Thatcherism

This article is about the political ideology. For the optical illusion, seeThatcher effect.

Thatcherismis a form ofBritish conservativeideology named afterConservative PartyleaderMargaret Thatcherthat relates to not just her political platform and particular policies but also herpersonal characterand style of management while in office. Proponents of Thatcherism are referred to asThatcherites.The term has been used to describe the principles of theBritish government under Thatcherfrom the1979 general electiontoher resignation in 1990.In international terms, Thatcherites have been described as a part of the generalsocio-economic movementknown asneoliberalism,with different countries besides the United Kingdom (such as the United States) sharing similar policies around expansionarycapitalism.

Thatcherism represents a systematic, decisive rejection and reversal of thepost-war consensusinside Great Britain in terms of governance, whereby the major political parties largely agreed on the central themes ofKeynesianism,thewelfare state,nationalised industry,andclose regulationof theBritish economybefore Thatcher's rise to prominence. Under her administration, there was one major exception to Thatcherite changes: theNational Health Service(NHS), which was widely popular with the British public.In 1982, Thatcher promised that the NHS was "safe in our hands".

The exact terms of what makes up Thatcherism and its specific legacy in British history over the past decades are controversial. Ideologically, Thatcherism has been described byNigel Lawson,Thatcher'sChancellor of the Exchequerfrom 1983 to 1989, as a political platform emphasisingfree marketswith restrainedgovernment spendingandtax cutsthat gets coupled withBritish nationalismboth at home and abroad.Thatcher herself rarely used the word "Thatcherism". However, she gave a speech inSolihullduring her campaign for the1987 general electionand included in a discussion of the economic successes the remark: "that's what I call Thatcherism".

The Daily Telegraphstated in April 2008 that the programme of the next non-Conservative government, withTony Blair's "New Labour"organisation governing the nation throughout the 1990s and 2000s, basically accepted the central reform measures of Thatcherism such asderegulation,privatisationof key national industries, maintaining aflexible labour market,marginalising thetrade unionsandcentralising powerfromlocal authoritiesto central government.While Blair distanced himself from certain aspects of Thatcherism earlier in his career, in his 2010 autobiographyA Journey,he argued both that "Britain needed the industrial and economic reforms of the Thatcher period" and as well that "much of what she wanted to do in the 1980s was inevitable, a consequence not of ideology but of social and economic change."

Overview

[A] mixture offree markets,financial discipline,firm control overpublic expenditure,tax cuts,nationalism,"Victorian values"(of theSamuel Smilesself-help variety),privatisationand a dash ofpopulism.

— Nigel Lawson's definition of Thatcherism.

Thatcherism attempts to promote low inflation, thesmall stateandfree marketsthroughtight control of the money supply,privatisationand constraints on thelabour movement.It is often compared withReaganomicsin the United States,economic rationalismin Australia andRogernomicsin New Zealand and as a key part of the worldwideeconomic liberalmovement.

Thatcherism is thus often compared toclassical liberalism.Milton Friedmansaid that "Margaret Thatcher is not in terms of belief a Tory. She is anineteenth-century Liberal".Thatcher herself stated during a speech in 1983: "I would not mind betting that if Mr Gladstone were alive today he would apply to join the Conservative Party".In the 1996 Keith Joseph memorial lecture, Thatcher argued: "The kind of Conservatism which he and I [...] favoured would be best described as 'liberal', in the old-fashioned sense. And I mean the liberalism of Mr Gladstone, not of the latter daycollectivists".Thatcher once toldFriedrich Hayek:"I know you want me to become a Whig; no, I am a Tory". Hayek believed "she has felt this very clearly".The relationship between Thatcherism and liberalism is complicated. Thatcher's former defence secretaryJohn Nottclaimed that "it is a complete misreading of her beliefs to depict her as a nineteenth-century Liberal".

As Ellen Meiksins Wood has argued, Thatcheritecapitalismwas compatible with traditional British political institutions. As prime minister, Thatcher did not challenge ancient institutions such as themonarchyor theHouse of Lords,but some of the most recent additions, such as the trade unions.Indeed, many leading Thatcherites, including Thatcher herself, went on to join the House of Lords, an honour whichWilliam Ewart Gladstone,for instance, had declined.Thinkers closely associated with Thatcherism includeKeith Joseph,Enoch Powell,Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman. In an interview withSimon Hefferin 1996, Thatcher stated that the two greatest influences on her as Conservative leader had been Joseph and Powell, who were both "very great men".

Thatcher was a strong critic ofcommunism,Marxismandsocialism.BiographerJohn Campbellreports that in July 1978, when asked by a Labour MP in Commons what she meant by socialism, "she was at a loss to reply. What in fact she meant was Government support for inefficient industries, punitive taxation, regulation of the labour market, price controls – everything that interfered with the functioning of the free economy".

Thatcherism before Thatcher

Several commentators have traced the origins of Thatcherism in post-war British politics. The historian Ewen Green claimed there was resentment of the inflation, taxation and the constraints imposed by the labour movement, which was associated with the so-calledButtskellite consensusin the decades before Thatcher came to prominence. Although the Conservative leadership accommodated itself to theClement Attleegovernment's post-war reforms, there was continuous right-wing opposition in the lower ranks of the party, in right-wing pressure groups like the Middle Class Alliance and the People's League for the Defence of Freedom and later in think tanks like theCentre for Policy Studies.For example, in the1945 general election,the Conservative Party chairmanRalph Asshetonhad wanted 12,000 abridged copies ofThe Road to Serfdom(a book by the anti-socialist economist Friedrich Hayek later closely associated with Thatcherism),taking up one-and-a-half tons of the party's paper ration, distributed as election propaganda.

The historian Christopher Cooper traced the formation of themonetaristeconomics at the heart of Thatcherism back to the resignation of the Conservative chancellor of the Exchequer,Peter Thorneycroft,in 1958.

As early as 1950, Thatcher accepted the consensus of the day about the welfare state, claiming the credit belonged to the Conservatives in a speech to theConservative Associationannual general meeting. BiographerCharles Moorestates:

Neither at the beginning of her career nor when she was prime minister, did Margaret Thatcher ever reject the wartime foundations of the welfare state, whether in health, social policy or education. In this she was less radical than her critics or some of her admirers supposed. Her concern was to focus more on abuse of the system, on bureaucracy and union militancy, and on the growth of what later came to be called the dependency culture, rather than on the system itself.

HistorianRichard Vinenis sceptical about there being Thatcherism before Thatcher.

Ideological definition

Thatcher saw herself as creating alibertarianmovement,rejecting traditionalToryism.Thatcherism is associated with libertarianism within the Conservative Party,albeit one of libertarian ends achieved by using strong leadership.British political commentatorAndrew Marrhas called libertarianism the "dominant, if unofficial, characteristic of Thatcherism".Whereas some of her heirs, notablyMichael PortilloandAlan Duncan,embraced this libertarianism, others in the Thatcherite movement such asJohn Redwoodsought to become morepopulist.

Some commentators have argued that Thatcherism should not be considered properly libertarian. Noting the tendency towards strong central government in matters concerning the trade unions and local authorities,Andrew Gamblesummarised Thatcherism as "the free economy and the strong state".Simon Jenkinsaccused the Thatcher government of carrying out a nationalisation of Britain.Libertarian political theoristMurray Rothbarddid not consider Thatcherism to be libertarian and heavily criticised Thatcher and Thatcherism, stating that "Thatcherism is all too similar toReaganism:free-market rhetoric maskingstatistcontent ".Stuart McAnulla said that Thatcherism is actuallyliberal conservatism,a combination of liberal economics and a strong state.

Thatcherism as a form of government

Main articles:Premiership of Margaret ThatcherandList of ministers under Margaret Thatcher

Another important aspect of Thatcherism is the style of governance. Britain in the 1970s was often referred to as "ungovernable". Thatcher attempted to redress this by centralising a great deal of power to herself as prime minister, often bypassing traditional cabinet structures (such as cabinet committees). This personal approach also became identified with personal toughness at times, such as theFalklands Warin 1982, theIRA bomb at the Conservative conferencein 1984 and theminers' strikein 1984–85.

Sir Charles Powell,the foreign affairs private secretary to the Prime Minister (1984–1991 and 1996), described her style as such: "I've always thought there was somethingLeninistabout Mrs Thatcher which came through in the style of government: the absolute determination, the belief that there's a vanguard which is right and if you keep that small, tightly knit team together, they will drive things through... there's no doubt that in the 1980s, No. 10 could beat the bushes of Whitehall pretty violently. They could go out and really confront people, lay down the law, bully a bit ".

Criticism

By 1987, after Thatcher's successful third re-election, criticism of Thatcherism increased.At the time, Thatcher claimed it was necessary to tackle the "culture of dependency" by government intervention to stop socialised welfare.In 1988, she caused controversy when she made the remarks, "You do not blame society. Society is not anyone. You are personally responsible" and, "Don't blame society – that's no one."These comments attracted significant criticism, including from other conservatives due to their belief in individual and collective responsibility.In 1988, Thatcher told the party conference that her third term was to be about 'social affairs'. During her last three years in power, she attempted to reform socialised welfare, differing from her earlier stated goal of "rolling back the state".

Economic positions

Thatcherite economics

Thatcherism is associated with the economic theory ofmonetarism,notably put forward byFriedrich Hayek'sThe Constitution of Libertywhich Thatcher had banged on a table while saying "this is what we believe". In contrast to previous government policy, monetarism placed a priority on controlling inflation over controlling unemployment. According to monetarist theory, inflation is the result of there being too much money in the economy. It was claimed that the government should seek to control themoney supplyto control inflation. By 1979, it was not only the Thatcherites arguing for stricter inflation control. The Labour ChancellorDenis Healeyhad already adopted some monetarist policies, such as reducing public spending and selling off the government's shares inBP.

Moreover, it has been argued that the Thatcherites were not strictly monetarist. A common theme centres on the Medium Term Financial Strategy, issued in the 1980 budget, which consisted of targets for reducing the growth of the money supply in the following years. After overshooting many of these targets, the Thatcher government revised the targets upwards in 1982. Analysts have interpreted this as an admission of defeat in the battle to control the money supply. The economist C. F. Pratten claimed that "since 1984, behind a veil of rhetoric, the government has lost any faith it had in technical monetarism. The money supply, as measured byM3,has been allowed to grow erratically, while calculation of thepublic sector borrowing requirementis held down by the ruse of subtracting the proceeds of privatisation as well as taxes from government expenditure. The principles of monetarism have been abandoned ".

Thatcherism is also associated withsupply-side economics.WhereasKeynesian economicsholds that the government should stimulate economic growth by increasing demand through increased credit and public spending, supply-side economists argue that the government should instead intervene only to create a free market by lowering taxes, privatising state industries and increasing restraints on trade unionism.

Trade union legislation

Further information:1984–1985 United Kingdom miners' strike

See also:Opposition to trade unionsandHistory of trade unions in the United Kingdom

Reduction in the power of the trades unions was made gradually, unlike the approach of theEdward Heathgovernment, and the most significant single confrontation with the unions was theNational Union of Mineworkers(NUM) strike of 1984–1985, in which the miners' union was eventually defeated. Evidence shows that the Conservative Party and the NUM anticipated this confrontation with the trade unions. The outcome contributed to the resurgence of thepower of capital over labour.

Domestic and social positions

All too often the ills of this country are passed off as those of society. Similarly, when action is required, society is called upon to act. But society as such does not exist except as a concept. Society is made up of people. It is people who have duties and beliefs and resolve. It is people who get things done. [Thatcher] prefers to think in terms of the acts of individuals and families as the real sinews of society rather than of society as an abstract concept. Her approach to society reflects her fundamental belief in personal responsibility and choice. To leave things tosocietyis to run away from the real decisions, practical responsibility and effective action.

— No. 10, Statement,The Sunday Times(10 July 1988)

Thatcherite morality

Thatcherism is associated with a conservative stance onmorality.Sutcliffe-Braithwaite (2012)argues that Thatcherism married conservatism withfree-market economics.Thatcherism did not propose dramatic newpanaceassuch as Milton Friedman'snegative income tax.Instead, the goal was to create a rationaltax-benefit economic systemthat would increase Britishefficiencywhile supporting a conservative social system based on traditional morality. There would still be a minimalsafety netfor the poor, but the major emphasis was on encouraging individual effort andthrift.Thatcherism sought to minimise the importance of welfare for the middle classes and reinvigorate Victorianbourgeoisvirtues. Thatcherism was family centred, unlike the extreme individualism of most neoliberal models. It had its roots in historical experiences such asMethodismand the fear of the too-powerful state that had troubled Hayek.

Norman Tebbit,a close ally of Thatcher, laid out in a 1985 lecture what he thought to be thepermissive societythat conservatives should oppose:

Bad art was as good as good art. Grammar and spelling were no longer important. To be clean was no better than to be filthy. Good manners were no better than bad. Family life was derided as an outdated bourgeois concept. Criminals deserved as much sympathy as their victims. Many homes and classrooms became disorderly; if there was neither right nor wrong there could be no basis for punishment or reward. Violence and soft pornography became accepted in the media. Thus was sown the wind; and we are now reaping the whirlwind.

Despite her association withsocial conservatism,Thatcher voted in 1966 to legalise homosexuality, one of the few Conservative MPs to do so.That same year, she also voted in support of legal abortion.However, in the 1980s during her time as prime minister, the Thatcher government enactedSection 28,a law that opposed the "intentional promotion" of homosexuality by local authorities and "promotion" of the teaching of "the acceptability of homosexuality as a pretended family relationship" in schools.In her 1987 speech to the Conservative Party conference, Thatcher stated:

Children who need to be taught to respect traditional moral values are being taught that they have an inalienable right to be gay... All of those children are being cheated of a sound start in life—yes, cheated.

The law was opposed by manygay rightsadvocates such asStonewallandOutRage!.Tony Blair's Labour government repealed it in 2000 (in Scotland) and 2003.Conservative prime minister David Cameron later issued an official apology for previous Conservative policies on homosexuality, specifically the introduction of the controversial Section 28 laws from the 1980s, viewing past ideological views as "a mistake" withhis ideological direction.

RegardingfeminismThatcher said "The feminists hate me, don't they? And I don't blame them. For I hate feminism. It is poison"and "I owe nothing toWomen's lib".

Sermon on the Mound

Main article:Sermon on the Mound

In May 1988, Thatcher gave an address to theGeneral Assemblyof theChurch of Scotland.In the speech, Thatcher offered a theological justification for her ideas on capitalism and the market economy. She said, "Christianity is about spiritual redemption, not social reform", and she quotedSt. Paulby saying, "If a man will not work he shall not eat". Choice played a significant part in Thatcherite reforms, and Thatcher said that choice was also Christian, stating thatJesus Christchose to lay down his life and that all individuals have the God-given right to choose betweengood and evil.

Foreign policy

Atlanticism

Further information:Special Relationship § Thatcher and Reagan

LeadersMargaret ThatcherandRonald Reaganpublicly appear together on theSouth Lawnin February 1981.

Whilst Thatcher was prime minister, she greatly embracedtransatlantic relationswith US presidentRonald Reagan.She often publicly supported Reagan's policies even when other Western allies were not as vocal. For example, she granted permission for American planes to use British bases for raids, such as the1986 United States bombingofLibyan Arab Jamahiriya,and allowed American cruise missiles and Pershing missiles to be housed on British soil in response to Soviet deployment of SS-20 nuclear missiles targeting Britain and other Western European nations.

Europe

WhileEuroscepticismhas for many become a characteristic of Thatcherism, Thatcher was far from consistent on the issue, only becoming truly Eurosceptic in the last years of her time as prime minister. Thatcher supported Britain's entry into theEuropean Economic Communityin 1973, campaigned for a "Yes" vote in the1975 referendumand signed theSingle European Actin 1986.

Towards the end of the 1980s, Thatcher (and so Thatcherism) became increasingly vocal in its opposition to allowing theEuropean Communityto supersede British sovereignty. In a famous 1988 Bruges speech, Thatcher declared: "We have not successfully rolled back the frontiers of the state in Britain, only to see them reimposed at a European level, with a European superstate exercising a new dominance from Brussels".

Dispute over the term

It is often claimed that the wordThatcherismwas coined by cultural theoristStuart Hallin a 1979Marxism Todayarticle.However, this is not true as Tony Heath first used the term in an article he wrote that appeared inTribuneon 10 August 1973. Writing asTribune's education correspondent, Heath wrote: "It will be argued that teachers are members of a profession which must not be influenced by political considerations. With the blight of Thatcherism spreading across the land that is a luxury that only the complacent can afford".Although the term had been widely used before then,not all social critics have accepted the term as valid, with theHigh ToryjournalistT. E. Utleybelieving "There is no such thing as Thatcherism".

Utley contended that the term was a creation of Thatcher's enemies who wished to damage her by claiming that she had an inflexible devotion to a particular set of principles and also by some of her friends who had little sympathy for what he called "the English political tradition" because it facilitated "compromise and consensus". Utley argued that a free and competitive economy, rather than being an innovation of Thatcherism, was one "more or less permanent ingredient in modern Conservative philosophy":

It was on that principle that Churchill fought the 1945 election, having just read Hayek'sRoad to Serfdom.[...] What brought the Tories to 13 years of political supremacy in1951was the slogan 'Set the people free'. [...] There is absolutely nothing new about the doctrinal front that she presents on these matters. [...] As for 'privatisation', Mr. Powell proposed it in [...] 1968. As for 'property-owning democracy', I believe it wasAnthony Edenwho coined the phrase.

In foreign policy, Utley claimed Thatcher's desire to restore British greatness did not mean "primarily a power devoted to the preservation of its own interests" but that she belonged "to that militant Whig branch of English Conservatism...her view of foreign policy has a high moral content". In practical terms, he claimed this expressed itself in her preoccupation with "the freedom of Afghanistan rather than the security of Ulster".

Such leftist critics asAnthony Giddensclaim that Thatcherism was purely an ideology and argue that her policies marked a change which was dictated more by political interests than economic reasons:

Rather than by any specific logic of capitalism, the reversal was brought about by voluntary reductions in social expenditures, higher taxes on low incomes and the lowering of taxes on higher incomes. This is the reason why in Great Britain in the mid 1980s the members of the top decile possessed more than a half of all the wealth.To justify this by means of economic "objectivities" would be an ideology. What is at play here are interests and power.

The Conservative historian ofPeterhouse,Maurice Cowling,also questioned the uniqueness of "Thatcherism". Cowling claimed that Thatcher used "radical variations on that patriotic conjunction of freedom, authority, inequality, individualism and average decency and respectability, which had been the Conservative Party's theme since at least 1886". Cowling further contended that the "Conservative Party under Mrs Thatcher has used a radical rhetoric to give intellectual respectability to what the Conservative Party has always wanted".

Historians Emily Robinson, Camilla Schofield, Florence Sutcliffe-Braithwaite and Natalie Thomlinson have argued that by the 1970s, Britons were keen on defining and claiming their individual rights, identities and perspectives. They demanded greater personal autonomy and self-determination and less outside control. They angrily complained that the establishment was withholding it. They argue that this shift in concerns had helped cause Thatcherism and was incorporated into its appeal.

Criticism

Trends in UK income inequality, 1979–2006

Critics of Thatcherism claim that its successes were obtained only at the expense of greatsocial coststo the British population. There were nearly 3.3 million unemployed in Britain in 1984, compared to 1.5 million when she first came to power in 1979, though that figure had reverted to 1.6 million by the end of 1990.

While credited with reviving Britain's economy, Thatcher also was blamed for spurring a doubling of the relative poverty rate. Britain's childhood-poverty rate in 1997 was the highest in Europe.When she resigned in 1990, 28% of the children in Great Britain were considered to be below thepoverty line,a number that kept rising to reach a peak of nearly 30% during the government of Thatcher's successor,John Major.During her government, Britain'sGini coefficientreflected this growing difference, going from 0.25 in 1979 to 0.34 in 1990, at about which value it remained for the next 20 years, under both Conservative and Labour governments.

Thatcher's legacy

Further information:Margaret Thatcher § Political impact

Prime Minister Tony Blair, shown speaking in 1998 while visitingArmagh,has publicly proclaimed his support for various aspects of Thatcherism despite leading an opposing political party years after Thatcher left office.

The extent to which one can say Thatcherism has a continuing influence on British political and economic life is unclear. It could be said that a "post-Thatcherite consensus" exists in modern British political culture, especially regarding monetary policy. In the 1980s, the now defunctSocial Democratic Partyadhered to a "tough and tender" approach in which Thatcherite reforms were coupled with additional welfare provisions.Neil Kinnock,leader of the Labour Party from 1983 to 1992, initiated Labour's rightward shift across thepolitical spectrumby largely concurring with the economic policies of the Thatcher government. TheNew Labourgovernments ofTony BlairandGordon Brownwere described as "neo-Thatcherite" by some on the left since many of their economic policies mimicked those of Thatcher.

In 1999, twenty years after Thatcher had come to power, the Conservative Party held a dinner in London Hilton to honour the anniversary. During the dinner, several speeches were given. To Thatcher's astonishment, the Conservatives had decided that it was time to shelve the economic policies of the 1980s. The Conservative Party leader at the time,William Hague,said that the party had learnt its lesson from the 1980s and called it a "great mistake to think that all Conservatives have to offer is solutions based on free markets".His deputy at the timePeter Lilleyelaborated and said, "belief in the free market has only ever been part of Conservatism".

In 2002,Peter Mandelson,who had served in Blair's Cabinet, famously declared that "we are all Thatcherites now".

Most major British political parties today accept the trade union legislation, privatisations and general free market approach to government thatThatcher's governmentsinstalled.Before 2010, no major political party in the United Kingdom had committed to reversing the Thatcher government's reforms of the economy, although in the aftermath of theGreat Recessionfrom 2007 to 2012, the then Labour Party leaderEd Milibandhad indicated he would support stricterfinancial regulationand industry-focused policyin a move to a more mixed economy. Although Miliband was said by theFinancial Timesto have "turned his back on many of New Labour's tenets, seeking to prove that an openly socialist party could win the backing of the British electorate for the first time since the 1970s",in 2011 Miliband had declared his support for Thatcher's reductions in income tax on top earners, her legislation to change the rules on theclosed shopand strikes before ballots, as well as her introduction ofRight to Buy,saying Labour had been wrong to oppose these reforms at the time.

Moreover, the UK's comparativemacroeconomicperformance has improved since implementing Thatcherite economic policies. Since Thatcher resigned as British prime minister in 1990, British economic growth was, on average, higher than the other large European economies (i.e. Germany, France and Italy).Such comparisons have been controversial for decades.

Tony Blair wrote in his 2010 autobiographyA Journeythat "Britain needed the industrial and economic reforms of the Thatcher period". He described Thatcher's efforts as "ideological, sometimes unnecessarily so" while also stating that "much of what she wanted to do in the 1980s was inevitable, a consequence not of ideology but of social and economic change." Blair additionally labelled these viewpoints as a matter of "basic fact".

On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of Thatcher's 1979 election victory, theBBCsurveyed opinions which opened with the following comments:

To her supporters, she was a revolutionary figure who transformed Britain's stagnant economy, tamed the unions and re-established the country as a world power. Together with US presidents Reagan andBush,she helped bring about theend of the Cold War.But her 11-year premiership was also marked by social unrest, industrial strife and high unemployment. Her critics claim British society is still feeling the effect of her divisive economic policies and the culture of greed and selfishness they allegedly promoted.

From the viewpoint of late 2019, the state of British politics showed that Thatcherism had suffered a "sad fate," according toThe EconomistBagehot column.As a political-economic philosophy, Thatcherism was originally built upon four components: commitment tofree enterprise;British nationalism;a plan to strengthen the state by improving efficiency; and a belief in traditionalVictorian valuesespecially hard work and civic responsibility.The tone of Thatcherism was establishment bashing, with intellectuals a prime target, and that tone remains sharp today.Bagehot argues that some Thatcherisms have become mainstream, such as a more efficient operation of the government. Others have been sharply reduced, such as insisting thatderegulationis always the answer to everything. The dream of restoring traditional values by creating a property-owning democracy has failed in Britain – ownership in the stock market has plunged, as has the proportion of young people who are homebuyers. Her privatisation programme became suspect when it appeared to favour investors rather than customers.

Recent developments in Britain reveal a deep conflict between Thatcherite free enterprise and Thatcherite nationalism. She wanted to reverse Britain's decline by fostering entrepreneurship – but immigrants have often played an important role as entrepreneurial leaders in Britain.Bagehot says Britain is "more successful at hosting world-class players than producing them." In the course of theBrexitprocess, nationalists have denounced European controls over Britain's future, while business leaders often instead prioritise the maintenance of their leadership of the European market. Thatcher herself showed a marked degree of Euroscepticism when she warned against a "European superstate."

Evaluating whether or not political conservatives of the 2020s continue the neoliberal legacy of prior years,Theresa May's Conservative Party election manifesto has attracted attention due to its inclusion of the lines: "We do not believe in untrammelled free markets. We reject the cult of selfish individualism. We abhor social division, injustice, unfairness and inequality." Journalists such as Ross Gittins ofThe Sydney Morning Heraldhave cited this as a move away from the standard arguments made historically by Thatcherites and related advocates.

See also

• Blairism
• Brownism
• Gladstonian liberalism
• History of the Conservative Party (UK)
• Liberal conservatism
• Neoliberalism
• New Public Management
• Orbanomics
• Pinochetism
• Political positions of David Cameron
• Powellism
• Privatisation of British Rail
• Water privatisation in England and Wales
• Reaganomics
• Right-wing populism

References

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See also:Bibliography of Margaret Thatcher

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• Leach, Robert (1987). "What is Thatcherism?". In Burch, Martin; Moran, Michael (eds.).British Politics: A Reader.Manchester University Press.ISBN978-0-7190-2302-6.
• Letwin, Shirley Robin(1992).The Anatomy of Thatcherism.Routledge.ISBN978-1-138-51535-2.
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• Marsh, David(1991). "Privatization under Mrs. Thatcher: a review of the literature".Public Administration.69(4): 459–480.doi:10.1111/j.1467-9299.1991.tb00915.x.
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• ———(2015b).Margaret Thatcher: The Authorized Biography, Everything She Wants.Penguin Books.ISBN978-0-241-20126-8.
• ———(2019).Margaret Thatcher: The Authorized Biography, Herself Alone.Penguin Books.ISBN978-0-241-32475-2.
• Nott, John(2002).Here Today, Gone Tomorrow: Recollections of an Errant Politician.Politico's.ISBN978-1-84275-030-8.
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• Robinson, Emily; Schofield, Camilla; Sutcliffe-Braithwaite, Florence; Thomlinson, Natalie (2017)."Telling stories about post-war Britain: popular individualism and the 'crisis' of the 1970s"(PDF).Twentieth Century British History.28(2): 268–304.doi:10.1093/tcbh/hwx006.PMID28922828.
• Rothbard, Murray(1995).Making Economic Sense.Ludwig von Mises Institute.ISBN978-1-61016-401-6.
• Skidelsky, Robert,ed. (1989).Thatcherism.Blackwell.ISBN978-0-631-17325-0.
• Sutcliffe-Braithwaite, Florence (2012). "Neo-Liberalism and Morality in the Making of Thatcherite Social Policy".The Historical Journal.55(2): 497–520.doi:10.1017/S0018246X12000118.JSTOR23263347.
• Tiersky, Ronald(2001).Euro-skepticism: A Reader.Rowman & Littlefield.ISBN978-0-7425-1054-8.
• Utley, T. E.(1989). Moore, Charles; Heffer, Simon (eds.).A Tory Seer: The Selected Journalism of T. E. Utley.Hamish Hamilton.ISBN978-0-241-12728-5.
• Vinen, Richard(2009).Thatcher's Britain: The Politics and Social Upheaval of the 1980s.London: Simon & Schuster.ISBN978-1-84737-175-1.
• Wallerstein, Immanuel;Huggins, Nathan;Davis, Natalie Zemon(1991).Radical History Review.Cambridge University Press.ISBN978-0-521-40559-1.
• Williamson, Adrian (2016).Conservative Economic Policymaking and the Birth of Thatcherism, 1964–1979.Palgrave Macmillan UK.ISBN978-1-137-46026-4.
• Wood, Ellen Meiksins(1991).The Pristine Culture of Capitalism: A Historical Essay on Old Regimes and Modern States.Verso.ISBN978-0-86091-362-7.

Further reading

• Bevir, MarkandR. A. W. Rhodes(1998). "Narratives of 'Thatcherism'".West European Politics.21(1): 97–119.doi:10.1080/01402389808425234.
• Jones, Daniel Stedman (2014).Masters of the Universe: Hayek, Friedman, and the Birth of Neoliberal Politics(updated ed.). Princeton University Press. pp. 673–674 and passim.ISBN978-1-4008-5183-6.
• Jones, Harriet and Michael Kandiah, eds. (1996).The Myth of Consensus: New Views on British History, 1945–64.Palgrave Macmillan UK.ISBN978-1-349-24942-8.
• Marquand, David(1987). "The literature on Thatcher".Contemporary British History.1(3): 30–31.doi:10.1080/13619468708580911.

External links

• The dictionary definition ofThatcherismat Wiktionary
• What is Thatcherism? (BBC News Online)
• What is Thatcherism? (Britpolitics.co.uk)