenses at thePomeranian Wall,losing 6,500 soldiers; in March ittook Kolberg.The 1st Armoured Brigade fought within the2nd Belorussian Frontand contributed to the liberation ofGdańskandGdynia.The First Army forced its way across theOder Riveron 16–17 April and reached theElbenearSpandauon 3 May. Its1st Tadeusz Kościuszko Infantry Divisionand other Polish formations participated in the finalBattle of Berlin.TheSecond Polish Army,led by GeneralKarol Świerczewski,operated with the1st Ukrainian Front.It crossed theLusatian Neisseon 16 April and heading forDresdensuffered heavy losses at theBattle of Bautzen,due to poor command. However, a German rescue force heading forBerlinwas stopped. Helping to defeatNazi Germanyin Poland, the two Polish armies suffered losses equal to the Polish military losses encountered during theSeptember Campaignof 1939—66,000 soldiers killed (according toAntoni Czubiński).[24][25]

Provisional Government of National Unity

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The Polish socialLeftwas critical with respect to the prewarSanation-ruledSecond Polish Republicand called for the establishment of a more just and democratic post-war Poland. A return to theMarch Constitutionof 1921 was advocated. These postulates and the Soviet demand for Poland's easternKresyterritories were accepted by the PPR and alliedPolish Socialist Party(PPS) leaders, with considerable support from the agrarian movement politicians, who were also opposed to theApril Constitution(1935) regime. Leftist sentiments, increasingly prevalent in Poland in 1944 and 1945, mixed with the widespread unease and fear regarding Poland's expected domination by the Soviet Union.[27]

Further determinations regarding the future of Poland were made at theYalta Conferencein February 1945. The United States and Britain accepted the Soviet position in respect to postwar borders (the extent of Poland's western expansion at the expense of Germany was not specified), but differed with the Soviets on the issue of participation of theLondon-basedgovernment-in-exilein the formation of Poland's new compromise government. TheAllied leadersultimately authorized converting the existing in Poland, communist-dominatedProvisional GovernmenttoProvisional Government of National Unity(TRJN), with greater participation of democratic and pro-Western forces, but no formal role for the government-in-exile. The TRJN was charged with conductingfree electionssoon, based on which a permanent Polish government would be established. As for the practical implementation, a commission representing the three great powers negotiated the issue of the TRJN in Moscow and the talks had been stalled for a long time, until joined by former Prime Minister Mikołajczyk of the government-in-exile. In June Mikołajczyk agreed to a temporary deal, which turned out to permanently favor the communist side.[25][27]

The exact shape of the TRJN was determined during talks in Moscow on 16–21 June 1945. TheKRNand the Provisional Government were represented there by seven politicians, including Bierut and Gomułka, three representatives, including Mikołajczyk, came from the emigrant circles and there were five non-communists from Poland. Mikołajczyk unsuccessfully tried to limit the dominant role of the communists and became only a deputy prime minister. Mikołajczyk'sPeople's Partywas granted the right to nominate ⅓ of the KRN members;Wincenty WitosandStanisław Grabskiwere the new vice-chairmen of that body. On 28 June 1945, Chairman Bierut of the KRN created the TRJN, and on 5 July the US and the United Kingdom withdrew their recognition of the government-in-exile.[25]

The TRJN was led by the socialist Prime Minister Osóbka-Morawski of the previous Provisional Government. Gomułka and Mikołajczyk were included as deputy prime ministers. The formally coalition government had seven PPR members, six from the peasant People's Party andPolish Socialist Partyeach, and two from the centristDemocratic Alliance(SD). The government was controlled by the PPR and other politicians reconciled to the reality of Soviet domination. Mikołajczyk's party however, aware of its popularity, counted on winning the planned parliamentary elections and was the only participant that actually thought of the TRJN as being temporary.[26]

Formation of a new sociopolitical system, PPR's role and program

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Operating within the Soviet-controlled international environment, regardless of the results of the upcoming mandated elections, the Polish communists had no intention of giving up political power and made no secret of it. Nonetheless, many of them believed that the reforms they undertook under the evolving new system would remain popular and would enable them to win future elections.[26]

The PPR invoked the tradition of social struggle in the Second Polish Republic and the party gained support of many politicians of leftist orientation from the peasant and socialist movements, who shared that point of view. The PPR promised radical land ownership and agrarian reforms as well asnationalizationof the industry, banking and trade. The communists used nationalistic rhetoric of the prewarNational Democracymovement in regard to the post-German "Recovered Territories".[26]

A "Democratic Bloc" of parties was organized around the PPR; it included pro-communist factions of the socialist, agrarian and centrist movements. Mikołajczyk'sPolish People's Partywas legalized and functioned independently as the only formal opposition; other political formations were banned and their supporters persecuted.[26]

The PPR itself comprised different factions, reflecting different experiences of its members. Some of the PPR leaders referred to theCommunist Internationaltradition and proclaimedinternationalistideas. They believed in strict hegemony of the Soviet Union, which they saw as both necessary and desirable. This group was led by activists of Jewish origin:Jakub Berman,Hilary MincandRoman Zambrowski,and byBolesław Bierut.Berman, Minc and Zambrowski spent the war in the Soviet Union and were leaders of Polish-communist organizations formed there underJoseph Stalin's supervision. PPR chiefWładysław Gomułkaled the faction that also believed in the (politically necessary) Polish-Soviet alliance, but wanted to form it on more pragmatic bases. They stressed the Polish national interest and wished to pursue a more limited cooperation, as conditioned by that interest. All PPR factions were actually strongly dependent on and therefore practically dominated by Stalin's regime.[26]

In a broader historical perspective, the cooperation of Polish communists, other leftists and some non-leftist politicians with Stalin prevented a territorial reduction of the Polish state of great magnitude. Ingeopoliticalreality, such reduction would be irreversible.[26]

Incorporation of post-German territories, postwar reconstruction and state socialist reforms

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Poland's eastern borders had not become a major international issue, as the Western powers accepted the Soviet position in this regard. Decisions concerning the Polish–German border were made at thePotsdam Conference,where Stalin lobbied for Poland's maximal extension in the west, arranged for the Polish government delegation to present their point of view and in the end thwarted the long-standing British policy (aimed at keeping some of the lands in question for the future German state). In Poland, the PPR led the massive "Recovered Territories"propaganda campaign, the Allied-authorizedexpulsion of ethnic Germansand the repopulation of the region by Poles "repatriated"from the lostKresyeastern areas. The exact eastern boundary was determined in the Polish–Soviet treaty signed on 16 August 1945, which finalized the contested issue ofLviv(the city stayed on theSoviet Ukrainianside of the border). Theresettlement of Ukrainianswho lived on the Polish side followed.[28]

The settlement and development of post-German lands was considered a high priority and the Ministry of the Recovered Territories, established in November 1945, was led by Gomułka himself. Being convinced of the crucial importance of the acquired areas for Poland, he energetically pursued their economic development and integration with the rest of the country. After the war, Polish officials had to engage in complicated bargaining with the Soviet authorities, who considered industrial installations in former Germany their war loot and wanted to take as much of it as possible to the Soviet Union.[29]

Theland reformdecree was issued by the PKWN on 6 September 1944. Over one million peasant families benefited from the parcellation of larger estates and post-German property (6 millionhectaresof land). The act and its implementation concluded the various land reform attempts and partial realizations that went back to thepartitioned Polandand Second Polish Republic periods. Thousands ofState Agricultural Farmswere also established (1.5 million hectares). They were intended as model farming enterprises, demonstrating, in addition to their role in food production, the progressive ways of agriculture. The reforms, whose consequences fundamentally altered the antiquated social and economic structure of Polish society, were sharply criticized by advocates of the inviolability ofproperty rights.Existence as asocial classofziemiaństwo(large scale land owners) was undercut, while thefree marketeconomic system was for the most part still functioning in the country.[29][30]

Reforms of more moderate nature were undertaken in regard to private industry. Various, sometimes chaotic developments took place in 1944–45, including the taking over of thousands of enterprises byworkers' councils.A charged national debate that followed resulted in the KRN statute of 3 January 1946. It was decided that the state would take over enterprises that employed over 50 people on a given shift, but the owners who were Polish or foreign (not German) would be paid compensation. Based on that statute, 5,870 enterprises were nationalized by 1948, while 15,700 were left in private hands.[29]

Central planninggot started with the establishment of the Central Planning Office in November 1945, directed by socialistCzesław Bobrowski.The Economic Committee of the Council of Ministers was led byHilary Minc.The economic reconstruction of Poland was undertaken, combined with prospective planning for the next 12 years. 230,000 residential apartments were built in the cities and 300,000 in the country in 1945–47, which resulted in more evenly spread population, living under considerably improved conditions.[29]

Compulsory general education was brought back and higher education was tuition free. A shortage of teachers had to be addressed first and many were needed, given the massive program of elimination ofilliteracyand part-time evening schooling for the employed. TheUnited Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration(UNRRA) helped with food, clothes and equipment for the Polish people (the assistance amounted to 22% of the country'snational incomein 1946). Inflation went up to 38% in 1947, but was brought down to 4% in 1949. In late 1946 Poland's economy approached the 1938 prewar level, which allowed gradual discontinuation of the previously imposedrationingof mass consumption products.[29]

Legislation concerning theThree-Year Plan(1947–49) for economic development was passed by the KRN in 1946 and again in 1947 by the new "LegislativeSejm"(parliament) that replaced the KRN after the1947 Polish legislative election.In 1947, theSejmproclaimed the right to work. Unemployment was eliminated and real wages increased by 58% during the plan years, but still lagged behind their 1938 level. Thepublic sectorproduced 50% of the national income in 1947, which went up to 64% in 1949. Theprivate sectorwas being reduced, while the network ofcooperativeenterprises experienced significant growth in the area oftrade.[31]

Political struggle and persecution of opposition

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Politicians in Poland connected in the past to theSanationandNational Democracyformations did not recognize the new realities and waged a determined campaign against the communist authorities, boycotting decisions of the government, especially the ones having to do with the establishment of administrative and military structures. This led to conflicts and intensified repressions. Polishinternal securityorgans were created and resolved, in cooperation with their Soviet counterparts, to disable the opposition using persecution and terror.[26]The political confrontations were accompanied byarmed activityofanti-government conspiracy groups.[29]

The PolishCatholic Church,led by CardinalAugust Hlonduntil his death in 1948, took an anti-regime stand. It coped with difficulties related to the lack of Polish church organization in the Recovered Territories. In the fall of 1945, with permission from theVatican,the Church embarked on the establishment of provisional administrative structures in the territories taken from Germany. Authorization for permanent Polish church administration there was not forthcoming and the instability in this area added to the existing German-Polish antagonisms.[29]

In April 1946, a new volunteer citizen militiaORMOwas formed to help the police (Milicja Obywatelska), political police (UBP), theInternal Security Corps,the Polish army, the Soviet political police (NKVD), and the Soviet army to eliminate armed opposition to the government. The NKVD killed, arrested, harassed, and used propaganda to suppress and discredit opponents of the regime. Already during the 1944–48 period, many were imprisoned or taken to the Soviet Union, some executed under court rulings. The whole security system was directed by Soviet politicianLavrentiy Beria.[32]

Government authorities offeredtwo amnestiesfor fighters from the opposition militia groups, which originated from remnants of the disbandedHome Armyand other organizations. Tens of thousands of oppositionists took advantage of the amnesties declared in 1945 and 1947. Some were subjected to further prosecution and imprisonment, but the amnesties effectively terminated the anti-communist armed resistance movement.[33]

[edit]

The replacement of postwar cooperation among the great powers with theCold Warderailed the planned peace conference—the issue of Poland's western border was not going to be amicably resolved. In the West onlyFranceclearly upheld its support for Poland in the border dispute. "Revisionist"circles had a prominent voice in what was becomingWest Germanyand the PPR, for existential reasons, felt compelled to strengthen its policy of reliance on the Soviet Union. The TRJN was now in no position to maneuver any degree of independence for itself.[34]

The PPR delayed nationwide parliamentary elections because it believed that the ongoing implementation of reforms would move the public opinion in its favor.[29]The party strengthened its position by first holding areferendumin June 1946, intended as a plebiscite for or against the new system. For the election, the PPR-dominated Democratic Bloc prepared a unified list of candidates; thePolish Socialist Partyagreed to join the bloc, but thePolish People's Party,led by Mikołajczyk, refused. The bloc was also opposed by other groups, some of which were not legally registered, while other were semi- or fully conspiratorial and hostile to the bloc.[31]

The referendum asked three questions: about abolishing theSenate(parliament's upper chamber), future constitutional moderate socialist reforms, and the permanency of Poland's western and northern borders. The ruling regime needed to show an overwhelming support for its program before the elections. Accordingly, the referendum was conducted under considerable pressure (such as heavy military and police presence) and the results were falsified to give the Democratic Bloc a strong majority it wanted.[31]

The PPR and its allies in the bloc were large parties, each with membership in hundreds of thousands, supported in addition by the several million-strongtrade unionstructure. They had public security forces at their disposal. The also large and popular People's Party invoked Poland's Western connections and its tradition of struggles for independence. It was supported by the Catholic clergy. The campaign was harsh and the PPR was often subjected toantisemiticŻydokomunaaccusations. Given the Soviet pressure, the bloc could not just have won elections by receiving a majority of the votes; it had to produce a result impressive enough for propaganda purposes.[31]

The communists feared losing the elections to Mikołajczyk's party and that this outcome would cause a complete Soviet occupation of Poland.[35]During the election campaign, the PPR targeted the People's Party, the Democratic Bloc's main (but not only) election rival, arresting its candidates, harassing them, and denying them public exposure. About one hundred opposition party activists were murdered; many PPR members were also killed.[31]

In the1947 Polish legislative electionthe bloc claimed to have won 80% of the votes, but the election was widely seen as fraudulent. Factors such as the scale of the fraud or who actually received the largest number of votes are not known. The campaign and election results eliminated the People's Party from the political scene, which left Poland with no legally functioning opposition. Mikołajczyk, harassed and threatened, fled the country in October 1947.[31][33]

Removal of Gomułka, Stalinism, Polish United Workers' Party

[edit]

In accordance with the announced election results, thePPS,which competed within the Democratic Bloc, received two more legislative mandates than the PPR. ThePresidency of Polandwas reestablished by theSejmand Bolesław Bierut, previously chairman of the KRN, was given that job.Józef Cyrankiewicz,a socialist, became the new prime minister and Gomułka was kept as deputy prime minister. The intermediateSmall Constitution of 1947was passed by theSejm.The newly created Council of State had emergency powers and was led by the president. Despite the elections conducted under communist control andamnestyfor armed and political opponents declared by theSejm,the situation in Poland underwent further polarization.[33]

Because of the deepening division in international politics and the emergence of two mutually hostile blocs, Stalin demanded stricter loyalty in the Soviet sphere; purges of circles and individuals considered ideologically corrupt or otherwise unreliable were pursued. Gomułka's criticism of Soviet policies was now seen as inappropriately nationalistic. Gomułka's "Polish road to socialism", adapting to conditions specific to Poland, was no longer tolerated as Stalin tightened his control over the PPR. Gomułka and his group were removed from positions of responsibility and in August 1948 the Central Committee installed Bierut as general secretary of the PPR. Bierut would strictly follow the Soviet lead and remold Polish society on theStalinistmodel.[33][36]

The PPR pressured the remaining left-wing faction of thePolish Socialist Party(PPS) to merge the two parties. The merger occurred in December 1948 and thePolish United Workers' Party(Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza,PZPR) was formed. The merger was conducted almost entirely on PPR terms;[37]the PPS had by then been "purified" with the expulsion of hundreds of its members.[33]

ThePolish People's Partymanaged to survive for another year, albeit under growing harassment. In 1949, its remains merged with a pro-communist splinter party to form theUnited People's Party(Zjednoczone Stronnictwo Ludowe,ZSL).[33][38]

Under PPR rule, the Republic of Poland was a declared "people's democracy" and was not officially considered a socialist entity. Private property and free market functionality were tolerated and the role of the state was not overly exposed. All this had changed with the establishment of the PZPR: theSix-Year Planofheavy industrialdevelopment was imposed and the building ofstate socialistsystem and society commenced in earnest.[39]

Election results

[edit]

Sejm

[edit]
Year Popular vote % of vote Seats
1947 9,003,682 80.07 (#1)
114 / 444
As part of theDemocratic Bloccoalition, which won 394 seats in total.

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^The American Political Science Review: Vol. 64, No. 4 (Dec., 1970), pp. 1239-1245JSTOR1958368
  2. ^Duraczyński, Eugeniusz (2012). Stalin. Twórca i dyktator supermocarstwa [Stalin: the creator and dictator of a superpower], pp. 172-175 Warsaw: Akademia Humanistyczna im. Aleksandra Gieysztora.ISBN978-83-7549-150-0.
  3. ^Brzoza, Czesław; Sowa, Andrzej Leon (2009). Historia Polski 1918–1945 [History of Poland 1918–1945], p. 288. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Literackie.ISBN978-83-08-04125-3.
  4. ^Brzoza, Czesław (2003). Polska w czasach niepodległości i II wojny światowej (1918–1945) [Poland in Times of Independence and World War II (1918–1945)], pp. 237–238. Kraków: Fogra.ISBN83-85719-61-X.
  5. ^Brzoza, Czesław; Sowa, Andrzej Leon (2009). Historia Polski 1918–1945 [History of Poland 1918–1945], pp. 350–354.
  6. ^Halik Kochanski(2012). The Eagle Unbowed: Poland and the Poles in the Second World War, p. 368. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press.ISBN978-0-674-06814-8.
  7. ^Brzoza, Czesław; Sowa, Andrzej Leon (2009). Historia Polski 1918–1945 [History of Poland 1918–1945], pp. 577–578.
  8. ^abBrzoza, Czesław (2003). Polska w czasach niepodległości i II wojny światowej (1918–1945) [Poland in Times of Independence and World War II (1918–1945)], pp. 312–322.
  9. ^Brzoza, Czesław; Sowa, Andrzej Leon (2009). Historia Polski 1918–1945 [History of Poland 1918–1945], p. 529.
  10. ^abcdefghBrzoza, Czesław (2003). Polska w czasach niepodległości i II wojny światowej (1918–1945) [Poland in Times of Independence and World War II (1918–1945)], pp. 357–359.
  11. ^Thompson, Wayne C. (2008).The World Today Series: Nordic, Central and Southeastern Europe 2008.Harpers Ferry, West Virginia: Stryker-Post Publications.ISBN978-1-887985-95-6.[page needed]
  12. ^Brzoza, Czesław; Sowa, Andrzej Leon (2009). Historia Polski 1918–1945 [History of Poland 1918–1945], p. 522.
  13. ^Halik Kochanski (2012). The Eagle Unbowed: Poland and the Poles in the Second World War, pp. 372–376.
  14. ^Brzoza, Czesław; Sowa, Andrzej Leon (2009). Historia Polski 1918–1945 [History of Poland 1918–1945], p. 534.
  15. ^Brzoza, Czesław (2003). Polska w czasach niepodległości i II wojny światowej (1918–1945) [Poland in Times of Independence and World War II (1918–1945)], pp. 360–362.
  16. ^Jerzy Eisler,Siedmiu wspaniałych. Poczet pierwszych sekretarzy KC PZPR[The Magnificent Seven: first secretaries of the PZPR], Wydawnictwo Czerwone i Czarne, Warszawa 2014,ISBN978-83-7700-042-7,pp. 16–17
  17. ^Halik Kochanski (2012). The Eagle Unbowed: Poland and the Poles in the Second World War, pp. 371–372.
  18. ^abcdBrzoza, Czesław (2003). Polska w czasach niepodległości i II wojny światowej (1918–1945) [Poland in Times of Independence and World War II (1918–1945)], pp. 362–364.
  19. ^Brzoza, Czesław; Sowa, Andrzej Leon (2009). Historia Polski 1918–1945 [History of Poland 1918–1945], pp. 543–545.
  20. ^abcdefBrzoza, Czesław (2003). Polska w czasach niepodległości i II wojny światowej (1918–1945) [Poland in Times of Independence and World War II (1918–1945)], pp. 364–374.
  21. ^Halik Kochanski (2012). The Eagle Unbowed: Poland and the Poles in the Second World War, pp. 439–445.
  22. ^Halik Kochanski (2012). The Eagle Unbowed: Poland and the Poles in the Second World War, pp. 445–454.
  23. ^abBrzoza, Czesław (2003). Polska w czasach niepodległości i II wojny światowej (1918–1945) [Poland in Times of Independence and World War II (1918–1945)], pp. 374–387.
  24. ^abcAntoni Czubiński,Historia Polski XX wieku[The History of 20th Century Poland], Wydawnictwo Nauka i Innowacje, Poznań 2012,ISBN978-83-63795-01-6,pp. 218–220
  25. ^abcdeBrzoza, Czesław (2003). Polska w czasach niepodległości i II wojny światowej (1918–1945) [Poland in Times of Independence and World War II (1918–1945)], pp. 387–396.
  26. ^abcdefghAntoni Czubiński,Historia Polski XX wieku[The History of 20th Century Poland], pp. 229–233
  27. ^abAntoni Czubiński,Historia Polski XX wieku[The History of 20th Century Poland], pp. 220–222
  28. ^Antoni Czubiński,Historia Polski XX wieku[The History of 20th Century Poland], pp. 233–236
  29. ^abcdefghAntoni Czubiński,Historia Polski XX wieku[The History of 20th Century Poland], pp. 236–238
  30. ^Davies, Norman (2005).God's Playground, a History of Poland: 1795 to the Present.Columbia University Press. pp.417,424.ISBN978-0-231-12819-3.
  31. ^abcdefAntoni Czubiński,Historia Polski XX wieku[The History of 20th Century Poland], pp. 240–243
  32. ^Antoni Czubiński,Historia Polski XX wieku[The History of 20th Century Poland], pp. 251–253
  33. ^abcdefAntoni Czubiński,Historia Polski XX wieku[The History of 20th Century Poland], pp. 244–249
  34. ^Antoni Czubiński,Historia Polski XX wieku[The History of 20th Century Poland], pp. 238–240
  35. ^Halik Kochanski (2012). The Eagle Unbowed: Poland and the Poles in the Second World War, p. 570.
  36. ^Jerzy Eisler,Siedmiu wspaniałych. Poczet pierwszych sekretarzy KC PZPR[The Magnificent Seven: first secretaries of the PZPR], pp. 74–75
  37. ^Władysław GomułkaatEncyclopedia Britannica
  38. ^David Ost,Solidarity and the Politics of Anti-Politics,pp. 34–36, 1990 Philadelphia,Temple University Press,ISBN0-87722-655-5
  39. ^Antoni Czubiński,Historia Polski XX wieku[The History of 20th Century Poland], pp. 249–251
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