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Russia–Serbia relations
Map indicating locations of Russia and Serbia

Russia
Serbia
Diplomatic mission
Russian embassy inBelgradeSerbian embassy inMoscow
Envoy
Aleksandar Bocan-Harchenko[1]Momčilo Babić

Russia–Serbia relations(Russian:Российско-сербские отношения,Serbian:Руско-српски односи, Rusko-srpski odnosi) are thebilateralforeign relationsbetween theRussian Federationand theRepublic of Serbia.The countries established official diplomatic relations as theRussian EmpireandPrincipality of Serbiain 1816. Russia has an honorary consulate andembassyinBelgrade,and a liaison office toUNMIK,the capital of the disputed territory ofKosovo.Serbia has anembassy in Moscow,an honorary consulate inSt. Petersburgand has announced to open a consulate-general inYekaterinburg.[citation needed]

While geographically not close, Serbia and Russia are bothSlavicandEastern Orthodox Christiancountries and thus share a notablecultural heritage.Both countries were full members of theCouncil of Europe(until Russia's expulsion in 2022) and theOrganization for Security and Co-operation in Europe.[citation needed]

After thedissolution of the Soviet Union,theSocialist Federal Republic of Yugoslaviarecognized Russia in December 1991 by the Decision of the Presidency on the recognition of the former republics of the USSR.[citation needed]

Diplomatic relations between theKingdom of Yugoslaviaand the USSR were established on 24 June 1940, and Serbia and the Russian Federation recognize the continuity of all inter-State documents signed between the two countries. There are about 70 bilateral treaties, agreements and protocols signed in the past. Serbia and the Russian Federation have signed and ratified 43 bilateral agreements and treaties in diverse areas of mutual cooperation so far.[2][better source needed]

According to censuses, there were 3,247 ethnic Russians living in Serbia (2011) and 3,510Serbs with Russian citizenship(2010). Russia and Serbia are both predominantlySlavicandEastern Orthodoxcountries, which share a strong mutual cultural affinity. The countries have been close allies for centuries; and the friendship between them has been strongly maintained despite Serbia's recent attempt to maintain closer relations with the West.[3][better source needed]

History[edit]

Middle Ages[edit]

Aminiatureof theBattle of Kosovo(1389), theIllustrated Chronicle of Ivan the Terrible(1567)

[citation needed]

After theOttoman invasionof Serbia in the 14th century, Serbian refugees found refuge in Russia.[4]Lazar the SerbandPachomius the Serbwere some of the notable Serbs in Russian medieval history.[5]Elena Glinskaya,the mother of Russian emperorIvan the Terriblewas maternallySerbian.[6]The Orthodox worship ofSaint Savawas established in Russia in the 16th century.[4]

18th century[edit]

Main articles:Serbian Hussar Regiment,Slavo-Serbia,andNew Serbia (historical province)

In the 1750s, in a re-settlement initiated byAustrianColonelIvan Horvat,a vast number of Orthodox Serbs, mostly from territories controlled by the Habsburg monarchy (the SerbianGrenzers), settled in Russia's military frontier region ofNew Serbia(with the centre inNovomirgorod,mainly in the territory of the present-dayKirovohrad OblastofUkraine), as well as inSlavo-Serbia(now mainly the territory of the contestedLuhansk Oblast). In 1764, both territorial entities were incorporated in Russia'sNovorossiya Governorate.[citation needed]

19th century–1900s[edit]

After theOttoman Empirehad allied itself withNapoleonin late 1806 and wasattacked by RussiaandBritain,it sought to meet the demands of theSerbian rebelsunderKarađorđe.Konstantin Rodofinikininitially proposed that Serbia becomes a protectorate of the Russian Empire and that Russian garrisons be stationed in Serbia, as well as a high representative which would oversee the affairs in the country. Karađorđe refused the proposition, claiming that it would turn Serbia into a Russian province.[7]At the same time, the Russians offered the Serbs aid and cooperation. The Serbs accepted the Russians′ offer over autonomy under the Ottomans (as set by the "Ičko's Peace") and signed analliancewith theRussian Empirein July 1807. Karađorđe was to receive arms and military and medical missions; nevertheless, the terms ofRusso-Turkish settlementagreed in May 1812 effectively provided for Turkish re-occupation of Serbia and theFirst Serbian Uprisingwas definitively suppressed in October 1813. TheSecond Serbian UprisingachievedSerbian autonomywithin the Ottoman Empire, which was internationally recognized through the Russo-TurkishAkkerman Conventionand theTreaty of Adrianople.Serbia was thus put under Russian protection, although Russia was unable to exert control as it did inWallachiaandMoldavia,territories also dealt with at the Akkerman Convention. Serbian autonomy was briefly abolished by the Ottoman sultan in 1828, then re-granted in 1829. Russian protection was recognized until abolition thereof in 1856, after the Russian defeat in theCrimean War.

PrincessElena Petrovna(fromHouse of Karađorđević) and PrinceJohn Konstantinovich(from theHouse of Romanov)

[citation needed]

In February 1838, then Prince of SerbiaMiloš Obrenovićreceived the first Russian consul, Gerasim Vashchenko.[8][9]

In June 1876, Serbia, along with thePrincipality of Montenegro,declared independence andwar on the Ottoman Empire.The war eventually ended with Serbian victory in March 1878, while Russia had been involved in its ownwar with Turkey,with the final settlement of both wars decided by the great powers at theCongress of Berlin.TheTreaty of Berlin,whose deliberations and decisions were greatly influenced byAustria-Hungary′sGyula Andrássy,recognized Serbia's independence, yet left Serbia's ruling class disgruntled at Russia, who was seen as favoring the newly establishedPrincipality of Bulgariaat the expense of Serbia.[10]In line with Andrássy's idea that Austria-Hungary, in order to neutralise inimicalirredentisttendencies, should establish close legally binding ties with all her neighbors, with whom she had ethnic connections, Austria-Hungary, which bordered Serbia to the north in modern-day SerbianVojvodina), and the west in modern-dayBosnia and Herzegovina,sought to integrate Serbia economically by concluding a series of trade conventions with her and pressuredMilan Obrenovićto enter into a comprehensive bilateral political treaty.[11]In June 1881, Obrenović and Austria-Hungary concluded asecret conventionthat effectively turned Serbia into Austria-Hungary’s client state.[12]In turn, Russia in the 1880s intensified her courtship of Montenegro.[12]PrinceNikola Iof Montenegro was a regular visitor toSaint Petersburgand was awarded the Russian Empire'shighest decorationbyAlexander IIIin 1889.[citation needed]

Left:Pyotr Ilyich Tchaikovskycomposed theSerbo-Russian March(1876)
Right:Nikolai Rimsky-Korsakovcomposed theFantasy on Serbian Themes(1867)

Serbia'sPeople's Radical Party,which was founded byNikola Pašićin 1881 and gained parliament majority by 1891, sought to free the country of Austro-Hungarian dependence. Serbia was defeated in thewar with Bulgariain 1885 and theBulgarian unificationwas internationally recognized. Meanwhile, tensions between Serbia and Austria-Hungary grew. Serbian pretensions in creating a South Slavic state (Yugoslavismas opposed toAustro-Slavism) put fear in Austria-Hungary of potential devastation of the Austro-Hungarian empire. On the other hand, Russia became increasingly disgruntled with Bulgaria, where the rulers of the German dynasties,Alexander of Battenbergand from 1887Ferdinand Ipursued policies that Russia opposed. The visit to Saint Petersburg of Austrian EmperorFranz Josephand his conference withNicholas IIof Russia in 1897 brokered a secret agreement between the two empires to honor and seek to maintain thestatus quoin the Balkans, which was in line with Austria-Hungary’s attempts to forestall an emergence of a large Slavic state in the region.[12][13]The1901 massacres of Serbsin Kosovo was instrumental in causing a diplomatic conflict between Austria-Hungary, which supported the Albanians, and Serbia, which was supported by Russia.[citation needed]

Serbian KingAlexander Iwasassassinated in a coup d'étatin 1903, which ushered in the end of theObrenović dynastyand the return of the House of Karađorđević. The new political regime of prime ministerNikola PašićunderPeter Ire-orientated Serbia towards Russia.[14]Serbia was supported by Russia in the economicPig War (1906–1908)with Austria-Hungary. Austria-Hungary annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908; Russia did not interfere in theBosnian crisis.TheNarodna Odbranaorganization was founded following the annexation, and sought to liberate Serb territories from Austro-Hungarian rule.[citation needed]

World War I[edit]

See also:Causes of World War I
"A Threatening Situation", an American comic from July 1914: "If Austria attacks Serbia, Russia will fall upon Austria, Germany upon Russia, and France and England upon Germany."

One of the factors that led to the beginning ofWorld War Iwas close bilateral relations between theKingdom of Serbiaand theRussian Empire.While Russia and Serbia were not formally allied, Russia openly sought political and religious influence in Serbia.[15]In May 1914, Serbian politics were polarized between two factions, one headed by the Prime Minister Nikola Pašić, and the other by the radical nationalist chief of Military Intelligence, ColonelDragutin Dimitrijević,known by his codename Apis.[16][better source needed]In that month, due to Colonel Dimitrijević's intrigues, Peter I dismissed Pašić's government,[16]but the Russian Minister in Belgrade intervened to have Pašić's government restored.[16]Pašić, though he often talked in public, knew that Serbia was near-bankrupt and, having suffered heavy casualties in theBalkan Warsand in the suppression of an Albanian revolt in Kosovo, needed peace in that moment of time.[16]Since Russia also favoured peace in the Balkans, from the Russian viewpoint, it was desirable to keep Pašić in power.[16]However, theAssassination of Archduke Franz FerdinandledAustria-Hungaryto declare war on Serbia during theJuly Crisis.[citation needed]Russia mobilized its armed forces in late July ostensibly to defend Serbia, but also to maintain its status as a great power, gain influence in the Balkans and deter Austria-Hungary and theGerman Empire.[citation needed]This led Germany to declare war on Russia on 1 August, ultimately turning the local conflict intoWorld War I.[citation needed]

Inter-war period, Russian emigration[edit]

See also:White émigré,Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia,Russians of Serbia,andRussians of Croatia § History and legal status
GeneralPyotr Wrangel,chairman of theRussian All-Military Union(second left), and MetropolitanAnthony Khrapovitsky(third left) inBelgradeneighborhoodDedinjeon Easter, April 1927

A few months after theRussian Revolutionin November 1917, theRussian Civil Warensued, in which a small number of mercenaries fromYugoslaviafought for both theRussian Whitesand theBolsheviks.After the Civil War ended in 1922 in a Bolshevik victory, relations between theKingdom of Yugoslaviaand theSoviet Unionremained frosty. It was not until June 1940 that the Kingdom of Yugoslavia formally recognized the USSR and established diplomatic relations,[17]one of the last European countries to do so.[18]

Since 1920, the government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia welcomed tens of thousands of anti-Bolshevik Russian refugees,[18]mainly those who fled after the final defeat of the Russian Army under GeneralPyotr Wrangelin Crimea in November 1920, explaining its hospitality by presenting it as paying back the debt Serbia owed Russia for its intervention on the side of Serbia at the outbreak of WWI.[19]The Kingdom of Yugoslavia became home for 40,000 exiles loyal to the late Russian Empire.[20]In 1921, at the invitation of the Serbian PatriarchDimitrije,the leadership of theRussian Churchin exile moved fromConstantinopleto Serbia and in September 1922 inKarlovci(until 1920, the seat of the abolishedPatriarchate of Karlovci) established a de facto independent ecclesiastical administration that a few years later, was instituted as theRussian Orthodox Church Outside Russia(ROCOR). The exiled Russian clergy's devotion and dedication to the Church was held up as an example by the churchpeople in Serbia.[21]The ROCOR's Head MetropolitanAnthony Khrapovitskywas widely viewed as a spiritual leader of all theRussian émigrésuntil his death in 1936.[22]PatriarchVarnavaof Serbia (1930–1937) came to be a staunch defender and advocate of the Russian exiles in Yugoslavia and exerted constant pressure on the Royal Court and government to forestall anyrapprochementand establishment of diplomatic relations between the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the USSR.[23]The Russian community in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was effectively in a privileged position in a number of ways, as it enjoyed support and protection on the part of the Karađorđević dynasty.[24]

The Russian military servicemen under the command of GenPyotr Wrangelwere partly enlisted into the Kingdom of Yugoslavia's border guard troops and deployed on the country's south-eastern and later north-western border.[25]This service was terminated by a law passed in April 1922 that abolished the border guard troops; in 1923–1924 Wrangel's men were engaged in a contract to build a road betweenKraljevoandRaška.[25]

The Russian Housewas opened in Belgrade in 1933

At theGenoa Conferencein spring of 1922, there occurred a spat between the USSR’s delegation and that of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia over the absence of a delegation from Montenegro; a meeting betweenGeorgy ChicherinandMomčilo Ninčićtook place on the sidelines of the conference: the sides arrived at a pro forma agreement that the government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia would prevent further activities of Russian émigrés in its territory.[17]Nevertheless, Russian émigré activity continued apace: multiple Russian military officers′ associations were set up in Yugoslavia, which in 1924 were united under an umbrella council headed by the seniormost Russian generalsEduard Ekkand Georgiy Rozalion-Soshalsky.[26]In 1924, a cavalry brigade staffed completely by Wrangel's men was formed under the command of former Russian Empire GeneralSergei Ulagayin order to overthrowAlbania′s pro-Soviet Orthodox leaderFan Noli,who hadseized powerin June that year, and re-install MuslimAhmet Zogu,which was carried out in December that year.[25]On 1 September 1924, Wrangel founded theRussian All-Military Union(ROVS), until 1927 headquartered inKarlovci,a global organization designed to unite all Russian military officers outside the USSR.[27]According to the data contained in the declassifiedUDBAstudy compiled in 1955,[28]in 1934, the ROVS’ membership in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia totaled 25,000.[29]Department IV of ROVS was established with its headquarters in Belgrade, with Ekk heading it until 1933.[30]Department IV was in constant liaison with Yugoslavia'sMinistry of the Army and Navy.[30]

The USSR's intelligence agencies were undertaking efforts to recruit agents in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia from the early 1930s, including from among the émigrés such asLeonid Linitsky,who was exposed and arrested by the King of Yugoslavia’s police in 1935.[31]

In 1938, the Soviet government sponsored a plannedcoup d'étatdesigned to remove theStojadinovićgovernment, which was resented byEdvard Beneš,the president ofCzechoslovakiaand establish an anti-German military regime: Soviet intelligence officerPyotr Zubovwas given $200,000 in cash meant for the Serbian military officers selected by the Czechs to execute the coup. The plan failed, as Zubov, after judging the Serbian officers to be unfit for the mission, refused to make advance payment.[32][33][34]

Soviet influence, World War II[edit]

See also:Yugoslav coup d'état,Yugoslav accession to the Tripartite Pact,Russian Protective Corps,andWorld War II in Yugoslavia

While Yugoslavia remained a monarchy,Communistelements in Yugoslavia retained some influence in theNational Assembly(in December 1920, the governmentprohibitedallCommunistactivities). Relations between Yugoslavian Communists and the officials of theSoviet Unionwere developed. Initial relations, however, remained tense. In 1937, for example, Stalin had the Secretary-General of theLeague of Communists of Yugoslavia,Milan Gorkić,murdered inMoscowduring theGreat Purge.[35]

Troops of the3rd Ukrainian Front(Red Army) during theBelgrade Offensive(1944)

At the end of June 1940, the first Soviet ambassador (″polpred″, i.e. plenipotentiary representative) to Yugoslavia,Viktor Plotnikov,was appointed.[36]

TheMarch 1941 coup d'étatagainst the pro-German government of Yugoslavia, while primarily backed by the UK government, was also actively supported by Soviet intelligence agencies,GRUandNKVD,followingStalin′s instructions, with a view to strengthening the USSR's strategic position in the Balkans.[37]On 5 April 1941, the new government of Yugoslavia and the USSR signed theTreaty of Friendship and Non-Aggression,[38]which did not commit the parties to military assistance in case of aggression.[39][40][41][42]

According to Soviet GeneralPavel Sudoplatov,the Soviet leadership was shocked by an instant defeat of Yugoslavia in April 1941, after Hitlerreactedto the coup ″promptly and effectively″.[43]

The USSR formally severed relations with Yugoslavia on 8 May 1941, but in practice yet before that.[31]

After Germanyattackedthe Soviet Union on 22 June 1941, the USSR began to assist the military campaign ofCommunist partisansled byTito;and from the autumn of 1944 regular Red Army troops directly participated in battles in cooperation with the Partisans, especially in the territories of present-day Serbia. The most notable of these battles in which Soviet soldiers fought in Serbian territories was theBelgrade Offensive.

The ROVS′ Department IV (Yugoslavia) was the only regional branch of theRussian All-Military Unionthat made a decision to side with Germany against the USSR and ROVS participated in forming theRussian Protective Corps(German:Russisches Schutzkorps Serbien) that was established in Serbia in September 1941.[44]The Russian Corps was engaged in guarding important sites and also combating the Communist partisans led by Tito.

Socialist Yugoslavia and USSR[edit]

Main articles:Informbiro period,Tito–Stalin Split,andSoviet Union–Yugoslavia relations

USSR(1922–1991)

Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia(1945–1963)
Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia(1963–1992)

After the war ended in May 1945, KingPeter IIwas not allowed to return to Yugoslavia; in November 1945 he was formally deposed by Yugoslavia's CommunistConstituent Assemblywith the state reorganised as a republic and renamedFederal People's Republic of Yugoslavia(FPR Yugoslavia or FPRY; from 1963Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia,or SFRY). Initially, Yugoslavia's Communist regime underJosip Broz Titowas loyal toJoseph Stalin′s Kremlin. The latter wanted Yugoslavia to become a member of the USSR-led block of Communist countries. However, Tito eventually rejected Stalin's pressure and in 1950s became one of the founders of theNon-Aligned Movement,which was regarded as the third way, neither adhering to the U.S.-ledNATO,nor joining the Moscow-dominatedWarsaw Pact.

As early as on 11 April 1945, the USSR concluded a friendship treaty with Josip Tito, who put signature on behalf of the Regent Council of Yugoslavia.[45]

TheYugoslav Communist Party's response in thePolitikato theSFR Yugoslavia's expulsionfrom theCominform(1948)

In the first two years following the war, relations between FPRY and the Soviet leadership, which during that period sought to accommodate the USSR's Westernalliesdemands in Europe, were not entirely free of disagreements on a number of issues, such as Yugoslavia's territorial claims to Italy'sFree Territory of Triesteand the part of Austria'sCarinthiapopulated byCarinthian Slovenes,Tito's efforts to play a leading role in the entire Balkans region, as well as over Stalin's reluctance to decisively support theGreek Communistsin theGreek Civil War,who were actively supported by Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, and Albania.[46][47]Drastic deterioration in relations occurred in early 1948. In June 1948, Tito did not attend the second conference of theCominform,which was established on the initiative of the USSR in September 1947 as a coordinating body for Communist parties in the USSR, Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Italy, France, Czechoslovakia, Romania, and Yugoslavia. The conference, on the motion of the VKP(B), was mostly dedicated to the discussion of the situation in the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. On 28 June 1948, the other member countries adopted a resolution that noted that ″recently the leadership of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia had pursued an incorrect line on the main questions of home and foreign policy, a line which represents a departure fromMarxism-Leninism″; the resolution concluded by stating, ″the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia has placed itself and the Yugoslav Party outside the family of the fraternal Communist Parties, outside the united Communist front and consequently outside the ranks of the Information Bureau.″[48]The assumption in Moscow was that once it was known that he had lost Soviet approval, Tito would collapse. The expulsion effectively banished Yugoslavia from the international association of socialist states, while other socialist states of Eastern Europe subsequently underwent purges of alleged "Titoists". Stalin took the matter personally and attempted, unsuccessfully, to assassinate Tito on several occasions.[49]

The following year, the crisis nearly escalated into an armed conflict, as Hungarian and Soviet forces were massing on the northern Yugoslav frontier.[50]In May 1949, the Ministry of foreign affairs of Yugoslavia formally protested against the support rendered by the USSR to a group of Yugoslav citizens who had formed a committee in Moscow in early April to promote ″unfriendly activity against the FPRY "(the ministry'snoteof 23 May 1949).[51]The Soviet response dated 31 May 1949 asserted the USSR's right to offer asylum to "Yugoslav revolutionary emigrants″ and stated that Yugoslavia′s government ″had forfeited the right to expect a friendly attitude″ from the USSR, as it had established an ″anti-Communist and anti-democratic terrorist regime″ in Yugoslavia and was fighting against the Soviet Union.[52]On 19 November 1949, the Kominform adopted another resolution on the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, which stated that the CPY had been hijacked by a group of ″murderers and spies "and declared that fighting against the" Tito gang "was a duty of all communist and workers′ parties.[53][54]

After Stalin's death, relations underwent normalisation heralded by the signing of theBelgrade declarationin June 1955, which expressly rescinded Stalin's policies towards Yugoslavia. Nevertheless, the SFRY never joined the USSR-led political and military block of socialist countries and remained one of the leading members of theNon-Aligned Movement,a grouping of countries that sought to be neutral in theCold War.However, Yugoslav government's permission to Soviet Air Force to fly over the country, allowed Soviet Union to send advisors, weapons and troops to Egypt between Six-Day War and Yom Kippur War.[55]Economic and cultural ties between the USSR and SFRY developed successfully until the late 1980s.

1991–2000[edit]

Thebreakup of Yugoslaviaand thedissolution of the Soviet Unionoccurred nearly concurrently. Throughout the 1990s,FR Yugoslaviawas hard hit with sanctions from the Western world; meanwhile Russia was undergoing painful structural reforms that were accompanied by asteady economic declinein production until 1999. Relations between the countries were largely neglected until the spring 1999.

In 1998, theKosovo Warbegan, followed by break-up of relations between Yugoslavia and the West and to theNATO bombing of Yugoslavia,which Russia strongly condemned. In March 1999, Russian presidentBoris Yeltsindescribed NATO's military action against sovereign Yugoslavia as an ″open aggression″.[56]Russia condemnedNATOat theUnited Nationsand supported the statement that NATO air strikes on Serbia were an illegal military action.[56]Volunteers and mercenaries from Russia were cited to have gone to Kosovo in large numbers to fight theKLA,and to resist and complicateNATOoperations.[57]Around the time of the bombing, a Russia-friendly rhetoric developed in the Serbian political team asBorislav Milošević,the brother ofSlobodan Miloševićand the Yugoslav ambassador toMoscowat the time, proposed that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia could join theUnion Statewhich is composed byBelarusand Russia.[58]

2000–present[edit]

See also:Accession of Serbia to the European UnionandSerbia–NATO relations
Vojislav Koštunica,President of FR Yugoslavia,andVladimir Putin,President of Russia,in Moscow, 2000.
Vučić meetingPresident of RussiaVladimir PutininBelgrade(2019)

AfterVladimir Putinbecame thePresident of Russiaat the start of 2000, months after theNATO bombing of Yugoslavia,relations between the countries began to gain momentum. Following theoverthrow of Slobodan Milošević,the newPresident of YugoslaviaVojislav Koštunicapaid a visit to Putin in October 2000.

In January 2008, a major deal was struck between Moscow and Belgrade that by the end of the year transferred 51 percent of Serbia'soil and gas companyNaftna Industrija Srbije(NIS) to Russia'sGazprom Neft(a subsidiary ofGazprom) in exchange for 400 million Euros and 550 mln Euros of investments; later Gazprom increased its stake in NIS to 56,5 percent.[59][60]

In April 2012,Ivica Dačić,thenDeputy Prime Minister of Serbiaand theMinister of Internal Affairs of Serbia,andVladimir Puchkov,Deputy Minister of Emergency Situations of Russia,opened theRussian-Serbian Humanitarian CenterinNiš,anintergovernmentalnonprofit organization.[61]While Serbia has intensive military cooperation withNATO(Serbia's military-to-military cooperation with the U.S. being much bigger than with Russia[62][63]) and in early 2016 the Serbian parliament ratified an agreement that granted NATO staff freedom of movement in the Serbian territory and diplomatic immunity,[64][65]the Serbian government has refused to grant similar status to the Russian-Serbian Humanitarian Center in Niš.[66][60][67]

Boris Tadić,President of Serbia,andDmitry Medvedev,President of Russia, in Belgrade, 2009.
Aleksandar Vučić,Prime Minister of Serbia,and Vladimir Putin, President of Russia, in Moscow, 2014.

The visit to Russia by Serbia's presidentAleksandar Vučićin December 2017 was hailed byPolitikaas a symbolic ending of ″decades of stagnation in relations″.[68]In November 2019 Serbian security services revealed activities of Russian intelligence operatives who were meeting and passing money to Serbian army officials.[69]

Serbia did not impose sanctions on Russia following the crisis in Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea in 2014.[70]

On 25 February 2022, in response to theRussian invasion of Ukraine,Vučić stated that while Serbia felt it was wrong to violate the territorial integrity of Ukraine, it also felt that it was not in Serbia's interest to impose sanctions against Russia.[71][72][73]On 11 March 2022, thePeople's Patrol,afar-rightanti-immigrant andvigilantegroup, held a rally in support of Russia inBelgrade,attended by thousands of pro-Russia Serbs.[74][75][76]On 21 March, a protest against Russia's invasion of Ukraine took place in the Serbian capital. It was the second reported pro-Ukraine demonstration since the start of the war, with the first one organised by peace activists and Russians living in Serbia.[77][78][79]In the following month, more demonstrations in support of Ukraine were held.[80]Pro-Ukraine demonstrations have attracted smaller numbers of participants than that of ones in support of the invasion.[81]

In March 2022, Serbia voted in favour of theUN General Assembly resolutioncondemning Russia's invasion of Ukraine.[82]In April, Serbia voted in favour of expelling Russia from theUN Human Rights Council.[83][84]

Meeting in memory of Russian opposition leaderAlexei Navalny,inNovi Sad,16 February 2024.

In January 2023, Vučić emphasized that Serbia cannot and will not support Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, stating, “For us, Crimea is Ukraine, Donbas is Ukraine, and it’ll remain so.” This statement is a significant shift in Serbia’s position since Putin’s invasion of Ukraine almost 11 months ago. Vučić clarified that it would be wrong to assume that his government fully endorses the leadership in Moscow, stating “We are not always jubilant about some of their stances.We have a traditionally good relationship,but it doesn’t mean that we support every single decision or most of the decisions that are coming from the Kremlin.”[85]

Kosovo issue[edit]

Russia has backed Serbia's position regardingKosovo.Vladimir Putinsaid that any support for Kosovo's unilateral declaration is immoral and illegal.[86]He described the recognition of Kosovo's unilaterally declared independence by several major world powers as "a terribleprecedent"that" breaks up the entire system of international relations "that have taken" centuries to evolve ", and" undoubtedly, it may entail a whole chain of unpredictable consequences to other regions in the world "that will come back to hit the West" in the face ".[87]During an official state visit to Serbia following the declaration, Russian President-electDmitry Medvedevreiterated support for Serbia and its stance on Kosovo.[88]

Russia has also said that theMarch 2008 riotsin Tibet were linked with the recognition by some states of the independence of Serbia's breakaway province, Kosovo. Foreign MinisterSergey Lavrov,in an interview with a Russian newspaper, also linked the demands for greater autonomy by ethnicAlbanians in North Macedoniawith the Kosovo issue. Lavrov said, "There are grounds to presume that this is not occurring by chance. You can see what is happening in Tibet, how the separatists there are acting. The Albanians in [North] Macedonia are already demanding a level of autonomy that is a clear step toward independence. Furthermore, events in other areas of the world give us grounds to assume that we are only at the beginning of a very precarious process".[89]

On 23 March 2008 Vladimir Putin ordered urgent humanitarian aid forKosovo Serb enclaves.[90]Prime Minister of Kosovo, Hashim Thaci, opposed the Russian plan for sending aid to Kosovo Serbs. He stated that Russia could only send aid if it was agreed and coordinated with Government in Pristina.[91]

On July 15, PresidentDmitry Medvedevstated in a major foreign policy speech "For the EU, Kosovo is almost whatIraqis to the United States.... This is the latest example of the undermining of international law ".[92]

On 29 May 2009, President Dmitry Medvedev described Serbia as a "key partner" for Russia in Southeast Europe and announced "We intend to continue to coordinate our foreign policy moves in future, including the ones related to the solving of the issue with Kosovo".[93]

Russian ambassador to Serbia Aleksandr Konuzin told a Belgrade daily in June 2009 that "Russia's stand is rather simple — we are ready to back whatever position Serbia takes (with regards to Kosovo)."[94]

In March 2014, Russia used Kosovo's declaration of independence as a justification for recognizingthe independence of Crimea,citing the so-calledKosovo independence precedent;Crimea wasannexed by the Russian Federationjust a week later.[95][96]

In September 2022, Russia'srecognitionand subsequentannexationofDonetskandLuhanskby Putin's government were also done under the pretext of Kosovo precedent.[97][98]

Although Russia is antagonistic to Kosovo's independence, nonetheless Russia has supportedDonald Trump-brokerednormalization agreementsbetween Kosovo and Serbia in 2020.[99]

Economic relations[edit]

TheGazpromsign at theRed Star Stadiumin Belgrade

Trade[edit]

In 2016, trade between Russia and Serbia totalled $1.657 bn, having grown by 1,32 percent against 2015; Russia's export to Serbia totalled $770.2 mln, a decrease by 9.34 percent; Russia's import from Serbia was at $886.8 mln, an increase by 12.84 percent.[100]

In 2017, 70 percent of Russia's export to Serbia was said to behydrocarbons,natural gas being the primary export item; from 2013 to 2016 exports of Russian gas to Serbia dropped from 2 bn to 1.7 billion cubic meters.[60]In 2013, Gazprom offered a 13 percent discount on its gas export price for Serbia, to be effective until 2021.[101]

In December 2017, Russia cancelled the requirement for Serbia to consume its gas only on the domestic market, thus allowing Serbia to re-export the fuel; a Russian government document published on 18 December amended the 2012 contract for gas supplies until 2021 for the volume of 5 billion cubic meters per year.[102][103]

Companies[edit]

Naftna Industrija Srbije,the best performing company of Serbia,[104]is majority owned by the Russian companyGazprom Neft,a subsidiary of the government-controlledGazprom.

Travel[edit]

Russia and Serbia have shared a visa-free policy for travelers going between the two countries since 2008.[citation needed]

Military cooperation[edit]

Joint Serbian-Russian military parade (2014) in Belgrade on the 70th anniversary of theBelgrade Offensive

TheSerbian Armed Forcesandits arms industryhave since the Soviet-Yugoslaviaperiod been dependent onSoviet/Russian technology.[62]

In June 2016, Serbia received two RussianMi17 utility helicoptersthat it purchased for 25 million euros.[62][105]

In December 2016, the two countries signed a military-technical assistance agreement that allowed Serbia to receive as a gift: sixMikoyan MiG-29fighters, 30 modernizedT-72main battle tanks and 30BRDM-2armored vehicles.[106][107]The fighters were delivered in October 2017,[108]the armored vehicles were delivered in 2019-21.[107][109][110][111]

Russia supplies three-kilogram radio-electronic counter gun Pishchal (also being supplied to the Russian law enforcement agencies) and fixed radio-electronic complexes Taran to Serbia and South Ossetia in 2018.[112][113]

Serbia takes part in Russo-Belarus-Serbian military war games called 'Slavic Brotherhood' and is also being supplied with Chaborz M-3 combat buggies.[114][115]3 weapons contracts were signed in early 2019.[116]

In recent years, the military cooperation between Serbia and Russia has grown stronger. Since the beginning of 2022, Serbia has purchased multiple pieces of Russian military hardware, such as thePantsir-S1air defense system and9M133 Kornetanti-tank missiles, despite the threat of US sanctions.[117]

Education[edit]

Yugoslavia and the Russian Federation signed the Agreement on cooperation in the Fields of Culture, Education, Science and Sports on July 19, 1995. Based on this, the Program of Cooperation in the Areas of Education, Science and Culture was signed in December 2001 for the period 2002–04. The Days of Culture of the Russian Federation were held in Serbia and Montenegro in 2002 and those of Serbia and Montenegro in the Russian Federation in 2003.[118]

The Russian Centre for Science and Culture in Belgrade opened on April 9, 1933. Popular name of the centre isRussian Home.[119]

Demographics[edit]

Main articles:Russians in SerbiaandSerbs in Russia

According to censuses there were 3,247Russiansliving in Serbia (2011)[120]and 3,510Serbsliving in Russia (2010).[121]There were 11,043 speakers of Serbian language in Russia, out of which 3,330 were native speakers and 3,179 native speakers of Russian in Serbia.[122][123][124]According to 2015 data there were 29,499 Serbian citizens in Russia.[125]According to 2013 data there were 3,290 Russian citizens in Serbia.[126]

Popular culture[edit]

Hotel Moskvain Belgrade, Serbia

One of the most successful and prestigious hotels in Belgrade,Hotel Moskvais named after Russia's capital. It has been on separate occasions the host toAnatoly Karpov,Mikhail Kalashnikov,Maxim Gorky,and many other prominent Russians.[127]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

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  2. ^Bilateral Political Relations with Russia,Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Serbia
  3. ^"To Serbia EU is a Strategic Goal but Russia is Love and Friendship".18 October 2014.
  4. ^abPredrag R. Dragić Kijuk (1999).Hilandar: 1198-1998.Association of writers of Serbia. p. 163.
  5. ^Davidović 2003,p. 25
  6. ^Robert Payne; Nikita Romanoff (2002).Ivan the Terrible.Rowman & Littlefield. p. 436.ISBN978-0-8154-1229-8.
  7. ^Ljušić, Radoš (2008).Istorija za treći razred gimnazije opšteg i društveno-jezičkog smera.Belgrade: Zavod za udžbenike. p. 219.
  8. ^"Сербия (резиденция в Белграде)".www.rusdiplomats.narod.ru.1838 Установление дипломатических отношений между Россией и Сербией, открытие российского консульства в Белграде.
  9. ^Србија и Русија – 180 година пријатељства, поверења и сарадњеPolitika, 20 February 2018 (print edition of 21 Feb 2018, p. 1.)
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  11. ^″Austro-ugarsko-srpska tajna konvencija g. 1881.″ //Hrvatska Enciklopedija,Zagreb: Naklada Konzorcija Hrvatske Enciklopedije (Kingdom of Yugoslavia), 1941, Vol. I, p. 784.
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Sources[edit]

Further reading[edit]

  • Dimić, Ljubodrag(2011). "Yugoslav-Soviet Relations: The View of the Western Diplomats (1944–1946)".The Balkans in the Cold War: Balkan Federations, Cominform, Yugoslav-Soviet Conflict.Beograd: Institute for Balkan Studies. pp. 109–140.ISBN978-8671790734.
  • Raquel Montes Torralba (2014)."Belgrade at the crossroads: Serbian-Russian relations in light of the Ukraine crisis".ARI.63.Real Instituto Elcano.
  • Trivanovitch, Vaso. "Serbia, Russia, and Austria during the Rule of Milan Obrenovich, 1868–78"Journal of Modern History(1931) 3#3 pp. 414–440online
  • Nikolaevna, P.M. and Leonidovič, Č.A., 2017. Serbia and the Serbs in the Russian press: Stereotypes and images. Nasleđe, Kragujevac, 14(37–1), pp. 13–25.
  • Černobrovkin, A.V., 2017. Russian-Serbian cooperation: Culturological aspect. Nasleđe, Kragujevac, 14(37–1), pp. 39–47.
  • Đorđević, Marija (2009)."Часовник Лазара Србина".Belgrade: Politika.
  • Ivanova, Ekaterina Vladimirovna, and Jovana Blažić Pejić. "Писма митрополита Михаила грофици АД Блудовој: Прилог проучавању руско-српских односа (1871–1874)." Мешовита грађа 35 (2014): 121–138.
  • Leovac, Danko Lj. Србија и Русија за време друге владавине кнеза Михаила:(1860–1868). Diss. Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет, 2014.

External links[edit]

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Russia–Serbia_relations&oldid=1230130393"