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Reform Judaism

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The interior ofCongregation Emanu-El of New York,the largest Reformsynagoguein the world.

Reform Judaism,also known asLiberal JudaismorProgressive Judaism,is a majorJewish denominationthat emphasizes the evolving nature of Judaism, the superiority of itsethical aspectsto its ceremonial ones, and belief in a continuousrevelationwhich is closely intertwined with human reason and not limited to theTheophanyatMount Sinai.A highlyliberalstrand ofJudaism,it is characterized by little stress on ritual and personal observance, regardingJewish lawas non-binding and the individual Jew as autonomous, and by a great openness to external influences andprogressive values.

The origins of Reform Judaism lie inmid-19th-century Germany,where RabbiAbraham Geigerand his associates formulated its early principles, attempting to harmonize Jewish tradition with modern sensibilities in the age ofemancipation.Brought to America by German-trained rabbis, the denomination gained prominence inthe United States,flourishing from the 1860s to the 1930s in an era known as "Classical Reform". Since the 1970s, the movement has adopted a policy of inclusiveness and acceptance, inviting as many as possible to partake in its communities rather than adhering to strict theoretical clarity. It is strongly identified with progressive and liberal agendas in political and social terms, mainly under the traditional Jewish rubrictikkun olam( "repairing of the world" ).Tikkun olamis a central motto of Reform Judaism, and acting in its name is one of the main channels for adherents to express their affiliation. The movement's most significant center today is inNorth America.

Various regional branches exist, including theUnion for Reform Judaism(URJ) in the United States and Canada, theMovement for Reform Judaism(MRJ) andLiberal Judaismin the United Kingdom, theIsrael Movement for Reform and Progressive Judaism(IMPJ) in Israel, and the UJR-AmLat in Latin America; these are united within the internationalWorld Union for Progressive Judaism(WUPJ). Founded in 1926, the WUPJ estimates it represents at least 1.8 million people in 50 countries, about 1 million of which are registered adult congregants, and the rest are unaffiliated but identify with the movement. This makes Reform the second-largest Jewish denomination worldwide, afterOrthodox Judaism.

Definitions[edit]

Its inherent pluralism and the importance which it places on individual autonomy impedes any simplistic definition of Reform Judaism;[1][2][3]its various strands regard Judaism throughout the ages as a religion which was derived from a process of constant evolution. They warrant and obligate further modifications and reject any fixed, permanent set of beliefs, laws or practices.[4]A clear description of Reform Judaism became particularly challenging since the turn toward a policy which favored inclusiveness ( "Big Tent" in the United States) over a coherent theology in the 1970s. This transition largely overlapped with what researchers termed the transition from "Classical" to "New" Reform Judaism in America, paralleled in the other, smaller branches of Judaism which exist across the world.[5][2][3]The movement ceased stressing principles and core beliefs, focusing more on the personal spiritual experience and communal participation. This shift was not accompanied by a distinct new doctrine or by the abandonment of the former, but rather with ambiguity. The leadership allowed and encouraged a wide variety of positions, from selective adoption ofhalakhicobservance to elements approachingreligious humanism.[6]

The declining importance of the theoretical foundation, in favour of pluralism and equivocalness, drew large crowds of newcomers. It also diversified Reform to a degree that made it hard to formulate a clear definition of it. Early and "Classical" Reform were characterized by a move away from traditional forms of Judaism combined with a coherent theology; "New Reform" sought, to a certain level, the reincorporation of many formerly discarded elements within the framework established during the "Classical" stage, though this very doctrinal basis became increasingly obfuscated.

Critics, like RabbiDana Evan Kaplan,warned that Reform became more of aJewish activities club,a means to demonstrate some affinity to one's heritage in which even rabbinical students do not have to believe in any specific theology or engage in any particular practice, rather than a defined belief system.[7]

Theology[edit]

God[edit]

In regard to God, the Reform movement has always officially maintained atheisticstance, affirming the belief in apersonal God.[8]Despite this official position, some voices among the spiritual leadership have approachedreligiousand evensecular humanism.This tendency has grown since the mid-20th century among both clergy and constituents, leading to broader, dimmer definitions of the concept.

Early Reform thinkers in Germany clung to this precept;[9]the 1885Pittsburgh Platformdescribed the "One God... The God-Idea as taught in our sacred Scripture" as consecrating the Jewish people to be its priests. It was grounded on a wholly theistic understanding, although the term "God-idea" was excoriated by outside critics. So was the 1937 Columbus Declaration of Principles, which spoke of "One, living God who rules the world".[10]Even the 1976 San Francisco Centenary Perspective, drafted at a time of great discord among Reform theologians, upheld "the affirmation of God... Challenges of modern culture have made a steady belief difficult for some. Nevertheless, we ground our lives, personally and communally, on God's reality."[11]The 1999 Pittsburgh Statement of Principles declared the "reality and oneness of God". BritishLiberal Judaismaffirms the "Jewish conception of God: One and indivisible, transcendent and immanent, Creator and Sustainer".

Revelation[edit]

The basic tenet of Reform theology is a belief in a continuous, or progressive,revelation,[12][13]occurring continuously and not limited to thetheophany at Sinai,the defining event in traditional interpretation. According to this view, all holy scripture of Judaism, including theTorah,were authored by human beings who, although underdivine inspiration,inserted their understanding and reflected the spirit of their consecutive ages. All thePeople of Israelare a further link in the chain of revelation, capable of reaching new insights: religion can be renewed without necessarily being dependent on past conventions. The chief promulgator of this concept wasAbraham Geiger,generally considered the founder of the movement. After critical research led him to regard scripture as a human creation, bearing the marks of historical circumstances, he abandoned the belief in the unbroken perpetuity of tradition derived from Sinai and gradually replaced it with the idea of progressive revelation.

As in otherliberal denominations,this notion offered a conceptual framework for reconciling the acceptance of critical research with the maintenance of a belief in some form of divine communication, thus preventing a rupture among those who could no longer accept a literal understanding of revelation. No less importantly, it provided the clergy with a rationale for adapting, changing and excising traditional mores and bypassing the accepted conventions of Jewish Law, rooted in the orthodox concept of the explicit transmission of both scripture and itsoral interpretation.While also subject to change and new understanding, the basic premise of progressive revelation endures in Reform thought.[4][14]

In its early days, this notion was greatly influenced by the philosophy ofGerman idealism,from which its founders drew much inspiration: belief in humanity marching toward a full understanding of itself and the divine, manifested in moral progress towards perfection. This highly rationalistic view virtually identified human reason and intellect with divine action, leaving little room for direct influence by God. Geiger conceived revelation as occurring via the inherent "genius" of the People Israel, and his close allySolomon Formstecherdescribed it as the awakening of oneself into full consciousness of one's religious understanding. The American theologianKaufmann Kohleralso spoke of the "special insight" of Israel, almost fully independent from direct divine participation, and English thinkerClaude Montefiore,founder ofLiberal Judaism,reduced revelation to "inspiration", according intrinsic value only to the worth of its content, while "it is not the place where they are found that makes them inspired". Common to all these notions was the assertion that present generations have a higher and better understanding of divine will, and they can and should unwaveringly change and refashion religious precepts.[4]

In the decades aroundWorld War II,this rationalistic and optimistic theology was challenged and questioned. It was gradually replaced, mainly by theJewish existentialismofMartin BuberandFranz Rosenzweig,centered on a complex, personal relationship with the creator, and a more sober and disillusioned outlook.[15]The identification of human reason with Godly inspiration was rejected in favour of views such as Rosenzweig's, who emphasized that the only content of revelation is it in itself, while all derivations of it are subjective, limited human understanding. However, while granting higher status to historical and traditional understanding, both insisted that "revelation is certainly not Law giving" and that it did not contain any "finished statements about God", but, rather, that human subjectivity shaped the unfathomable content of the Encounter and interpreted it under its own limitations. The senior representative of postwar Reform theology,Eugene Borowitz,regarded theophany in postmodern terms and closely linked it with quotidian human experience and interpersonal contact. He rejected the notion of "progressive revelation" in the meaning of comparing human betterment with divine inspiration, stressing that past experiences were "unique" and of everlasting importance. Yet he stated that his ideas by no means negated the concept of ongoing, individually experienced revelation by all.[13]

Ritual, autonomy and law[edit]

Reform Judaism emphasizes the ethical facets of the faith as its central attribute, superseding the ceremonial ones. Reform thinkers often cited theProphets' condemnations of ceremonial acts, lacking true intention and performed by the morally corrupt, as testimony that rites have no inherent quality. Geiger centered his philosophy on the Prophets' teachings (he had already named his ideology "Prophetic Judaism" in 1838), regarding morality and ethics as the stable core of a religion in which ritual observance transformed radically through the ages. However, practices were seen as a means to elation and a link to the heritage of the past, and Reform generally argued that rituals should be maintained, discarded or modified based on whether they served these higher purposes. This stance allowed a great variety of practice both in the past and the present. In "Classical" times, personal observance was reduced to little beyond nothing. The postwar "New Reform" lent renewed importance to practical, regular action as a means to engage congregants, abandoning the sanitized forms of the "Classical".

Another key aspect of Reform doctrine is the personal autonomy of each adherent, who may formulate their own understanding and expression of their religiosity. Reform is unique among all Jewish denominations in placing the individual as the authorized interpreter of Judaism.[16]This position was originally influenced byKantianphilosophy and the great weight it lent to personal judgement and free will. This highly individualistic stance also proved one of the movement's great challenges, for it impeded the creation of clear guidelines and standards for positive participation in religious life and definition of what was expected from members.

The notion of autonomy coincided with the gradual abandonment of traditional practice (largely neglected by most members, and the Jewish public in general, before and during the rise of Reform) in the early stages of the movement. It was a major characteristic during the "Classical" period, when Reform closely resembled Protestant surroundings. Later, it was applied to encourage adherents to seek their own means of engaging Judaism. "New Reform" embraced the criticism levied by Rosenzweig and other thinkers at extreme individualism, laying a greater stress on community and tradition. Though by no means declaring that members were bound by a compelling authority of some sort – the notion of an intervening, commanding God remained foreign to denominational thought. The "New Reform" approach to the question is characterized by an attempt to strike a mean between autonomy and some degree of conformity, focusing on a dialectic relationship between both.[17]

The movement never entirely abandonedhalachic(traditional jurisprudence) argumentation, both due to the need for precedent to counter external accusations and the continuity of heritage. Instead, the movement had largely made ethical considerations or the spirit of the age the decisive factor in determining its course. The German founding fathers undermined the principles behind the legalistic process, which was based on a belief in an unbroken tradition through the ages merely elaborated and applied to novel circumstances, rather than subject to change. RabbiSamuel Holdheimadvocated a particularly radical stance, arguing that thehalachicLaw of the Land is Lawprinciple must be universally applied and subject virtually everything to current norms and needs, far beyond its weight in conventional Jewish Law.

While Reform rabbis in 19th-century Germany had to accommodate conservative elements in their communities, at the height of "Classical Reform" in the United States,halakhicconsiderations could be virtually ignored and Holdheim's approach embraced. In the 1930s and onwards, RabbiSolomon Freehofand his supporters reintroduced such elements, but they too regarded Jewish Law as too rigid a system. Instead, they recommended that selected features will be readopted and new observances established in a piecemeal fashion, as spontaneousminhag(custom) emerging by trial and error and becoming widespread if it appealed to the masses. The advocates of this approach also stress that theirresponsaare of non-binding nature, and their recipients may adapt them as they see fit.[18]Freehof's successors, such as RabbisWalter JacobandMoshe Zemer,further elaborated the notion of "ProgressiveHalakha"along the same lines.

Messianic age and election[edit]

Reform sought to accentuate and greatly augment the universalist traits in Judaism, turning it into a faith befitting the Enlightenment ideals ubiquitous at the time it emerged. The tension between universalism and the imperative to maintain uniqueness characterized the movement throughout its entire history. Its earliest proponents rejectedDeismand the belief that all religions would unite into one, and it later faced the challenges of theEthical movementandUnitarianism.Parallel to that, it sought to diminish all components of Judaism that it regarded as overly particularist and self-centered: petitions expressing hostility towards gentiles were toned down or excised, and practices were often streamlined to resemble surrounding society. "New Reform" laid a renewed stress on Jewish particular identity, regarding it as better suiting popular sentiment and need for preservation.

One major expression of that, which is the first clear Reform doctrine to have been formulated, is the idea of universalMessianism.The belief in redemption was unhinged from the traditional elements ofreturn to Zionand restoration of theTempleand the sacrificial cult therein, and turned into a general hope forsalvation.This was later refined when the notion of a personal Messiah who would reign over Israel was officially abolished and replaced by the concept of aMessianic Ageof universal harmony and perfection. The considerable loss of faith in human progress around World War II greatly shook this ideal, but it endures as a precept of Reform.[19]

Another key example is the reinterpretation of theelection of Israel.The movement maintained the idea of the Chosen People of God, but recast it in a more universal fashion: it isolated and accentuated the notion (already present in traditional sources) that the mission of Israel was to spread among all nations and teach them divinely-inspired ethical monotheism, bringing them all closer to the Creator. One extreme "Classical" promulgator of this approach, RabbiDavid Einhorn,substituted the lamentation on theNinth of Avfor a celebration, regarding the destruction of Jerusalem as fulfilling God's scheme to bring his word, via his people, to all corners of the earth. Highly self-centered affirmations of Jewish exceptionalism were moderated, although the general notion of "a kingdom of priests and a holy nation" retained. On the other hand, while embracing a less strict interpretation compared to the traditional one, Reform also held to this tenet against those who sought to deny it. When secularist thinkers likeAhad Ha'amandMordecai Kaplanforwarded the view ofJudaism as a civilization,portraying it as a culture created by the Jewish people, rather than a God-given faith defining them, Reform theologians decidedly rejected their position – although it became popular and even dominant among rank-and-file members. Like the Orthodox, they insisted that the People Israel was created by divine election alone, and existed solely as such.[20]The 1999 Pittsburgh Platform and other official statements affirmed that the "Jewish people is bound to God by an eternalB'rit,covenant ".

Soul and afterlife[edit]

As part of its philosophy, Reform Judaism anchored reason in divine influence, accepted scientific criticism of hallowed texts and sought to adapt Judaism to modern notions of rationalism. Judaism was viewed by Enlightenment thinkers both as irrational and an import from ancient middle-eastern pagans. The only perceived form of retribution for the wicked, if any, was the anguish of their soul after death, and vice versa, bliss was the single accolade for the spirits of the righteous. Angels and heavenly hosts were also deemed a foreign superstitious influence, especially from earlyZoroastriansources, and denied.[21][22]Notions of afterlife according to Enlightenment thinkers were given to be reduced merely to theimmortality of the soul,while the founding thinkers of Reform Judaism, like Montefiore, all shared this belief, the existence of a soul became harder to cling to with the passing of time. In the 1980s, Borowitz could state that the movement had nothing coherent to declare in the matter. The various streams of Reform still largely, though not always or strictly, uphold the idea.[23]The1999 Pittsburgh Statement of Principles,for example, used the somewhat ambiguous formula "the spirit within us is eternal".[24]

Practice[edit]

Liturgy[edit]

The first and primary field in which Reform convictions were expressed was that of prayer forms. From its beginning, Reform Judaism attempted to harmonize the language of petitions with modern sensibilities and what the constituents actually believed in.Jakob Josef Petuchowski,in his extensive survey of Progressive liturgy, listed several key principles that defined it through the years and many transformations it underwent. The prayers were abridged, whether by omitting repetitions, excising passages or reintroducing the ancienttriennial cyclefor reading the Torah; vernacular segments were added alongside or instead of theHebrew and Aramaictext, to ensure the congregants understood the petitions they expressed; and some new prayers were composed to reflect the spirit of changing times. But chiefly, liturgists sought to reformulate the prayerbooks and have them express the movement's theology. Blessings and passages referring to the coming of the Messiah, return to Zion, renewal of sacrificial practices, resurrection of the dead, reward and punishment and overt particularism of the People Israel were replaced, recast or excised altogether.

In its early stages, when Reform Judaism was more a tendency within unified communities in Central Europe than an independent movement, its advocates had to practice considerable moderation, lest they provoke conservative animosity. German prayerbooks often relegated the more contentious issues to the vernacular translation, treating the original text with great care and sometimes having problematic passages in small print and untranslated. When institutionalized and free of such constraints, it was able to pursue a more radical course. In American "Classical" or British Liberal prayerbooks, a far larger vernacular component was added and liturgy was drastically shortened, and petitions in discord with denominational theology eliminated.

"New Reform", both in the United States and in Britain and the rest of the world, is characterized by larger affinity to traditional forms and diminished emphasis on harmonizing them with prevalent beliefs. Concurrently, it is also more inclusive and accommodating, even towards beliefs that are officially rejected by Reform theologians, sometimes allowing alternative differing rites for each congregation to choose from. Thus, prayerbooks from the mid–20th century onwards incorporated more Hebrew, and restored such elements as blessing onphylacteries.More profound changes included restoration of theGevorotbenediction in the 2007Mishkan T'filah,with the optional "give life to all/revive the dead" formula. The CCAR stated this passage did not reflect a belief in Resurrection, but Jewish heritage. On the other extreme, the 1975Gates of Prayersubstituted "the Eternal One" for "God" in the English translation (though not in the original), a measure that was condemned by several Reform rabbis as a step towardreligious humanism.[25]

Observance[edit]

During its formative era, Reform was oriented toward lesser ceremonial obligations. In 1846, the Breslau rabbinical conference abolished thesecond day of festivals;during the same years, the Berlin Reform congregation held prayers withoutblowing the Ram's Horn,phylacteries,mantlesorhead covering,and held its Sabbath services on Sunday. In the late 19th and early 20th century, American "Classical Reform" often emulated Berlin on a mass scale, with many communities conducting prayers along the same style and having additional services on Sunday. An official rescheduling of Sabbath to Sunday was advocated byKaufmann Kohlerfor some time, though he retracted it eventually.Religious divorcewas declared redundant and the civil one recognized as sufficient by American Reform in 1869, and in Germany by 1912; the laws concerningdietaryandpersonalpurity, thepriestlyprerogatives,marital ordinancesand so forth were dispensed with, and openly revoked by the 1885Pittsburgh Platform,which declared all ceremonial acts binding only if they served to enhance religious experience. From 1890, converts were no longer obligated to be circumcised. Similar policy was pursued byClaude Montefiore's Jewish Religious Union, established at Britain in 1902. The Vereinigung für das Liberale Judentum in Germany, which was more moderate, declared virtually all personal observance voluntary in its 1912 guidelines.

"New Reform" saw the establishment and membership lay greater emphasis on the ceremonial aspects, after the former sterile and minimalist approach was condemned as offering little to engage in religion and encouraging apathy. Numerous rituals became popular again, often after being recast or reinterpreted, though as a matter of personal choice for the individual and not an authoritative obligation.CircumcisionorLetting of Bloodfor converts and newborn babies became virtually mandated in the 1980s;ablutionfor menstruating women gained great grassroots popularity at the turn of the century, and some synagogues builtmikvehs(ritual baths). A renewed interest in dietary laws (though by no means in the strict sense) also surfaced at the same decades, as were phylacteries, prayer shawls and head coverings. Reform is still characterized by having the least service attendance on average:[26]for example, of those polled byPewin 2013, only 34% of registered synagogue members (and only 17% of all those who state affinity) attend services once a month and more.[27]

The Proto-Reform movement did pioneer new rituals. In the 1810s and 1820s, the circles (Israel Jacobson,Eduard Kleyand others) that gave rise to the movement introducedconfirmationceremonies for boys and girls, in emulation of parallel Christian initiation rite. These soon spread outside the movement, though many of a more traditional leaning rejected the name "confirmation". In the "New Reform",Bar Mitzvahlargely replaced it as part of the re-traditionalization, but many young congregants in the United States still perform one, often atShavuot.Confirmation for girls eventually developed into theBat Mitzvah,now popular among all except strictly Orthodox Jews.

Some branches of Reform, while subscribing to its differentiation between ritual and ethics, chose to maintain a considerable degree of practical observance, especially in areas where a conservative Jewish majority had to be accommodated. Most Liberal communities in Germany maintained dietary standards and the like in the public sphere, both due to the moderation of their congregants and threats of Orthodox secession. A similar pattern characterizes theMovement for Reform Judaismin Britain, which attempted to appeal to newcomers from theUnited Synagogue,or to theIsrael Movement for Reform and Progressive Judaism(IMPJ) in Israel.

Openness[edit]

Its philosophy of continuous revelation made Progressive Judaism, in all its variants, much more able to embrace change and new trends than any of the other major denominations.

Reform Judaism is considered to be the first major Jewish denomination to adopt gender equality in religious life[citation needed].As early as 1846, the Breslau conference announced that women must enjoy identical obligations and prerogatives in worship and communal affairs, though this decision had virtually no effect in practice.Lily Montagu,who served as a driving force behind British Liberal Judaism and WUPJ, was the first woman in recorded history to deliver a sermon at a synagogue in 1918, and set another precedent when she conducted a prayer two years later.Regina Jonas,ordained in 1935 by later chairman of the Vereinigung der liberalen Rabbiner Max Dienemann, was the earliest known female rabbi to officially be granted the title. In 1972,Sally Priesandwas ordained byHebrew Union College,which made her America's first female rabbi ordained by a rabbinical seminary, and the second formally ordained female rabbi in Jewish history, after Regina Jonas.[28][29][30]Reform also pioneered family seating, an arrangement that spread throughout American Jewry but was only applied in continental Europe after World War II. Egalitarianism in prayer became universally prevalent in the WUPJ by the end of the 20th century.

Religious inclusion forLGBTpeople and ordination of LGBT rabbis were also pioneered by the movement. Intercourse between consenting adults was declared as legitimate by theCentral Conference of American Rabbisin 1977, and openly gay clergy were admitted by the end of the 1980s.[31]Same-sex marriage was sanctioned by the year 2000.[32]In 2015, the URJ adopted a Resolution on the Rights ofTransgenderand Gender Non-Conforming People, urging clergy and synagogue attendants to actively promote tolerance and inclusion of such individuals.[33]

American Reform, especially, turned action for social and progressive causes into an important part of religious commitment. From the second half of the 20th century, it employed the old rabbinic notion ofTikkun Olam,"repairing the world", as a slogan under which constituents were encouraged to partake in various initiatives for the betterment of society. TheReligious Action Center of Reform Judaismbecame an important lobby in service of progressive causes such as the rights of minorities.Tikkun Olamhas become the central venue for active participation for many affiliates, even leading critics to negatively describe Reform as little more than a means employed by Jewish liberals to claim that commitment to their political convictions was also a religious activity and demonstrates fealty to Judaism.Dana Evan Kaplanstated that "Tikkun Olamhas incorporated only leftist, socialist-like elements. In truth, it is political, basically a mirror of the most radically leftist components of theDemocratic Partyplatform, causing many to say that Reform Judaism is simply 'the Democratic Party with Jewish holidays'. "[34]In Israel, theReligious Action Centeris very active in the judicial field, often using litigation both in cases concerning civil rights in general and the official status of Reform Judaism within the state, in particular.[35]

Jewish identity[edit]

While opposed tointerfaith marriagein principle, officials of the major Reform rabbinical organisation, theCentral Conference of American Rabbis(CCAR), estimated in 2012 that about half of their rabbis partake in such ceremonies. The need to cope with this phenomenon – 80% of all Reform-raised Jews in the United States wed between 2000 and 2013 wereintermarried[36]– led to the recognition ofpatrilineal descent:all children born to a couple in which a single member was Jewish, whether mother or father, was accepted as a Jew on condition that they received corresponding education and committed themselves as such. Conversely, offspring of a Jewish mother only are not accepted if they do not demonstrate affinity to the faith. A Jewish status is conferred unconditionally only on the children of two Jewish parents.

This decision was taken by the British Liberal Judaism in the 1950s. The North AmericanUnion for Reform Judaism(URJ) accepted it in 1983, and the BritishMovement for Reform Judaismaffirmed it in 2015. The various strands also adopted a policy of embracing the intermarried and their spouses. British Liberals offer "blessing ceremonies" if the child is to be raised Jewish, and the MRJ allows its clergy to participate in celebration of civil marriage, though none allow a full Jewish ceremony withchupahand the like. In American Reform, 17% of synagogue-member households have a converted spouse, and 26% an unconverted one.[37]Its policy on conversion and Jewish status led the WUPJ into conflict with more traditional circles, and a growing number of its adherents are not accepted as Jewish by either theConservativeor theOrthodox.Outside North America and Britain, patrilineal descent was not accepted by most. As in other fields, small WUPJ affiliates are less independent and often have to deal with more conservative Jewish denominations in their countries, such as vis-à-vis the Orthodox rabbinate in Israel or continental Europe.

Conversion[edit]

Conversion within Reform Judaism has been seen as controversial by the Orthodox and Masorti sects. Due to the Reform movement's progressive views on what it means to be a Jew, the conversion process has been criticized and often unrecognized by more conservative sects, yet conversions through the Reform movement are legally recognized by the Israeli government and thus entitled to citizenship under the Law of Return.[38]

Converts through Reform Judaism are accepted based on their sincerity, regardless of their background or previous beliefs. Studying with a rabbi is the norm and can take anywhere from several months to several years. The process focuses on participation in congregational activities and observation of holidays and Halakha. Conversions are finalized with a meeting of the Beit Din and usually a Brit Milah and a Tevilah, though the extent to which the practice of Brit Milah is observed varies from country to country.[39]Furthermore, the acceptance of Reform converts by other sects is rare, with many Orthodox and Masorti temples rejecting Reform Converts.

Organization and demographics[edit]

The term "Reform" was first applied institutionally – not generically, as in "for reform" – to the Berlin Reformgemeinde (Reform Congregation), established in 1845.[40]Apart from it, most German communities that were oriented in that direction preferred the more ambiguous "Liberal", which was not exclusively associated with Reform Judaism. It was more prevalent as an appellation for the religiously apathetic majority among German Jews, and also to all rabbis who were not clearly Orthodox (including the rivalPositive-Historical School). The title "Reform" became much more common in the United States, where an independent denomination under this name was fully identified with the religious tendency. However,Isaac Meyer Wisesuggested in 1871 that "Progressive Judaism" was a better epithet.[41]When the movement was institutionalized in Germany between 1898 and 1908, its leaders chose "Liberal" as self-designation, founding the Vereinigung für das Liberale Judentum. In 1902,Claude Montefioretermed the doctrine espoused by his new Jewish Religious Union as "Liberal Judaism", too, though it belonged to the more radical part of the spectrum in relation to the German one.

In 1926, British Liberals, American Reform and German Liberals consolidated their worldwide movement – united in affirming tenets such as progressive revelation, supremacy of ethics above ritual and so forth – at a meeting held in London. Originally carrying the provisional title "International Conference of Liberal Jews", after deliberations between "Liberal", "Reform" and "Modern", it was namedWorld Union for Progressive Judaismon 12 July, at the conclusion of a vote.[42]The WUPJ established further branches around the planet, alternatively under the names "Reform", "Liberal" and "Progressive". In 1945, the Associated British Synagogues (laterMovement for Reform Judaism) joined as well. In 1990,Reconstructionist Judaismentered the WUPJ as an observer. Espousing another religious worldview, it became the only non-Reform member.[43]The WUPJ claims to represent a total of at least 1.8 million people – these figures do not take into account the 2013 PEW survey, and rely on the older URJ estimate of a total of 1.5 million presumed to have affinity, since updated to 2.2 million – both registered synagogue members and non-affiliates who identify with it.

Worldwide, the movement is mainly centered in North America. The largest WUPJ constituent by far is theUnion for Reform Judaism(until 2003: Union of American Hebrew Congregations) in the United States and Canada. As of 2013, aPew Research Centersurvey calculated it represented about 35% of all 5.3 million Jewish adults in the U.S., making it the single most numerous Jewish religious group in the country.[44]Steven M. Cohendeduced there were 756,000 adult Jewish synagogue members – about a quarter of households had an unconverted spouse (according to 2001 findings), adding some 90,000 non-Jews and making the total constituency roughly 850,000 – and further 1,154,000 "Reform-identified non-members" in the United States. There are also 30,000 in Canada.[36][37]Based on these, the URJ claims to represent 2.2 million people.[45]It has 845 congregations in the U.S. and 27 in Canada, the vast majority of the 1,170 affiliated with the WUPJ that are not Reconstructionist.[46]Its rabbinical arm is theCentral Conference of American Rabbis,with some 2,300 member rabbis, mainly trained inHebrew Union College.As of 2015, the URJ was led by President RabbiRichard Jacobs,and the CCAR headed by RabbiDenise Eger.

The next in size, by a wide margin, are the two British WUPJ-affiliates. In 2010, theMovement for Reform JudaismandLiberal Judaismrespectively had 16,125 and 7,197 member households in 45 and 39 communities, or 19.4% and 8.7% of British Jews registered at a synagogue. Other member organizations are based in forty countries around the world. They include theUnion progressiver Juden in Deutschland,which had some 4,500 members in 2010 and incorporates 25 congregations, one in Austria; theNederlands Verbond voor Progressief Jodendom,with 3,500 affiliates in 10 communities; the 13 Liberal synagogues in France; theIsrael Movement for Reform and Progressive Judaism(5,000 members in 2000, 35 communities); the Movement for Progressive Judaism (Движение прогрессивного Иудаизма) in theCISandBaltic States,with 61 affiliates inRussia,UkraineandBelarusand several thousands of regular constituents; and many other, smaller ones.

History[edit]

Beginnings[edit]

A segment of the 1818 Hamburg prayer book. Stating "acceptthe uttering of our lips instead ofour obligatory sacrifices"and omitting the traditional"O gather our dispersions... Conduct usunto Zion"passage.

With the advent ofJewish emancipationandacculturationin Central Europe during the late 18th century, and the breakdown of traditional Jewish life, the proper response to the changed circumstances became a heated concern. Radical, second-generation Berlinmaskilim(Enlightened), likeLazarus BendavidandDavid Friedländer,proposed to reduce Judaism to little aboveDeism,or allow it to dissipate entirely. A more palatable course was the reform of worship in synagogues, making them more attractive to a generation whose aesthetic and moral taste became attuned to that of Christian surroundings.[47]The first considered to have implemented such a course was theAmsterdamAshkenazicongregation, "Adath Jessurun", In 1796. Emulating the localSephardiccustom, it omitted the "Father of Mercy"prayer, beseeching God to take revenge upon the gentiles. The short-lived community employed fully traditional (" orthodox ") argumentation to legitimize its actions, but is often regarded a harbinger by historians.[48]

A relatively thoroughgoing program was adopted byIsrael Jacobson,a philanthropist from theKingdom of Westphalia.Faith and observance were eroded for decades both by Enlightenment criticism and apathy, but Jacobson himself did not bother with those. He was interested in decorum, believing its lack in services was driving the young away. Many of the aesthetic reforms he pioneered, like a regular vernacular sermon on moralistic themes, would be later adopted by themodernist Orthodox.[49]On 17 July 1810, he dedicated a synagogue inSeesenthat employed an organ and a choir during prayer and introduced some German liturgy. While Jacobson was far from full-fledged Reform Judaism, this day was adopted by the movement worldwide as its foundation date. The Seesen temple – a designation quite common for prayerhouses at the time; "temple" would later become, somewhat misleadingly (and not exclusively), identified with Reform institutions via association with the elimination of prayers for the Jerusalem Temple[50]– closed in 1813. Jacobson moved to Berlin and established a similar synagogue, which became a hub for like-minded intellectuals, interested in the betterment of religious experience. Though the prayerbook used in Berlin did introduce several deviations from the received text, it did so without an organizing principle. In 1818, Jacobson's acquaintance Edward Kley founded theHamburg Temple.Here, changes in the rite were eclectic no more and had severe dogmatic implications: prayers for therestoration of sacrificesby theMessiahandReturn to Zionwere quite systematically omitted. The Hamburg edition is considered the first comprehensive Reform liturgy.

While Orthodox protests to Jacobson's initiatives had been scant,dozens of rabbis throughout Europe united to ban the Hamburg Temple.The Hamburg reformers, still attempting to play within the limits of rabbinic tradition, cited canonical sources in defence of their actions; they had the grudging support of one liberal-minded rabbi,Aaron ChorinofArad,though even he never acceded to the removal of prayers for the sacrifices.

The massive Orthodox reaction halted the advance of early Reform, confining it to the port city for the next twenty years. As acculturation and resulting religious apathy spread, many synagogues introduced mild aesthetic changes, such as vernacular sermons or somber conduct, yet these were carefully crafted to assuage conservative elements (though the staunchly Orthodox opposed them anyhow; secular education for rabbis, for example, was much resisted). One of the first to adopt such modifications was Hamburg's own Orthodox community, under the newly appointed modern RabbiIsaac Bernays.The less strict but still traditionalIsaac Noah Mannheimerof theViennaStadttempelandMichael SachsinPrague,set the pace for most of Central and Western Europe. They significantly altered custom, but wholly avoided dogmatic issues or overt injury to Jewish Law.[51]

A passage from the Reformed Society's prayerbook, which was mostly in English and theologically more radical than Hamburg's.

An isolated, yet much more radical step in the same direction as Hamburg's, was taken across the ocean in 1824. The younger congregants in theCharlestonsynagogue "Beth Elohim"were disgruntled by present conditions and demanded change. Led byIsaac Harbyand other associates, they formed their own prayer group, "The Reformed Society of Israelites". Apart from strictly aesthetic matters, like having sermons and synagogue affairs delivered in English, rather thanMiddle Spanish(as was customary amongWestern Sephardim), they had almost their entire liturgy solely in the vernacular, in a far greater proportion compared to the Hamburg rite. And chiefly, they felt little attachment to the traditional Messianic doctrine and possessed a clearly heterodox religious understanding. In their new prayerbook, authors Harby, Abram Moïse and David Nunes Carvalho unequivocally excised pleas for the restoration of the Jerusalem Temple; during his inaugural address on 21 November 1825, Harby stated their native country was their only Zion, not "some stony desert", and described the rabbis of old as "Fabulists and Sophists... Who tortured the plainest precepts of the Law into monstrous and unexpected inferences". The Society was short-lived, and they merged back into Beth Elohim in 1833. As in Germany, the reformers were laymen, operating in a country with little rabbinic presence.[52][53]

Consolidation in German lands[edit]

RabbiAbraham Geiger,circa 1840.
RabbiSamuel Holdheim,circa 1850.

In the 1820s and 1830s, philosophers likeSolomon SteinheimimportedGerman idealisminto the Jewish religious discourse, attempting to draw from the means it employed to reconcile Christian faith and modern sensibilities. But it was the new scholarly, critical Science of Judaism (Wissenschaft des Judentums) that became the focus of controversy. Its proponents vacillated whether and to what degree it should be applied against the contemporary plight. Opinions ranged from the strictly OrthodoxAzriel Hildesheimer,who subjugated research to the predetermined sanctity of the texts and refused to allow it practical implication over received methods; via the Positive-HistoricalZecharias Frankel,who did not denyWissenschafta role, but only in deference to tradition, and opposed analysis of thePentateuch;and up toAbraham Geiger,who rejected any limitations on objective research or its application. He is considered the founding father of Reform Judaism.[54]

Geiger wrote that at seventeen already, he discerned that the lateTannaimand theAmoraimimposed a subjective interpretation on theOral Torah,attempting to diffuse its revolutionary potential bylinking it to the biblical text.Believing that Judaism became stale and had to be radically transformed if it were to survive modernity, he found little use in the legal procedures ofhalakha,arguing that hardline rabbis often demonstrated they will not accept major innovations anyway. His venture intohigher criticismled him to regard the Pentateuch as reflecting power struggles between thePhariseeson one hand, and theSaduceeswho had their own pre-Mishnaichalakha.Having concluded the belief in an unbroken tradition back to Sinai or a divinely dictated Torah could not be maintained, he began to articulate a theology of progressive revelation, presenting the Pharisees as reformers who revolutionized the Saducee-dominated religion. His other model were the Prophets, whose morals and ethics were to him the only true, permanent core of Judaism. He was not alone:Solomon Formstecherargued that Revelation was God's influence on human psyche, rather than encapsulated in law;Aaron Bernsteinwas apparently the first to deny inherent sanctity to any text when he wrote in 1844 that, "The Pentateuch is not achronicleof God's revelation, it is atestimonyto the inspiration His consciousness had on our forebears. "Many others shared similar convictions.[55]

In 1837, Geiger hosted a conference of like-minded young rabbis inWiesbaden.He told the assembled that the "Talmudmust go ". In 1841, the Hamburg Temple issued a second edition of its prayerbook, the first Reform liturgy since its predecessor of 1818. Orthodox response was weak and quickly defeated. Most rabbinic posts in Germany were now manned by university graduates susceptible to rationalistic ideas, which also permeated liberal Protestantism led by such figures asLeberecht Uhlich.They formed the backbone of the nascent Reform rabbinate. Geiger intervened in the SecondHamburg Temple controversynot just to defend the prayerbook against the Orthodox, but also to denounce it, stating the time of mainly aesthetic and unsystematic reforms has passed. In 1842, the power of progressive forces was revealed again: when Geiger's superior Rabbi Solomon Tiktin attempted to dismiss him from the post of preacher inBreslau,15 of 17 rabbis consulted by the board stated his unorthodox views were congruous with his post. He himself differentiated between his principled stance and quotidian conduct. Believing it could be implemented only carefully, he was moderate in practice and remained personally observant.

Second only to Geiger, RabbiSamuel Holdheimdistinguished himself as a radical proponent of change. While the former stressed continuity with the past and described Judaism as an entity that gradually adopted and discarded elements along time, Holdheim accorded present conditions the highest status, sharply dividing the universalist core from all other aspects that could be unremittingly disposed of. Declaring that old laws lost their hold on Jews as it were and the rabbi could only act as a guide for voluntary observance, his principle was that the concept of "the Law of the Land is the Law"was total. He declared mixed marriage permissible – almost the only Reform rabbi to do so in history; his contemporaries and later generations opposed this – for the Talmudic ban on conducting them on Sabbath, unlike offering sacrifice and other acts, was to him sufficient demonstration that they belonged not to the category of sanctified obligations (issurim) but to the civil ones (memonot), where the Law of the Land applied. Another measure he offered, rejected almost unanimously by his colleagues in 1846, was the institution of a "Second Sabbath" on Sunday, modeled onSecond Passover,as most people desecrated the day of rest.[56]

The pressures of the lateVormärzera were intensifying. In 1842, a group of radical laymen determined to achieve full acceptance into society was founded in Frankfurt, the "Friends of Reform". They abolished circumcision and declared that the Talmud was no longer binding. In response to pleas from Frankfurt, virtually all rabbis in Germany, even Holdheim, declared circumcision obligatory. Similar groups sprang in Breslau and Berlin. These developments, and the need to bring uniformity to practical reforms implemented piecemeal in the various communities, motivated Geiger and his like-minded supporters into action. Between 1844 and 1846, they convened three rabbinical assemblies, inBraunschweig,Frankfurt am MainandBreslaurespectively. Those were intended to implement the proposals ofAaron Chorinand others for a newSanhedrin,made already in 1826, that could assess and eliminate various ancient decrees and prohibitions. A total of forty-two people attended the three meetings, including moderates and conservatives, all quite young, usually in their thirties.[57]

The conferences made few concrete far-reaching steps, albeit they generally stated that the old mechanisms of religious interpretation were obsolete. The first, held on 12–19 June 1844, abolishedKol Nidreiand the humiliatingJewish oath,still administered by rabbis, and established a committee to determine "to which degree the Messianic ideal should be mentioned in prayer". Repeating the response of the 1806 ParisGrand SanhedrintoNapoleon,it declared intermarriage permissible as long as children could be raised Jewish; this measure effectively banned such unions without offending Christians, as no state in Germany allowed mixed-faith couples to have non-Christians education for offspring. It enraged critics anyhow. A small group of traditionalists also attended, losing all votes. On the opposite wing were sympathizers of Holdheim, who declared on 17 June that "science already demonstrated that the Talmud has no authority either from the dogmatic or practical perspective... The men of theGreat Assemblyhad jurisdiction only for their time. We possess the same power, when we express the spirit of ours. "The majority was led by Geiger andLudwig Philippsonand was keen on moderation and historical continuity.

The harsh response from the strictly Orthodox came as no surprise.Moshe Schickdeclared "they have blasphemed against the Divinity of the Law, they are no Israelites and equal to Gentiles". Yet they also managed to antagonize more moderate progressives. BothS. L. RapoportandZecharias Frankelstrongly condemned Braunschweig. Another discontented party wereChristian missionaries,who feared Reform on two accounts: it could stem the massive tide of conversions, and loosen Jewish piety in favor of liberal, semi-secularized religion that they opposed among Christians as well, reducing the possibility they would ever accept new dogma fully.[58]

Frankel was convinced to attend the next conference, held in Frankfurt on 15–28 July 1845, after many pleas. But he walked out after it passed a resolution that there were subjective, but no objective, arguments for retaining Hebrew in the liturgy. While this was quite a trivial statement, well grounded in canonical sources, Frankel regarded it as a deliberate breach with tradition and irreverence toward the collective Jewish sentiment. The 1840s, commented Meyer, saw the crystallization of Reform, narrowing fromreformers (in the generic sense)who wished to modernize Judaism to some degree or other (including both Frankel and the Neo-OrthodoxSamson Raphael Hirsch)a broad stream that embraced all opponents of the premodern status quo... to a more clearly marked current which rejected not only the religious mentality of the ghetto, but also the modernist Orthodoxy which altered form but not substance.[59]After his withdrawal, the conference adopted another key doctrine that Frankel opposed, and officially enshrined the idea of a future Messianic era rather than a personal redeemer. Rabbi David Einhorn elucidated a further notion, that of the Mission to bring ethical monotheism to all people, commenting that, "Exile was once perceived as a disaster, but it was progress. Israel approached its true destiny, with sanctity replacing blood sacrifice. It was to spread the Word of the Lord to the four corners of the earth."

The last meeting, convened in Breslau (13–24 July 1846), was the most innocuous. The Sabbath, widely desecrated by the majority of German Jews, was discussed. Participants argued whether leniencies for civil servants should be enacted but could not agree and released a general statement about its sanctity. Holdheim shocked the assembled when he proposed his "Second Sabbath" scheme, astonishing even the radical wing, and his motion was rejected offhand. They did vote to eliminate theSecond Day of Festivals,noting it was both an irrelevant rabbinic ordinance and scarcely observed anyway.

While eliciting protest from the Orthodox, Frankfurt and Breslau also incensed the radical laity, which regarded them as too acquiescent. In March 1845, a small group formed a semi-independent congregation in Berlin, the Reformgemeinde. They invited Holdheim to serve as their rabbi, though he was often at odds with the board led by Sigismund Stern. They instituted a drastically abridged prayerbook in German and allowed the abolition of most ritual aspects.

Practice and liturgy were modified in numerous German congregations. Until the conferences, the only Reform prayerbooks ever printed in Europe were the two Hamburg editions. In the 1850s and 1860s, dozens of new prayerbooks which omitted or rephrased the cardinal theological segments of temple sacrifice, ingathering of exiles, Messiah, resurrection and angels – rather than merely abbreviating the service; excising non-essential parts, especiallypiyyutim,was common among moderate Orthodox and conservatives too[60]– were authored in Germany for mass usage, demonstrating the prevalence of the new religious ideology. And yet, Geiger and most of the conferences' participants were far more moderate than Holdheim. While he administered in a homogeneous group, they had to serve in unified communities, in which traditionalists held separate services but still had to be respected. Changes were decidedly restrained. Liturgists were often careful when introducing their changes into the Hebrew text of prayers, less than with the German translation, and some level of traditional observance was maintained in public. Except Berlin, where the term "Reform" was first used as an adjective, the rest referred to themselves as "Liberal".

Two further rabbinical conferences much later, in 1869 and 1871 atLeipzigandAugsburgrespectively, were marked with a cautious tone. Their only outcome was the bypassing of theLoosening of the Shoeceremony via a prenuptial agreement and the establishment of theHochschule für die Wissenschaft des Judentums,though officially non-denominational, as a rabbinical seminary. While common, noted Michael Meyer, the designation "Liberal Jew" was more associated with political persuasion than religious conviction. The general Jewish public in Germany demonstrated little interest, especially after the1876 lawunder which communal affiliation and paying parish taxes were no longer mandatory.[61]

Outside Germany, Reform had little to no influence in the rest of the continent. Radical lay societies sprang in Hungary during the1848 Revolutionbut soon dispersed. Only in Germany, commented Steven M. Lowenstein, did the extinction of old Jewish community life led to the creation of a new, positive religious ideology that advocated principled change.[62]In Western and Central Europe, personal observance disappeared, but the public was not interested in bridging the gap between themselves and the official faith. Secular education for clergy became mandated by mid-century, andyeshivasall closed due to lack of applicants, replaced by modern seminaries; the new academically trained rabbinate, whether affirming basically traditional doctrines or liberal and influenced byWissenschaft,was scarcely prone to anything beyond aesthetic modifications and de facto tolerance of the laity's apathy. Further to the east, among the unemancipated and unacculturated Jewish masses in Poland, Romania and Russia, the stimulants that gave rise either to Reform or modernist Orthodoxy were scarce.[57][63]The few rich and westernized Jews in cities likeOdessaorWarsawconstructed modern synagogues where mild aesthetic reforms, like vernacular sermons or holding thewedding canopyindoors, rather than under the sky, were introduced. Regarded as boldly innovative in their environs, these were long since considered trivial even by the most Orthodox in Germany,BohemiaorMoravia.In the east, the belated breakdown of old mores led not to the remodification of religion, but to the formulation ofsecular conceptions of Jewishness,especiallynationalistic ones.[64]

In 1840, several British Jews formed theWest London Synagogue of British Jews,headed by ReverendDavid Woolf Marks.While the title "Reform" was occasionally applied to them, their approach was described as "neo-Karaite"and was utterly opposite to continental developments. Only a century later did they and other synagogues embrace mainland ideas and established the BritishMovement for Reform Judaism.[65]

America and Classical Reform[edit]

Isaac Meyer Wise.
RabbiDavid Einhorn.
RabbiKaufmann Kohler.

At Charleston, the former members of the Reformed Society gained influence over the affairs ofBeth Elohim.In 1836,Gustavus Poznanskiwas appointed minister. At first traditional, but around 1841, he excised the Resurrection of the Dead and abolished theSecond day of festivals,five years before the same was done at the Breslau conference.

Apart from that, the American Reform movement was chiefly a direct German import. In 1842,Har Sinai Congregationwas founded by German-Jewish immigrants in Baltimore. Adopting the Hamburg rite, it was the first synagogue established as Reformed on the continent. In the new land, there were neither old state-mandated communal structures, nor strong conservative elements among the newcomers. While the first generation was still somewhat traditional, their Americanized children were keen on a new religious expression. Reform quickly spread even before the Civil War. While fueled by the condition of immigrant communities, in matters of doctrine, wrote Michael Meyer, "However much a response to its particular social context, the basic principles are those put forth by Geiger and the other German Reformers – progressive revelation, historical-critical approach, the centrality of the Prophetic literature."[66]

The rabbinate was almost exclusively transplanted – RabbisSamuel Hirsch,Samuel Adler,Gustav Gottheil,Kaufmann Kohler,and others all played a role both in Germany and across the ocean – and led by two individuals: the radical RabbiDavid Einhorn,who participated in the 1844–1846 conferences and was very much influenced by Holdheim (though utterly rejecting mixed marriage), and the moderate pragmatistIsaac Meyer Wise,who while sharing deeply heterodox views was more an organizer than a thinker. Wise was distinct from the others, arriving early in 1846 and lacking much formal education. He was of little ideological consistency, often willing to compromise.

Quite haphazardly, Wise instituted a major innovation when introducing family pews in 1851, after hisAlbanycongregation purchased a local church building and retained sitting arrangements. While it was gradually adopted even by many Orthodox Jews in America, and remained so well into the 20th century, the same was not applied in Germany until after World War II. Wise attempted to reach consensus with the traditionalist leader RabbiIsaac Leeserin order to forge a single, unified, American Judaism. In the 1855ClevelandSynod, he was at first acquiescent to Leeser, but reverted immediately after the other departed. The enraged Leeser disavowed any connection with him. Yet Wise's harshest critic was Einhorn, who arrived from Europe in the same year. Demanding clear positions, he headed the radical camp as Reform turned into a distinct current.

On 3–6 November 1869, the two and their followers met inPhiladelphia.Described by Meyer as American Reform's "declaration of independence", they stated their commitment to the principles already formulated in Germany:priestly privileges,the belief in Resurrection, and a personal Messiah were denied. A practical, far-reaching measure, not instituted in the home country until 1910, was acceptance of civil marriage and divorce. Agetwas no longer required. In 1873, Wise founded theUnion of American Hebrew Congregations(since 2003, Union for Reform Judaism), the denominational body. In 1875, he established the movement's rabbinical seminary,Hebrew Union College,atCincinnati, Ohio.He and Einhorn also quarreled in the matter of liturgy, each issuing his own prayerbook,Minhag America(American Rite) andOlat Tamid(RegularBurnt Offering) respectively, which they hoped to make standard issue. Eventually, theUnion Prayer Bookwas adopted in 1895. The movement spread rapidly: in 1860, when it began its ascent, there were few Reform synagogues and 200 Orthodox in the United States. By 1880, a mere handful of the existing 275 were not affiliated with it.[67]

The proponents of Reform or progressive forms of Judaism had consistently claimed since the early nineteenth-century that they sought to reconcile Jewish religion with the best of contemporary scientific thought. The science of evolution was arguably the scientific idea that drew the most sustained interest. A good example is the series of twelve sermons published asThe Cosmic God(1876) byIsaac Meyer Wise,who offered an alternative theistic account of transmutation to that of Darwinism, which he dismissed as ‘homo-brutalism’. Other Reform rabbis who were more sympathetic to Darwinian conceptions of evolution wereKaufmann Kohler,Emil G. Hirsch,andJoseph Krauskopf.These engaged with high-profile sceptics and atheists such asRobert IngersollandFelix Adler[68]as well as with proponents of biological evolutionary theory, with the result that a distinctlypanentheisticcharacter of US Reform Jewish theology was observable.[69]

In 1885, Reform Judaism in America was confronted by challenges from both flanks. To the left,Felix Adlerand hisEthical Movementrejected the need for the Jews to exist as a differentiated group. On the right, the recently arrived RabbiAlexander Kohut,an adherent ofZecharias Frankel,lambasted it for having abandoned traditional Judaism. Einhorn's son-in-law and chief ideologue, RabbiKaufmann Kohler,invited leading rabbis to formulate a response. The eight clauses of thePittsburgh Platformwere proclaimed on 19 November. It added virtually nothing new to the tenets of Reform, but rather elucidated them, declaring unambiguously that: "Today, we accept as binding only the moral laws, and maintain only such ceremonies as elevate and sanctify our lives." The platform was never officially ratified by either the UAHC or HUC, and many of their members even attempted to disassociate from it, fearing that its radical tone would deter potential allies. It indeed motivated a handful of conservatives to cease any cooperation with the movement and withdraw their constituencies from the UAHC. Those joined Kohut andSabato Moraisin establishing theJewish Theological Seminary of America.It united all non-Reform currents in the country and would gradually develop into the locus ofConservative Judaism.

The Pittsburgh Platform is considered a defining document of the sanitized and rationalistic "Classical Reform", dominant from the 1860s to the 1930s. At its height, some forty congregations adopted the Sunday Sabbath and UAHC communities had services without most traditional elements, in a manner seen in Europe only at the BerlinReformgemeinde.In 1889, Wise founded theCentral Conference of American Rabbis(CCAR), the denominational rabbinic council.

However, change loomed on the horizon. From 1881 to 1924, over 2,400,000 immigrants from Eastern Europe drastically altered American Jewry, increasing it tenfold. The 40,000 members of Reform congregations became a small minority overnight. The newcomers arrived from backward regions, where modern education was scarce and civil equality nonexistent, retaining a strong sense of Jewish ethnicity. Even the ideological secularists among them, all the more so the common masses which merely turned lax or nonobservant, had a very traditional understanding of worship and religious conduct. The leading intellectuals of Eastern European Jewish nationalism castigated western Jews in general, and Reform Judaism in particular, not on theological grounds which they as laicists wholly rejected, but for what they claimed to be assimilationist tendencies and the undermining of peoplehood. This sentiment also fueled the manner in which the denomination is perceived inIsraelisociety, originally established on the basis of these ideologies.[70]

While at first alienated from all native modernized Jews,a fortiorithe Reform ones, the Eastern Europeans did slowly integrate. Growing numbers did begin to enter UAHC prayerhouses. The CCAR soon readopted elements long discarded in order to appeal to them: In the 1910s, inexperienced rabbis in theEast Coastwere given asshofarsram horns fitted with a trumpet mouthpiece, seventy years after the Reformgemeinde first heldHigh Holidayprayers without blowing the instrument. The five-day workweek soon made the Sunday Sabbath redundant. Temples in theSouthand theMidwest,where the new crowd was scant, remained largely Classical.

The World Union[edit]

Claude Montefiore.

In Germany, Liberal communities stagnated since mid-century. Full and completeJewish emancipationgranted to all in theGerman Empirein 1871 largely diffused interest in harmonizing religion withZeitgeist.Immigration from Eastern Europe also strengthened traditional elements. In 1898, seeking to counter these trends, RabbiHeinemann Vogelsteinestablished the Union of Liberal Rabbis (Vereinigung der liberalen Rabbiner). It numbered 37 members at first and grew to include 72 by 1914, about half of Germany's Jewish clergy, a proportion maintained until 1933. In 1908, Vogelstein and RabbiCäsar Seligmannalso founded a congregational arm, the Union for Liberal Judaism in Germany (Vereinigung für das Liberale Judentum in Deutschland), finally institutionalizing the current that until then was active as a loose tendency. The Union had some 10,000 registered members in the 1920s. In 1912, Seligmann drafted a declaration of principles, "Guiding Lines towards a Program for Liberal Judaism" (Richtlinien zu einem Programm für das liberale Judentum). It stressed the importance of individual consciousness and the supremacy of ethical values to ritual practice, declared a belief in a messianic age and was adopted as "a recommendation", rather than a binding decision.

In 1902,Claude Montefioreand several friends, includingLily MontaguandIsrael Abrahams,founded the Jewish Religious Union (JRU) in London. It served as the cornerstone ofLiberal Judaismin Britain. Montefiore was greatly influenced by the ideas of early German Reformers. He and his associates were mainly driven by the example and challenge ofUnitarianism,which offered upper-class Jews a universal, enlightened belief. Meyer noted that while he had original strains, Montefiore was largely dependent on Geiger and his concepts of progressive revelation, instrumentality of ritual et cetera. His Liberal Judaism was radical and puristic, matching and sometimes exceeding the Berlin and American variants. They sharply abridged liturgy and largely discarded practice.[71]Langton has argued for the distinctly Anglo-Jewish character of the movement, which was dominated by Montefiore's idiosyncratic ideas.[72] In 1907, the formerConsistorialrabbiLouis Germain Lévy[fr]who shared a similar worldview, formed theUnion Libérale Israélite de France,a small congregation that numbered barely a hundred families. It eventually evolved into theLiberal Jewish Movement of France.

Seligmann first suggested the creation of an international organization. On 10 July 1926, representatives from around the world gathered in London. Rabbi Jacob K. Shankman wrote they were all "animated by the convictions of Reform Judaism: emphasized the Prophets' teachings as the cardinal element, progressive revelation, willingness to adapt ancient forms to contemporary needs".[73]The conference was attended by representatives of the German Liberal Union, the British JRU, the American UAHC and CCAR, and Lévy from France. After weighing their options, they chose "Progressive", rather than either "Liberal" or "Reform", as their name, founding theWorld Union for Progressive Judaism.It began to sponsor new chapters globally. The first was founded in theNetherlands,where two synagogues formed theVerbond voor Liberaal-Religieuze Joden in Nederlandon 18 October 1931.

Already in 1930, theWest London Synagogueaffiliated with WUPJ. In the coming decade, waves of refugees fromNazi Germanyarrived in Britain, bringing with them both the moderation of German Liberal Judaism (few mingled with the radical JRU) and a cadre of trained rabbis. Only then did British Reform emerge as a movement. 1942 saw the founding of the Associated British Synagogues, which joined the WUPJ in 1945. Preserving the relative traditionalism of Germany, they later adopted the name "Reform Synagogues of Great Britain" (since 2005,Movement for Reform Judaism), distinct from the smaller "Union of Liberal and Progressive Synagogues",which succeeded the JRU.[65][74]Tens of thousands of refugees from Germany brought their Liberal Judaism to other lands as well. In 1930, the first Liberal congregation, Temple Beth IsraelMelbourne,was founded inAustralia.In June 1931, the South African Jewish Religious Union for Liberal Judaism was organised, soon employing HUC-ordainedMoses Cyrus Weiler.TheCongregação Israelita PaulistaofSão Paulo,first branch in South America, was established in 1936. German refugees also founded a Liberal community namedEmet ve-EmunainJerusalem,but it joined the Conservatives by 1949.

The New Reform Judaism[edit]

Contemporary Reform service held inSinai Synagogue,with some congregants wearing head coverings and prayer shawls.

Kohler retired in 1923. RabbiSamuel S. Cohonwas appointed HUC Chair of Theology in his stead, serving until 1956. Cohon, born nearMinsk,was emblematic of the new generation of East European-descended clergy within American Reform. Deeply influenced byAhad Ha'amandMordecai Kaplan,he viewedJudaism as a Civilization,rather than a religion, though he and other Reform sympathizers of Kaplan fully maintained the notions ofElectionand revelation, which the latter denied. Cohon valued Jewish particularism over universalist leanings, encouraging the reincorporation of traditional elements long discarded, not as part of a comprehensive legalistic framework but as means to rekindle ethnic cohesion.[20]His approach echoed popular sentiment in the East Coast. So didSolomon Freehof,son to immigrants fromChernihiv,who advocated a selective rapprochement withhalakha,which was to offer "guidance, not governance"; Freehof advocated replacing the sterile mood of community life, allowing isolated practices to emerge spontaneously and reincorporating old ones. He redrafted theUnion Prayer Bookin 1940 to include more old formulae and authored many responsa, though he always stressed compliance was voluntary.[75]

Cohon and Freehof rose against the background of theGreat Depression,when many congregations teetered on the threshold of collapse. Growing Antisemitism in Europe led German Liberals on similar paths. RabbisLeo Baeck,Max Dienemannand Seligmann himself turned to stressing Jewish peoplehood and tradition. TheNazis' takeover in 1933effected a religious revival in communities long plagued by apathy and assimilation. The great changes convinced the CCAR to adopt a new set of principles. On 29 May 1937, inColumbus, Ohio,a "Declaration of Principles" (eschewing the more formal, binding "platform" ), promoted a greater degree of ritual observance, supported Zionism – considered by the Classicists in the past as, at best, a remedy for the unemancipated Jewish masses in Russia and Romania, while they did not regard the Jews as a nation in the modern sense – and opened not with theology, but by the statement, "Judaism is the historical religious experience of the Jewish people". The Columbus Principles signified the transformation from "Classical" to the "New Reform Judaism", characterized by a lesser focus on abstract concepts and a more positive attitude to practice and traditional elements.[5][76]

TheHolocaustand the establishment of theState of Israelreinforced the tendency. The Americanization and move to the suburbs in the 1950s facilitated a double effect: the secular Jewish ideologies of the immigrants' generation, likeBundismorLabour Zionism,became anachronistic. Military service exposed recruits to the family-oriented, moderate religiosity of middle-class America. Many sought an affiliation in the early years of theCold War,when lack of such raised suspicion of leftist or communist sympathies. The "Return to Tradition", as it was termed, smoothed the path for many such into UAHC. It grew from 290 communities with 50,000 affiliated households in 1937 to 560 with 255,000 in 1956. A similar shift to nostalgic traditionalism was expressed overseas. Even the purist Liberals in Britain introduced minor customs that bore sentimental value;Bar Mitzvahreplaced confirmation.[77][78]

World War II shattered many of the assumptions about human progress and benevolence held by liberal denominations, Reform included. A new generation of theologians attempted to formulate a response. Thinkers such asEugene Borowitzand J.J. Petuchowski turned mainly toexistentialism,portraying humans in a fragile, complex relationship with the divine. Whilereligious humanismwas ever-present, it remained confined to a small group, and official positions retained atheisticapproach. But the main focus in American Reform lay elsewhere: in 1946, RabbiMaurice Eisendrathwas appointed President of the UAHC. He turned the notion ofTikkun Olam,"repairing of the world", into the practical expression of affiliation, leading involvement in thecivil rights movement,Vietnam War oppositionand other progressive causes. In 1954, the first permanent Reform congregation was established in the State of Israel, again at Jerusalem. TheIsrael Movement for Reform and Progressive Judaismwas registered in 1971, and the worldwide movement moved the WUPJ's headquarters to Jerusalem in 1974, signalling its growing attachment to Zionism.

The 1960s and 70s saw the rise ofmulticulturalismand the weakening of organized religion in favour of personal spirituality. A growing "return to ethnicity" among the young made items such asprayer shawlsfashionable again. In 1963, HUC-graduateSherwin Wineseceded to form the openly atheisticBirmingham Temple,declaring that for him Judaism was a cultural tradition, not a faith. Knowing that many in their audience held quite overlapping ideas, the pressure on the CCAR to move toward nontheism grew.[79]

In 1975, the lack of consensus surfaced during the compilation of a new standard prayer book, "Gates of Prayer".To accommodate all, ten liturgies for morning service and six for the evening were offered for each congregation to choose of, from very traditional to one that retained the Hebrew text for God but translated it as" Eternal Power ", condemned by many as de facto humanistic." Gates of Prayer "symbolized the movement's adoption of what would be termed" Big Tent Judaism ", welcoming all, over theological clarity. In the following year, an attempt to draft a new platform for the CCAR in San Francisco ended with poor results. Led by Borowitz, any notion of issuing guidelines was abandoned in favour of a" Centenary Perspective "with few coherent statements.[80]The "Big Tent", while taking its toll on the theoreticians, did substantially bolster constituency. The UAHC slowly caught up withConservative Judaismon the path toward becoming the largest American denomination.[81]Yet it did not erase boundaries completely and rejected outright those who heldsyncreticbeliefs likeJewbuandMessianic Judaism,and also Sherwin Wine-styleSecular Humanistic Judaism.Congregation Beth Adam,which excised all references to God from its liturgy, was denied UAHC membership by a landslide vote of 113:15 in 1994.[79]

In 1972, the first Reform female rabbi,Sally Priesand,was ordained at HUC. In 1977, the CCAR declared that the biblical ban on male same-sex intercourse referred only to the pagan customs prevalent at the time it was composed, and gradually accepted openly LGBT constituents and clergy. The first LGBT rabbi,Stacy Offner,was instated in 1988, and full equality was declared in 1990. Same-sex marriage guidelines were published in 1997. In 1978, UAHC PresidentAlexander Schindleradmitted that measures aimed at curbing intermarriage rates by various sanctions, whether on the concerned parties or on rabbis assisting or acknowledging them (ordinances penalizing such involvement were passed in 1909, 1947 and 1962), were no longer effective. He called for a policy of outreach and tolerance, rejecting "intermarriage, but not the intermarried", hoping to convince gentile spouses to convert. In 1983, the CCAR accepted patrilineal descent, a step taken by British Liberals already in the 1950s. UAHC membership grew by 23% in 1975–1985, to 1.3 million. An estimated 10,000 intermarried couples were joining annually.[81][82]

On 26 May 1999, after a prolonged debate and six widely different drafts rejected, a "Statement of Principles for Reform Judaism" was adopted in Pittsburgh by the Central Conference of American Rabbis. It affirmed the "reality and oneness of God", the Torah as "God's ongoing revelation to our people" and committed to the "ongoing study of the whole array of Commandments and to the fulfillment of those that address us as individuals and as a community. Some of these sacred obligations have long been observed by Reform Jews; others, both ancient and modern, demand renewed attention." While the wording was carefully crafted in order not to displease the estimated 20%–25% of membership that retained Classicist persuasions, it did raise condemnation from many of them.[83]In 2008, theSociety for Classical Reform Judaismwas founded to mobilize and coordinate those who preferred the old universalist, ethics-based and less-observant religious style, with its unique aesthetic components. SCRJ leader, Rabbi Howard A. Berman, claimed that the neo-traditional approach, adopted by the URJ, alienated more congregants than those it drew in.[84]

See also[edit]

Notes[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^Goldscheider, Calvin; Zuckerman, Alan (2004) [1990]."The Judaic Reformation as a Sociopolitical Process".In Goldscheider, Calvin;Neusner, Jacob(eds.).Social Foundations of Judaism(Reprint ed.). Eugene, Or: Wipf and Stock Publ. pp. 83–93.ISBN1-59244-943-3.
  2. ^abRomain, Jonathan(1995).Tradition and Change: A History of Reform Judaism in Britain, 1840–1995.London:Vallentine Mitchell.pp. 39–45.ISBN978-0853032984.
    Kaplan, Dana Evan(2013).The New Reform Judaism: Challenges and Reflections.Lincoln, Na; Philadelphia, Pa: University of Nebraska Press; The Jewish Publication Society. pp. 7, 315.ISBN9781461940500.OCLC857493257.
  3. ^abKaresh, Sara E.; Hurvitz, Mitchell M. (2005)."Reform Judaism".Encyclopedia of Judaism.Encyclopedia of World Religions.J. Gordon Melton,Series Editor. New York: Facts On File. pp. 419–422.ISBN0-8160-5457-6.
  4. ^abcJakob Josef Petuchowski, "The Concept of Revelation in Reform Judaism", inStudies in Modern Theology and Prayer,Jewish Publication Society, 1998. pp. 101–112.
  5. ^abNeusner, Jacob,ed. (1993).The Reformation of Reform Judaism.Judaism in Cold War America, 1945–1990, vol. 6. New York; London: Garland Publ.ISBN9780815300762.
  6. ^Meyer, Michael A.(1988).Response to Modernity: A History of the Reform Movement in Judaism.New York: Oxford University Press.ISBN9780195051674.
  7. ^Kaplan,Contemporary Debates,pp. 136–142;New Reform Judaism,pp. 6–8. Quote from: Kaplan,"Faith and Matrimony",Jewish Ideas Daily,19 April 2013.
  8. ^Kaplan,American Reform: an Introduction,p. 29;Challenges and Reflections,p. 36;Contemporary Debates,136–142.;Jonathan RomainReform Judaism and Modernity: A Reader,SCM Press, 2004. p. 145.
  9. ^Meyer, p. 96.
  10. ^Challenges and Reflections,pp. 34–36.
  11. ^Kaplan,Contemporary American Judaism: Transformation and Renewal,pp. 131.
  12. ^Dana Evan Kaplan,Contemporary Debates in American Reform Judaism,Routledge, 2013. p. 239.;Challenges and Reflections,pp. 27, 46, 148.; Elliot N. Dorff,Conservative Judaism: Our Ancestors to Our Descendants,United Synagogue of Conservative Judaism, 1979. pp. 104–105.
  13. ^abEugene B. Borowitz,Reform Judaism Today,Behrman House, 1993. pp. 147–148.
  14. ^See also:Dana Evan Kaplan,"In Praise of Reform Theology",The Forward,16 March 2011.
  15. ^Robert G. Goldy,The Emergence of Jewish Theology in America,Indiana University Press, 1990. pp. 24–25.
  16. ^Dorff, p. 132; Dana Evan Kaplan,American Reform Judaism: An Introduction,Rutgers University Press, 2009. pp. 41–42; Jonathan Sacks,Crisis and Covenant: Jewish Thought After the Holocaust,Manchester Uni. Press, 1992. p. 158.
  17. ^Leon A. Morris, "Beyond Autonomy: the Texts and Our Lives", in: Dana Evan Kaplan,Platforms and Prayer Books: Theological and Liturgical Perspectives on Reform Judaism,Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2002. pp. 271–284.
  18. ^Walter Jacob,Liberal Judaism and Halakhah,Rodef Shalom Press, 1988. pp. 90–94.; Michael A. Meyer,"Changing Attitudes of Liberal Judaism toward Halakhah and Minhag",Proceedings of the World Congress of Jewish Studies, 1993.
  19. ^Borowitz,Reform Judaism Today,pp. 81, 88–90.
  20. ^abArnold M. Eisen,The Chosen People in America: A Study in Jewish Religious Ideology,Indiana University Press(1983),ISBN9780253114129.pp. 59–65.
  21. ^Romain, p. 8; Borowitz,Today,p. 168; Petuchowski, pp. 183–184.
  22. ^Walter Homolka,Liturgie als Theologie: das Gebet als Zentrum im jüdischen Denken,Frank & Timme GmbH, 2005. pp. 63–98; and especially: J. J. Petuchowski,Prayerbook Reform in Europe: the Liturgy of European Liberal and Reform Judaism,World Union for Progressive Judaism, 1968.
  23. ^Martha Himmelfarb,"Resurrection", in: Adele Berlin (ed.),The Oxford Dictionary of the Jewish Religion,Oxford University Press, 2011. p. 624.; Kaplan,Platforms and Prayer Books,p. 217.
  24. ^Kaplan,Contemporary Debates,p. 106.
  25. ^For a concise introduction, see: Dalia Marks,(Jewish) Reform Liturgy: Then and now,in:A Life of Meaning: Embracing Reform Judaism's Sacred Path.CCAR Press, 2017.
  26. ^Jack Wertheimer,Steven M. Cohen,"The Pew Survey Reanalyzed: More Bad News, but a Glimmer of Hope",Mosaic Magazine,2 November 2014.
  27. ^"Chapter 4: Religious Beliefs and Practices".1 October 2013.
  28. ^"America's First Female Rabbi Reflects on Four Decades Since Ordination - eJewish Philanthropy".8 May 2012.
  29. ^"University of Southern Mississippi".www.lib.usm.edu.
  30. ^Zola, Gary Phillip, ed. (1996).Women Rabbis: Exploration & Celebration: Papers Delivered at an Academic Conference Honoring Twenty Years of Women in the Rabbinate, 1972–1992.Hebrew Union College Press. p. 20.ISBN0-87820-214-5.
  31. ^"Reform Jews open door to gay clergy: FIN Edition".Toronto Star.Toronto Star Newspapers. Torstar Syndication Services. 1990-06-26.
  32. ^"Reform rabbis affirm same-sex unions".The Christian Century.117(13). 19 April 2000.Retrieved9 January2024.
  33. ^McDonald, James."Reform Judaism Just Became the Country's Most Trans-Inclusive Religious Group".Out.Pride Publishing.Retrieved9 January2024.
  34. ^Contemporary Debates,pp. 122–123. See also: Darren Kleinberg,Reform Judaism and the Jewish "Social Gospel"[permanent dead link].CCAR Journal: The Reform Jewish Quarterly, Fall 2009.
  35. ^Aviad haCohen,?בית המשפט ובג "ץ: תל פיות לתנועה הרפורמית, in: Rosenak ed., pp. 439–479.
  36. ^abSteven M. Cohen,"As Reform Jews Gather, Some Good News in the Numbers",The Forward,5 November 2015.
  37. ^abSteven M. Cohen,"Members and Motives: Who Joins American Jewish Congregations and Why"Archived2015-12-22 at theWayback Machine,S3K Report, Fall 2006
  38. ^Frank, L. (2023)Reform Movement Statement on Conversion Issue / Law of Return Grandchild Clause.Union for Reform Judaism.https://urj.org/press-room/reform-movement-statement-conversion-issue-law-return-grandchild-clause
  39. ^Reform Judaism: The Tenets of Reform Judaism.Jewish Virtual Library.https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/the-tenets-of-reform-judaism#Belief
  40. ^Meyer,Response,p. 425.
  41. ^Isaac Meyer Wise,Reformed Judaism,1871.p. 261.
  42. ^For the protocol of the vote, see:"International conference of liberal Jews, Saturday, July 10th – Monday July 12th, 1926",Jewish Religious Union. pp. 118–130.
  43. ^American Jewish Committee,American Jewish Year Book, 1992,University of Nebraska Press,1992. p. 257.
  44. ^A Portrait of Jewish Americans,1 October 2013.
  45. ^"Nearly 2.2 million Americans and Canadians identify as Reform Jews": The Reform Movement,urj.org.
  46. ^Find a Congregation (under the rubric 'country'),urj.org. For the mutually exclusive of list of Reconstructionist congregations worldwide, seeDirectory of Reconstructionist Congregations and HavurotArchived2015-12-22 at theWayback Machine,jewishrecon.org.
  47. ^Meyer,Response,pp. 16–22.
  48. ^David Harry Ellenson,After Emancipation: Jewish Religious Responses to Modernity,Hebrew Union College Press, 2004. p. 103.
  49. ^Michael K. Silber,"Orthodoxy",The YIVO Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe.
  50. ^Meyer, p. 42.
  51. ^Meyer,Response,pp. 55–58, 111–115, 150–157.
  52. ^Meyer,Response,pp. 232–235. See Harby's discourse in:A Selection from the Miscellaneous Writings of the Late Isaac Harby, Esq,1829, p. 57.See also:The Sabbath service and miscellaneous prayers, adopted by the Reformed society of Israelites, founded in Charleston, S. C., November 21, 1825.
  53. ^Chryssides, George(2006). "Reform Judaism". InClarke, Peter B.(ed.).Encyclopedia of new religious movements.London; New York: Routledge. p. 525.ISBN9-78-0-415-26707-6.
  54. ^Michael A. Meyer,Response to Modernity: A History of the Reform Movement in Judaism,Wayne State University Press, 1995. pp. 89–99.
  55. ^Meyer,Response,pp. 125–127.
  56. ^David Ellenson,Rabbi Esriel Hildesheimer and the Creation of a Modern Jewish Orthodoxy,University of Alabama Press, 1990. p. 65.
  57. ^abSteven M. Lowenstein, "The 1840s and the Creation of the German-Jewish Religious Reform Movement", in: Werner E. Mosse ed.,Revolution and Evolution, 1848 in German-Jewish History,Mohr Siebeck, 1981. pp. 258–266.
  58. ^Meyer,Judaism Within Modernity,p. 135.
  59. ^Meyer,Response,p. ix, 180.
  60. ^For example: Todd M. Endelman,The Jews of Britain, 1656 to 2000.University of California Press, 2002. p. 167;David Ellenson,The Mannheimer Prayerbooks and Modern Central European Communal Liturgies: A Representative Comparison of Mid-Nineteenth Century Works.
  61. ^Meyer,Response,pp. 185–188, 210; Michael Meyer,Deutsch-jüdische Geschichte in der Neuzeit: Band 3',C.H. Beck, 1997. pp. 100–110.
  62. ^Lowenstein,The 1840s,p. 256.
  63. ^Meyer,Response,pp. 154–160, 168–170, 195–200.
  64. ^Meyer,Judaism Within Modernity,pp. 278–279;Response,p. 200.
  65. ^abDaniel R. Langton, "A Question of Backbone: Contrasting Christian Influences upon the Origins of Reform and Liberal Judaism in England", in:Melilah; Manchester Journal for Jewish Studies3(2004), pp. 1–47.
  66. ^Michael A. Meyer,Judaism Within Modernity: Essays on Jewish History and Religion,Wayne State University Press, 2001. p. 108.
  67. ^Jack Wertheimer,The American Synagogue: A Sanctuary Transformed,Cambridge University Press, 2003. p. 43.
  68. ^Langton, Daniel R. "Discourses of Doubt: The Place of Atheism, Scepticism and Infidelity in Nineteenth-Century North American Reform Jewish Thought" in Hebrew Union College Annual (2018) Vol.88. pp. 203-253.
  69. ^Daniel R. Langton,Reform Judaism and Darwin: How Engaging with Evolutionary Theory shaped American Jewish Religion(Berlin: de Gruyter, Walter GmbH & Co, 2019).
  70. ^Meyer,Response,pp. 292–294, 350.
  71. ^Meyer,Response to Modernity,p. 214–215; Michael A. Meyer,Judaism Within Modernity,pp. 309–324.
  72. ^Langton, Daniel R.Claude Montefiore: His Life and Thought(London: Vallentine Mitchell), Parkes-Wiener Series on Jewish Studies.ISBN0853033765
  73. ^Jacob K. Shankman,Essays in honor of Solomon B. Freehof,Rodef Shalom, 1964. p. 129.
  74. ^Geoffrey Alderman,Modern British Jewry,Oxford University Press, 1998. p. 354.
  75. ^Joan S. Friedman,"Guidance, Not Governance": Rabbi Solomon B. Freehof and Reform Responsa,Hebrew Union College Press (2013).ISBN9780878204670.pp. 68–80.
  76. ^Dana Evan Kaplan,The Cambridge Companion to American Judaism,Cambridge University Press, 2005.ISBN9780521529518.pp. 119–123.
  77. ^Dana Evan KaplanThe New Reform Judaism: Challenges and Reflections,University of Nebraska Press (2013).ISBN9780827611337.pp. 260–263.
  78. ^J. J. Petuchowski,Reform Judaism: Undone by Revival,First Things,January 1992.
  79. ^abKaplan,Contemporary Debates,pp. 136–142, 242–270.
  80. ^Dana Evan Kaplan,Contemporary American Judaism: Transformation and Renewal,Columbia University Press, 2013, pp. 119–121.
  81. ^abJonathan Sarna,Contemporary Reform Judaism: A Historical Perspective,in: Rosenak,היהדות הרפורמית,pp. 499–509.
  82. ^Joseph Berger,"Rise of 23% Noted in Reform Judaism",The New York Times,1 November 1985.
  83. ^Kaplan,An Introduction,pp. 236–238.
  84. ^Kaplan,Challenges and Reflections.p. 89;"Classical Reform revival pushes back against embrace of tradition".Jewish Telegraphic Agency,9 December 2009.

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