Tabula Cortonensis

Tabula Cortonensis
Front view
Material	bronze
Height	458 mm
Width	285 mm
Writing	Etruscan
Created	2nd century BC
Discovered	October 1992 Cortona
Present location	MAEC,Cortona

TheTabula Cortonensis(sometimes alsoCortona Tablet) is a 2200-year-old, inscribedbronzetablet in theEtruscan language,discovered inCortona,Italy.It may record for posterity the details of an ancient legal transaction which took place in the ancientTuscancity ofCortona,known to the Etruscans asCurtun.Its 40-line, 200-word, two-sided inscription is the third longest inscription found in theEtruscan language,after theLiber Linteus Zagrabiensisand theTabula Capuana,and the longest discovered in the 20th century.

Provenance

The tablet was brought to thepolicein October 1992 by someone who claimed to have found it at a construction site in September 1992. When provided to the police, the tablet had been broken into seven fragments, with the original right bottom corner missing. Investigators attempted to find the missing portion and confirm the existence of the site. It was subsequently recognized that the tablet was broken in antiquity, so the missing portion may have been separated centuries ago. It was also determined that the "discoverer" of the tablet had lied about where he found it, and he was put on trial for mishandling of artifacts, but was found innocent. Local researchers believe that the tablet had actually been found on a different construction site and was deliberately concealed so that construction could be completed on time without being delayed by archaeological work. The real origin of the tablet is unknown to this day.

Interpretation

The tablet is thought by some scholars, notablyLarissa Bonfanteand Nancy de Grummond, to be anotarizedrecord of the division of aninheritanceor sale ofreal estate.Reference is made on the tablet to a vineyard (cf. lines 1 and 2:vinac), cultivated land (line 2:restm-c), and an estate located in the territory of LakeTrasimeno(cf. lines 35 and 36:celti nɜitisś tarsminaśś).The lake lies east of Cortona in modern-day WesternUmbria.

The legal document centered around the aristocratic Cusu family and Petru Scevas and his wife. Two groups of witnesses or listeners helped to certify the document, along with Larth Cucrina Lausisa,zilath mechl rasnal(‘a chief magistrate of the territory of Cortona’). The document ends officially dating itself according to the two magistrates in office that year.

Wallace points out that "we know that, in third- and second-century Tuscany, redistribution of land took place in which large plots were parceled up into smaller chunks to be worked by individual families. It is possible, then, that [the Tabula Cortonensis] may well be concerned with just such an allocation of land..."

Additionally, several words (pav,clθii,zilci,atina,larz) that appear on the tablet have been found inscribed on Etruscan plates, drinking cups, or wine jugs or jars.

Physical description

The tablet measures just over 8 inches wide by about 11 inches long, and is about between 2 millimetres (0.079 in) and 3 millimetres (0.12 in) thick.

When discovered, the tablet had been broken into multiple pieces, of which only seven have been found.The missing portion is believed by Etruscanists to contain only names and not details of the estate.

Text

The text contains thirty-four known Etruscan words and an equal number of previously unattested Etruscan words. Moreover, a new alphabetic sign Ǝ (a reversedepsilon) is present on the tablet. This implies that, at least in the Etruscan dialect spoken in Cortona where this letter exclusively appears, the letter Ǝ marks a different sound from that of the letter E.The inscription is datable to the late 3rd to early 2nd century bce, so near 200.

Contents

The following transcribes the special reversedepsilonasɜ.There are clear zigzag marks in the text (marked here by \\) that presumably end sentences or sections, and each such section will be treated separately here:

On the front

First section

01: et. pɜtruiś. scɜvɜś. ɜliuntś. v

02: inac. restmc. cenu. tɜnθur. śar. cus

03: uθuraś. larisalisvla. pesc. spante. tɜnθur.

04: sa. śran. śarc. clθii. tɜrsna. θui. spanθi. ml

05: ɜśieθic. raśna s IIIIC inni. pes. pɜtruś. pav

06: ac. traulac. tiur. tɜn[θ]urs. tɜnθa[ś]. za cina t pr

07: iniserac. zal \\

Notes: The formspɜtruiś(1)/pɜtruś(5) (and other forms throughout the text) are probably forms of a name, compare LatinPetronius.As noted above,vina-candrestm-c(2) probably indicate "vineyard" and "cultivated land" (or "garden"?) respectively, the final-cmeaning "and."

Ifɜliuntś(1) can be connected to Etr.eleivana"of oil" from the Greek*elaiwa>élaion"(olive) oil", we may be dealing with an olive orchard, a vineyard and a cultivated field or garden presumably belonging to Petronius Scaevus (compareGaius Mucius Scaevola"lefty," legendary Roman hero who held his right hand over his captors' fire until it was burnt off, to show how much he loved Rome). Rex Wallace considersɜliuntśto be a title ofpɜtruiś. scɜvɜś,since all three agree in case marking.

Facchetti (2000) (and Wylin) has proposed thatcenuis a passive verb, also found in the Cippus Perusinus, that means "is obtained"; though Maggiani (2002) takes it to mean "is ceded."

The wordspante(3) elsewhere seems to refer to a kind of bowl or plate (cf ETP 289)(versussparza(18, 36) “tablet.” ) But it is possible that here it andspanθi(4) are locatives ofspan"plain."

śar(-c)(2,4) is "ten" andzalis "two" (7), and the "Roman" numeral 'IIIIC'(5) had been sometimes interpreted as "400," though Etruscans generally had a different sign for "100" thanC,at least early on. More recent analyses read it asSIIIIC(re-segmenting thesfromraśna-s) as "14.5."

Notable israśna(s)(5) (and in line 24raśna-l), perhaps a form of the endonym for the Etruscan people (but also claimed to be just the generic term for "people, public" ), here perhaps indicating that Etruscan measurements are being used (see Wylin's translation below).cusuθuraśandlarisalisvla(3), seen in various forms throughout the text and beyond, also seem to be names.

In lines 5-6, the coordinated elementspava-c traula-cseem to show up in slightly altered form in theLiber Linteus(4.21-22)eisna. pevach. vinum. trau. pruchś,which van der Meer translates "a ritual (eis-na) young? (peva-ch) (> a new(?) ritual): wine, a pouring (trau) from the (wine-)jug (pruch-ś), "pointing out thatpeva/pavaprobably means "boy, youth", but also admitting thattraumay be an agent noun, likezichu"writer."C. De Simone translatestraula-here as "he who libates," and he connectszacinatwith the functions of a priest.

Wylinproposes a translation of the whole section, building on Facchetti and Maggiani (loc. cit.):

(1) So by Petru Scevas, theêliun(olive grove? or title of Petru?), (2) a vineyard and arestm(garden?) of 10tenthurare obtained from the

Cushu, (3) and (also) a farm (pes-c) in the plain (span-te), of 4tenthurand (4) 10śran[is obtained] from these same [folks];

the entire property (tɜrsna) here (θui), in the plain and in themlesia(5) (costs) 14.5rasna.

With respect to the farm for Petru, (6,7) thezacinat prinisherachas a month (tiur) to size up the two measures,

[these are] thepavaand thetraula."

( "fundus" in the original was replaced by the English "farm" here.)

In this analysis, atenthuris a unit of land measure that is more than ten times larger than aśran;perhaps comparable to the Latinjugerum(.623 acre = 27,200 sq.ft.) versus anactus simplex.

In line 4,tɜrsna,translated here "property", may be related in some way to Latinterra<*tersa

Also in line 4,mlesiacontrasts withspan-"plane" so must mean "surrounding hills," a conclusion supported by the fact that this seems to be where the orchard and (perhaps) the vineyards were.

More recently, van der Meer, following Maggiani's 2002 analysis,has reversed the transaction so that the land is being ceded by Petru to the Cusu family:

Petru Scevas the olive merchant hereby has ceded 10tenthur(probably amounting to about 2.5 hectares) of both vineyard and garden to the Cusu (family), as well as 410tenthurof farmland in the valley. (Outside) of these (lands) which (have just been specified) in this (agreement), the lands in the plain and on the hill (shall be) public (lands), (being worth) 204.5 units of silver.

As to the farmland of Petru, let both the haruspex and the libation pourer be present in the (appropriate) month (to perform their rites), and let the measurer and the two bearers of oak poles (?prinisera) measure the acreage.

Second section

07 (continued) cś. ɜsiś vere cusuθurśum.

08: pes. pɜtruśta. scɜv[aś] \\

Notes: The first part is obscure, while the rest repeats names treated above.pes(8) also repeatspes(c)(3,5) from the first section. If Wylin's conclusion is correct thatpes= "farm,fundus",perhaps then it is related to Umbrianpeř-ae"(on the) ground"?

Van der Meer offers: "By (the power?) of this sacred action, this (land) of Petru Scevas (is) thus the Cusu family's land."

Third section

08 (continued) nu θanatur. lart pɜtr

09: uni. arnt. pini. lart. [v]ipi. lusce. laris

10: vɜtnal. lart. vɜlara. larθal'isa. lart vɜlara.

11: aulesa. vɜl. pumpu. pruciu. aule cɜlatina. sɜ

12: tmnal. arnza. fɜlśni. vɜlθinal. vɜl. luisna

13: lusce. vɜl uslna. nufresa. laru. slanzu. larz

14: a lartle vɜlaveś arnt. pɜtru. raufe \\

Notes: In line 8,nuθanatur(8) apparently means “a group of witnesses,” fromnuθe“observes” and the suffix‐θur/‐turwhich forms nouns indicating membership.

Much of the rest of this section seems to be a list of names of witnesses to the contract:lart/laris/larz...,pɜtruni, pumpu(cf Oscanpump-"5" in Romanized namesPompeius,etc). The last word is probably related to LatinRufus(itself of dialect origin, the native Latin cognate beingruber'red') and Umbrianrofualso "red" (presumably describing his hair), perhaps to distinguish this "Red Petronius" from "Lefty Petronius" (unless it is a form of Etruscanruva"brother" ). Variants of this form from other inscriptions includerauheandruvfe.

In line 11, with regard toaulesa. vɜl,it may be noted that there is a statue also from Cortona (first century BCE) of a man described in Etruscan asaulesi vel...interpreted as "Aule, son of Vel..."a name also seen here in lines 24, 26, and 39.

Also in line 11,atinamay mean "maternal" fromati"mother," just asapana"paternal" <apa"father."As it is also written alone on a cup (ETP 136). Butatinamay also be a name, or theonym. A variant (?)atanais found on another drinking cup (kylix) at ETP 212.The phrasecel atinarecurs at the end of the inscription, as well, and may be a particular place, or a theonym "Mother Earth."

Van der Meer offers: "The witnesses (are)": (list of 15 male names)

Fourth section

14 (continued) ɜpru

15: ś. ame. vɜlχe. cusu larisal. cleniarc. laris

16: cusu. larisalisa larizac clan. larisal. pɜtr

17: uni. scɜ[va]ś arntlei. pɜtruś. puia

18: cen. zic. ziχuχe. sparzɜśtiś śazleiś in

19: θuχti. cusuθuraś. suθiu. ame. tal suθive

20: naś. ratm. θuχt. ceśu. tltel tɜi. sianś.

21: sparzɜte. θui. sal t zic. fratuce. cusuθuraś.

22: larisalisvla. pɜtruśc. scɜvaś. pesś. tarχia

23: eś

Notes: Again, mostly names here, many of which also appear on various other (especially the thousands of funereal) inscriptions, but also kinship terms:cleniar-c(15) "and sons",clan(16) "son",puia(17) "wife". In lines 15 and 19,ameis a form of the copula verbam-"to be".

In line 18, the phrasecen. zic. ziχuχeprobably means "this document (zic) was written".The next word,sparzɜ(18), seems to mean “tablet” (sparza), possibly in the locative here.

18 -19cen. zic. ziχuχe. sparzɜśtiś śazleiś in / θuχti. cusuθuraś. suθiu. ameaccording to H. Becker (following Facchetti 2005: 62; Maggiani 2001: 107; Wallace 2008: 213) means: "This text which was written on a tabletsazle(perhaps meaning made of bronze or wood) was placed in the house (θuχti) of the Cusu family. "But Wylin proposes:" This text has been transcribed from the original (śazleiś) tablet, which.... "; a translation supported by the fact that the phrasesparzɜśtiś śazleiśis inflected with not only the locative-(t)ibut also the ablative-s.

The following phrase in 19 - 20tal suθive / naś. rat-m. θuχt. ceśuaccording again to Becker, may mean "of that(?) having been done the deposit according to the rite (rat-)(?) in the house (θuχt) it stays "or" when that has been done, the deposit remains in the house as is the custom "As Becker points out, it is significant and interesting that this clearly public regal document is to reside in the presumably private residence.

According to C. De Simone,suθiuin line 19 means "funerary ceremony" andθuχtin 20 may refer to a feast in honor of the dead in "August."

Wylin interprets the phraseθuχt. ceśu. tltel tɜi(20) as "deposited in the house, in that of that one (referring topɜtruś) "thus seeing it as parallel to the earlier phrase:θuχti. cusuθuraś. suθiu. ame(19).

In line 20, the formfratu-cehas a past tense verbal ending-ce,but it otherwise looks like the Umbrian and Latin word for "brother"fraterin Umbrian context meaning a member of a holy order; so if the root was borrowed from Umbrian, this may mean something like "consulted together as brethren."

Wylin proposes for the sequencesianś./ sparzɜte. θui. salt zic. fratuce. cusuθuraś. / larisalisvla. pɜtruśc. scɜvaś. pesś. tarχian/eś \\(20-23) the translation: "Thesian( "wise one"? if related to Latinsanus) incised (fratu-ce) the text (zic) here (θui) on the tablet (sparzɜte) with the agreement (sal-t) of C.L. and of P.S. from the field of Tarchian. "

Thepesś(farm?) ofpɜtruśc. scɜvaśis mentioned again in line 22, followed bytarχian /eśwhich looks like a form ofTarchna,Tarquiniaa town name and family name.

Van der Meer offers: "(The names) of the participants are: (list of names). This text has been copied from this bronze tablet, which (copied) text has been placed in the house of Cusuthur. The master of the house (literally 'father') has ratified this text as incised here on the tablet for the Cusu (family), sons of Laris, and for Petru Scevas from the Tarchianan estate."

Fifth section

23 (continued) cnl. nuθe. malec. lart. cucrina lausisa.

24: zilaθ meχl.raśnal.[la]ris. cɜlatina lau

25: sa clanc. arnt luscni [a]rnθal. clanc. larz

26: a. lart. turmna. salin[ial. larθ cɜlatina.

27: apnal. cleniarc. vɜlχe[ś][...][papal]

28: śerc. vɜlχe. cusu. aule[sa][...]

29: aninalc. laris. fuln[folnius][clenia]

30: rc. lart. pɜtce. uslnal[...][cucrina]

31 cucrinaθur. tɜcsinal. vɜl[...]

Notes: In line 23,male-according to R. Wallace means "oversee," related tomalena"mirror."

In line 25, we see the well attested word for "son"clan-ctwice, and in 27 (and probably at 29-30) the pluralcleniar-c"sons" also appears. Another kinship term,papal"grandson", occurs in the partly damaged line 27.

zilath(24) is a well established Etruscan word meaning 'one who governs' from the verbzil'to rule', thought to be equivalent of a Latinpraetorin function. The full phrasezilaθ meχl.raśnalprobably means "magistrate of theres publica."

A form somewhat similar tofuln[folnius](29) can be found in theTabula Capuana:ful/inus'nes(5/6). B. van der Meer thinks that it is a name of a god in theTabula Capuana(= Fufluns?).

The formuslnalin 30 and 32 is similar touslane-inLiber Linteus(5.21) (with expected loss of the internal vowel here), which van der Meer takes to be an adjectival form ofusil"Sun (god), sun, noon, midday," though here it may be part of a name. The context of the Liber Linteus form is as follows (5.19-22):citz. vacl. nunθen. θesan. tinś. θesan / eiseraś. śeuś. unuχ. mlaχ. nunθen. θesviti / favitic. faśei. cisum. θesane.uslanec/ mlaχe. luri. zericroughly: "Three times (perform) a libation. Make an offering to θesan (Dawn) ofTin(Jupiter) (and) toθesan/ of the Dark Gods (= morning and evening Venus?), for them, make an appropriate offering with oil both in the morning / and in the evening (?), (and) three times (make a libation?) in the morningand at noon/ for the beautifulLurandZer."

Van der Meer offers: "Bearing witness to and observing these matters are: Lars Cucrina, praetor of the city, and (list 15 male persons)."

On the back

33: aule. salini. cusual

34: zilci. larθal. cusuś. titinal

35: lari salc. saliniś. aulesla. celtinɜitis

36: ś. tarsminaśś. sparza in θuχt ceśu.

37: ratm. suθiu. suθiusva. vɜlχeś. cusuśa

38: ulesla. vɜlθuruś. t[.]lniś. vɜlθurusla.

39: larθalc. cɜlatinaś apnal. larisalc.

40: cɜlatinaś. pitlnal

Notes: This section is mainly notable for seeming to identify the name of a known lake in line 36,tarsminaśś"Lake Trasimeno", leading some to conclude, as noted above, that what precedes must be the Etruscan word for "lake":nɜitisś(35/36). The wordceltithat immediately precedes is the word for earth or landcelplus the locative-ti.The same root shows up in 39 and 40 in the phrasecɜl atinaświth the second element either being a name, or related toati"mother" (in which case "Mother Earth"? or "land of/consecrated to the Mother"?).Or Celatina could be simply a name (see below).

Onsparza(36) "tablet" andθuχt"house" see above in section four. Wylin takes the phrase in lines 36-37sparza in θuχt ceśu. / ratm. suθiu. suθiusato mean: "the tablet that has been deposited (cesu) in this house has also (rat-m?) been deposited (suθiu[s]) in the residences (suθiu-sva) of... "followed by the names of four people.

The phrasezilci. larθal. cusuś / titinal. larisalc. saliniś. aulesla(34-35) probably means "In theZilc-ship of Lart Cusu, (son) of Titina, and of Laris Salini, (son) of Aule. "

In full, this section roughly reads: "Aule Salini of the Cusu (family) (agreed to this) in the magistracy of Lart Cusu, (son) of Titina, and of Laris Salini, (son) of Aule in the land of Lake Trasimeno. (Copies of) the tablet lying in (this) house, according to custom, are deposited, as things to be placed (also in the houses) of: Velche Cusu, son of Aule; Velthur Titlni, son of Velthur; Lart Celatina, son of Apnei; and Laris Celatina, son of Pitlnei.

References

• Adiego, L.-J. (2005) "The Etruscan Tabula Cortonensis: a tale of two tablets?", inDie SpracheXLV [2006], pp. 3-20.
• Agnati U. (2005) "La ‘distruzione conservativa’ della Tabula Cortonensis," inAthenaeumXCIII, pp. 135-142.
• Agostiniani, L., Nicosia, F. (2000)Tabula CortonensisStudia Archeologica 105, Rome.
• Agostiniani, L. and M. Torelli (2002) "Un cippo confinario etrusco da Cortona."10 anni di archeologia a Cortona,pp. 129–139. Rome: Bretschneider.
• Amann, P. 2005, "Die Tabula Cortonensis. Ein epigraphischer Neufund aus Etrurien und seine unterschiedlichen Interpretationen," in F. Beutler, W. Hameter (eds.),"Eine ganz normale Inschrift” und Ähnliches zum Geburtstag von Ekkehard Weber. Festschrift zum 30.April 2003, Wien, pp. 179-196.
• Benelli, E. (2002) “Le formule onomastiche della Tabula Cortonensis e il valore del metronimico” in PandolfiniAtti dell'Incontro di studio,pp. 93–100.
• Bottini, A. (1999) "Gentiluomini di Cortona," inArcheo174, pp. 6-7.
• Bruschetti, P. (2002) “Società e cultura a Cortona nel medio ellenismo” in PandolfiniAtti dell'Incontro di studio,op. cit., pp. 27–38.
• Capogrossi Colognesi, L. (2002) "Saluto d’apertura," in Pandolfini 2002, pp. 7-9.
• De Simone,C. (1998) "LaTabula Cortonensis:tra linguistica e storia, "Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa,3, pp. 1–122.
• De Simone, C. (2001) Review of V. Scarano Ussani-M. Torelli, La Tabula Cortonensis, in AION ArchStAnt n.s. Vili [2003], pp. 223-246.
• De Simone, C. (2001-2) "Il testo della Tabula Cortonensis: un primo bilancio critico", inOcnusIX-X, pp. 69-114.
• De Simone, C. (2002) "Su due termini della Tabula Cortonensis," inIncontri Linguistici25, pp. 77-85.
• De Simone, C. (2003a) Review of L. Agostiniani - F. Nicosia, Tabula Cortonensis, in Gnomon LXXV, pp. 37-42.
• De Simone, C. (2003b) "Etruscosuθiusvê(Tabula Cortonensis): questioni morfologiche e semantico-lessicali, "inAION LingXXIV, pp. 5-62.
• De Simone, C. (2004) Review of G. M. Facchetti, Appunti di morfologia etrusca, in Gnomon LXXVI, pp. 496-500.
• De Simone, C. (2005) "Sull’origine e funzione della voce Tar/ianèsi della Tabula Cortonensis,: inMediterranea[2006], pp. 219-242.
• De Simone, C. (2007) 'Alcuni termini chiave della Tabula Cortonensis',Rasenna: Journal of the Center for Etruscan Studies,Vol. 1: Iss. 1, Article 1.
• De Simone, C. (2009) "Lonomastica personale della Tabula Cortonensis," in P. Poccetti (ed.),Lonomastica dell’Italia antica.Aspetti linguistici, storici, culturali, tipologici e classificatori,Collection de l’Ecole Française de Rome 413, Roma, pp. 535-550.
• Eichner, H. (2001) "Etruskisch-σvlaauf der Bronze von Cortona, "in E. Cavoto (ed.)The Complete Linguist: A collection of papers in honor of Alexis Manaster Ramer,Münich, pp. 141–152.
• Eichner, H. (2006) "Dasèvon Cortona und das etruskische Phonemsystem, "in P. Amann, M. Perazzi, H. Täuber (eds.),Festschrift für Luciana Aigner Foresti,Wien, pp. 209-220.
• Facchetti, G. Μ. (2000)Frammenti di diritto privato etrusco,Firenze: Leo S. Olschki.
• Facchetti, G.M.(2002a)Appunti di morfologia etrusca. Con un’appendice sulla questione delle affinità genetiche dell’etruscoFirenze.
• Facchetti, Giulio M. (2002b)Frammenti di diritto privato etrusco,Firenze, Olschki.
• Facchetti, G. M. (2002c) “La Tabula Cortonensis come documento giuridico” in PandolfiniAtti dell'Incontro di studio,op. cit., pp. 87–99.
• Facchetti, G. M. (2003a) "Note etrusche", inArchGlottltLXXXVIII, pp. 203-219.
• Facchetti, G. M. (2003b)Archivio Glottologico Italiano,88, pp. 203–219.
• Facchetti, G. M. (2005)Lingua PosnaniensisPoznan, pp. 59–63.
• Fortunelli, S. (ed.) (2005)Il Museo della Città Etrusca e Romana di Cortona.Catalogo delle collezioni, Firenze.
• Hadas-Lebel, J. (2012) "Étr.sran,"inActes du colloque“Du mot à l’inscription: recherches lexicales et lexicographiques sur les langues de l’Italie préromaine’’ (Lyon).
• Maggiani, A. (2001) "Dagli archivi dei Cusu. Considerazioni sulla tavola bronzea di Cortona," inRivista di ArcheologiaXXV, pp. 94-114.
• Maggiani, A. (2002) “Introduzione ai lavori” and “Riflessioni sulla Tavola di Cortona” in PandolfiniAtti dell'Incontro di studio,op. cit., pp. 11–15, 65–75.
• Mancini, A. 2005, "I materiali rinvenuti insieme alla Tabula Cortonensis," in S. Fortunelli (ed.),Il Museo della Città Etrusca e Romana di Cortona,Firenze, pp. 332-334.
• Marchese, M. P. (2001) Review of L. Agostiniani - F. Nicosia, "Tabula Cortonensis," inArchGlottltLXXI, pp. 122-128.
• Nicosia, F. (2002) “Il contesto archeologico della Tavola di Cortona” in PandolfiniAtti dell'Incontro di studio,op. cit., pp. 17–25.
• Pandolfini, M., Maggiani, A. (eds) (2002)LaTabula Cortonensise il suo contesto storico-archeologicoAtti dell'Incontro di Studio,22 giugno 2001, CNR (Roma).
• Pandolfini–Angeletti, M. (2002) “Le tavole di bronzo in Etruria” in PandolfiniAtti dell'Incontro di studio,op. cit., pp. 53–64.
• Peruzzi, E (2001) "Sulla tavola etrusca di Cortona," inParPassLVI, pp. 203-210.
• Peruzzi, E. (2002a) “Per l’edizione della Tavola” in PandolfiniAtti dell'Incontro di studio,op. cit., pp. 39–42.
• Peruzzi, E. (2002) "Per l’edizione della Tavola," inPandolfini, pp. 39-42.
• Peruzzi, E. (2009) "Etruschi della Tavola di Cortona," inStudi Camporeale,II, pp. 697-699.
• Pittau, M. (2000)Tabula Cortonensis, lamine di Pirgi e altri testi etruschi,Sassari.
• Rix, H. (2000) "Osservazioni preliminari ad un’interpretazione dell’Ags Cortonense,"Incontri linguistici,23, pp. 11–31.
• Rix, H. (2002) “La secunda metà del nuovo testo di Cortona” in PandolfiniAtti dell'Incontro di studio,op. cit., pp. 77–86.
• Roncalli, F. (2002) “Aspetti redazionali della Tabula Cortonensis” in PandolfiniAtti dell'Incontro di studio,op. cit., pp. 43–52.
• Torelli, Μ. (2004-2005) "La" Lanella Angori ", i Cusu e la Tabula Cortonensis," inRendPontAccLXXVII, pp. 163-187.
• Torelli, M. (2005), "La Tabula Cortonensis," in Fortunelli 2005, pp. 323-331.
• Ussani, Vincenzo Scarano & Torelli, M. (2003)La Tabula Cortonensis. Un documento giuridico, storico e socialeNapoli.
• Van der Meer, L.B. (2007)Liber linteus zagrabiensis. The Linen Book of Zagreb. A Comment[ary] on the Longest Etruscan Text.Louvain: Dudley, MA.
• Van der Meer, L. B. (2021) "The Tabula Cortonensis and Land Transactions" inStudii Etruscipp. 157-181.
• Wallace, R. (2000) Review of L. Agostiniani-F. Nicosia,Tabula Cortonensis,inEtruscan StudiesVII, pp. 5-10.http://scholarworks.umass.edu/etruscan_studies/vol7/iss1/1
• Wallace, Rex E. (2003a) Review of PandolfiniEtruscan Studies:Vol. 7, Article 1.http://scholarworks.umass.edu/etruscan_studies/vol7/iss1/1
• Wallace, R. (2003b) Review of V. S. Ussani, M. Torelli,La Tabula Cortonensis,inEtruscan News3, pp. 11-12.
• Wallace, R. (2008)Zilch Rasna. A Manual of Etruscan Language and Inscriptions,Ann Arbor-New York.
• Wylin, Koen "Forme verbali nellaTabula Cortonensis"inStudi Etruschi,65–68, 2002a, pp. 215–223.
• Wylin,Archivio Glottologico Italiano,87, 2002b, pp. 88–108.
• Wylin,Etruscan News,3, 2003, pp. 11–12.
• Wylin, "The first chapter of the Cortona inscription." InEtruscan News2006 (Winter). pp. 6-7.https://web.archive.org/web/20100613161433/http://ancientstudies.fas.nyu.edu/docs/CP/963/EtruscanNews05.pdf
• Wylin, Koen (2006) 'Pyrgi B et la rédaction de la Tabula Cortonensis'.Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire84/1, pp. 35–44.
• Zamboni, A. (2002) “Sigla del quattuorvirato nella tavola di Cortona.”Athenaeum90. pp. 431-441.

External links

• Curtun (Modern Cortona)Information about the ancient city of Curtun as well as details about this artifact found there
• Tavola di Cortona e Lamine di Pyrgi - traduzione(italiano)
• The Roman Law LibraryDivision of an inheritance or sale of real estate (3rd or 2nd century BC)
• Images of the Tabula
• Images and textual analysis
• [2]Tabula Cortonensis at Classical Wisdom