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Transitional Federal Government of Somalia

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Transitional Federal Government of the Republic of Somalia
2004–2012
Flag of Somalia
Flag
Anthem:(2004–2012)
"Soomaaliyeey toosoo"
(2012)
"Qolobaa Calankeed"
CapitalMogadishu
Common languagesSomali·Arabic·
GovernmentFederalprovisional government
President
• 2004-2008
Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed
• 2009-2012
Sheikh Sharif Ahmed
Prime Minister
• 2011-2012
Omar Sharmarke
LegislatureTransitional Federal Parliament
Historical eraSomali Civil War
14 October 2004
20 August 2012
ISO 3166 codeSO
Preceded by		 Succeeded by
Transitional National Government of Somalia
Federal Government of Somalia
Politics of Somalia

Arab LeagueMember State of the Arab League

Constitution
Executive
Legislature
Judiciary
Elections
Administrative divisions
Foreign relations
Other
flagSomalia portal

TheTransitional Federal Government(TFG) (Somali:Dowladda Federaalka Kumeelgaarka,Arabic:الحكومة الاتحادية الانتقالية) was internationally recognized as aprovisional governmentof theSomaliafrom 14 October 2004 until 20 August 2012, when its tenure officially ended and theFederal Government of Somalia(FGS) was inaugurated.[1]

Succeeding theTransitional National Government(TNG) that had been formed in 2000, the TFG was the secondinterim administrationaiming to restore national institutions to Somalia after the 1991 collapse of theSiad Barreregime and the ensuingSomali Civil War.[2]After being formed inKenyaduring 2004, the TFG saw two presidents during its tenure:Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmedfrom 2004 andSharif Sheikh Ahmedfrom 2009 until the transition to the FGS in 2012.

In 2005, the government relocated to Somalia from Kenya and madeBaidoaits capital. During mid-2006 theIslamic Courts Union(ICU) rose to power after defeating analliance of Somali warlords,becoming the first political entity to controlMogadishusince 1991. After several merger talks inKhartoumduring the following months failed over the issues of foreign military forces in Somalia and ICU expansion out of the capital, US backed Ethiopian troops launched afull-scale invasion in late 2006and installed the TFG under PresidentAbdullahi Yusufin Mogadishu. The invasion andforeign occupationsparked a large scaleinsurgencythat led to the rise ofAl-Shabaab,resulted in an Ethiopian military withdrawal and the resignation of President Yusuf two years later. As the insurgency escalated, a conference between rebel forces and the TFG was opened inDjiboutiduring 2008. Elements of the insurgency were merged into the TFG parliament in late 2008. Soon afterSharif Ahmed,former head of the ICU and leader of theAlliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia(ARS) was elected president at the start of 2009.

Four years later the TFG transitioned to theFederal Government of Somalia.

Background

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During early 1991, the government of theSomali Democratic Republiccollapsed as theSomali Rebelliontransitioned into the full scaleSomali Civil War.Between 1991 and 2000, no central government existed in Somalia. During 2000, theTransitional National Government(TNG) was formed. Another attempt was in Kenya during 2004 led to the formation of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG).

History

[edit]
Main article:History of the Transitional Federal Government of the Republic of Somalia
Former President of SomaliaAbdullahi Yusuf Ahmed,one of the founders of the Transitional Federal Government.

In October 2004,Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmedwas elected President of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) with strong backing from Ethiopia.[3]The Ethiopian government supported Yusuf, anticipating that he would abandon Somalia’slong-standing claimto theOgadenregion.[4]Prior to his presidency, Yusuf had been part of an Ethiopian-backed coalition of warlords that had disrupted the earlierTransitional National Government(TNG) formed in 2000.[5]After taking office, Yusuf appointedAli Mohammed Gedias Prime Minister. However, on 11 December 2004, parliament passed avote of no confidencein Gedi’s government, declaring his appointment unconstitutional. Despite this, Yusuf reappointed Gedi only two days later, though by the end of the year, Gedi had not reconstituted his cabinet.[6]According toI.M. Lewis,Yusuf's election as president and his appointment of Gedi, who had ties to Ethiopian Prime MinisterMeles Zenawi,were heavily influenced by Ethiopia. These connections played a key role in theEthiopian invasion of Somaliain 2006.[7]

In 2004, Yusuf made his first foreign visit as President when he travelled to Ethiopia. During the trip toAddis Ababahe requested 20,000 Ethiopian troops to back his government.[3]The majority of Somali society, including much of the newly formed TFG, deeply opposed any foreign military intervention on Somali soil.[8][9]AnAfrican Unionfact finding mission to Somalia in 2005 found that the overwhelming majority of Somalis rejected troops from neighboring states entering the country.[10]During 2005 the TFG was deeply divided over the issue of a possible deployment of foreign troops in Somalia. Various prominent Somali leaders and groups threatened to forcefully oppose such an intervention.[11][12]

Entry into Somalia and internal divisions (2005)

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In March 2005, a debate on deploying foreign troops, including Ethiopian forces, to Somalia led to violence after the resolution was rejected by a vote of 156 to 55. A brawl was initiated by some opposing the result, injuring several MPs, and the vote was declared invalid thereafter. By insisting on the deployment of foreign troops from countries bordering Somalia, President Abdullahi Yusuf and his Prime MinisterAli Gedidisregarded the views of their cabinet, a clear majority of transitional parliament, and much of the public.[13][14]Kenya, which had been hosting the conference, called the events disrespectful to its government and warned the TFG to behave as "we prepare you for your return home".[15]

Under heavy pressure fromKenya,the government prepared to move into Somalia.[16]During June 2005, the TFG moved into Somalia for the first time and promised to establish its authority across the country. Instead it quickly devolved into infighting, and serious internal divisions arose. A seat of power could not be agreed on. 100 members of the 275-strong parliament - led by SpeakerSharif Hassan Aden- chose to move toMogadishu,stating they would try to restore stability to the capital. On the other hand President Abdullahi Yusuf, Prime MinisterAli Gediand their supporters set up base inJowhar,90 km north of Mogadishu, citing insecurity in the capital.[17]

Internal divisions were so serious that open warfare almost broke out between the two TFG factions in September 2005. Neither parliament or the full cabinet had met since the March fight in Kenya. No progress was made in establishing a minimally functional government or creating a civil service.[16]For the remainder of 2005 the TFG remained deeply divided.[17]According to an Africa Research Specialist from the USCongressional Research Service,the TFG was dysfunctional from its inception and "failed miserably" as a functioning government.[3]So little was achieved over 2005 that some observers argued that the March fighting had been "the only high point for the TFG" as MPs had not simply rubber stamped proposals.[18]

Ethiopian military occupation (2006–2009)

[edit]
Main article:Ethiopian invasion and occupation of Somalia

The new Transitional Federal Government under the Presidency ofAbdullahi Yusuf Ahmedwished to establish authority overSomalia,and sought assistance fromEthiopian troopswho also sought to forcibly depose theIslamic Courts Unionwhich was in control ofMogadishu.Leading figures in the fragile TFG, which was only capable of controlling small parcels of land, made the widely unpopular decision to invite Ethiopia to intervene in support of it.[19]

In a move widely opposed by many TFG parliamentarians,[20][21]President Yusuf made the widely unpopular decision to invite Ethiopian troops to prop up his administration.[19]As an institution, the TFG did not consent to or approve of the Ethiopian military intervention. No parliamentary approval was given for a decision openly opposed by a significant portion of the government.[22]During late July 2006, over a dozen TFG parliamentarians resigned in protest of the Ethiopian invasion,[23]and by August 2006 the government was mired in a severe internal crisis and at risk of collapse.[24]Government soldiers began defecting over to the ICU.[25]

After theEthiopian National Defence Forceseized control of Mogadishu in the last days of 2006, the TFG announced that the rivaling Islamic forces had been defeated and that no further major fighting was expected to take place.[26]TheIslamic Courts Unionsplintered into several different insurgent factions. Some of the more radical elements, includingAl-Shabaab,regrouped to wage an insurgency against the Ethiopian military presence in Somalia and the TFG.[27]The TFG proved to be incapable of controlling Mogadishu,[28]or of surviving on its own without Ethiopian troops.[29]Most of the population of the city opposed the TFG and perceived it to be a puppet government.[28]Themilitary occupationwas marked by indiscriminate violence towards civilians by the Ethiopian army and TFG. Homes were raided in search of ICU loyalists, with lootings, beatings and executions of suspected collaborators commonplace.[30]

Emergence of insurgency

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The TFG soon began to run into increasing opposition from remnants of the Islamic Courts Union, and despite moving much of the government in January to Mogadishu, many ministers chose to remain inBaidoa.[31]Several high ranking figures of the TFG, including ex-speakerSharif Hassan Sheikh Aden,were fired for calling for a compromise with the ICU.[32]Members of the TFG present inNairobiwere threatened with expulsion by the Kenyan foreign minister after they publicly called for the withdrawal of Ethiopian troops.[33]In the year after the invasion, the TFG parliament was purged of opposition figures and represented a narrow coalition of Somali society. For much of 2007 the government was besieged and dysfunctional, with virtually no progress being made for political transition. It was plagued with charges of corruption and abuse, including the obstruction of relief aid deliveries.[34]The TFG security forces, both police and military, were notoriously undisciplined, committing numerous acts of murder and sexual violence against civilians. Internal hostilities within the security forces even resulted in shootouts between units as they fought over control of revenue from illegal checkpoints.[35]

At the start of 2007, the TFG imposedmartial law.It issued directives which included a ban on public meetings, attempts to organize political campaigns and major media outlets, which were enforced by Ethiopian troops. Warlord militia checkpoints began reappearing on Mogadishu roads and insecurity started once again returning to the city.[36]During the fierce fighting in Mogadishu between ENDF/TFG forces and the insurgency, the Ethiopians reportedly engaged in thecarpet bombingof neighborhoods. PresidentAbdullahi Yusufannounced in a radio address that “any place from which a bullet is fired, we will bombard it, regardless of whoever is there.”[37]The presence of Ethiopian troops reinforced theauthoritarianbehavior of the TFG.[38]Timemagazine reported that the battles raging in the Mogadishu at the time were 'some of the most savage fighting' the capital had ever experienced.[39]European Unionambassador to SomaliaWalter J. Lindnersent a letter to President Yusuf condemning the deliberate blockade the delivery of urgently needed humanitarian supplies relief and the bombardment of civilian areas sanctioned by the government.[40]The TFG and the Ethiopians had little public support, and Ethiopian troops rarely conductedpatrolsdue to frequent losses to Somali insurgents.[41]

By the beginning of 2008, insurgent pressure had mounted on the Ethiopian and TFG troops in the south-central regions of Somalia. TheShabeelle,theJubba Valleyalong with theBayandBakoolregions in particular became hot spots. Islamist fighters gained strength and were able to move from different towns with little resistance as they had accrued significant public support. What had at first seemed to be a series of probes soon morphed into an significant insurgent offensive against Ethiopian and TFG forces.[42]The TFG suffered further serious internal divisions in this period. During 2008, TFG President Abdullahi Yusuf began undermining the new prime minister,Nur Hassan Hussein.PM Nur had replaced PM Ali Gedi in November 2007, who was widely viewed as corrupt and an impediment to the reconciliation process. Much of the criminality in south Somalia during 2008 was linked to TFG security forces. In April 2008,Oxford Analyticaobserved that the TFG was 'little more' than a collection of armed rival groups.[43]Abattle erupted in Mogadishu after TFG forces began robbing a marketplace, resulting Islamist insurgents inflicting heavy losses on the TFG forces after they came defend the merchants.[44]Human Rights Watchreport accused the TFG of human rights abuses and war crimes including murder, rape, assault, and looting. The report also states that the TFG police force were implicated in arbitrary arrests of ordinary civilians in order to extort ransoms from their families.[45]

During June a faction of theARSand the TFG signed a ceasefire agreement after months of talks inDjibouti.The agreement was met with resistance from elements within the TFG, chiefly President Abdullahi Yusuf.[46]The Djibouti Peace Process called for the withdrawal of Ethiopian troops from Somalia.[47]At the time the TFG was crippled by infighting and largely under the control of warlords as insurgent attacks worsened by the day.[48]By mid-2008, President Yusuf had lost all the support he had accumulated in the international community. His primary backer, Ethiopia, had also become tired of the TFG president only offering military answers to serious political issues.[49]

Collapse of first TFG government

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By November 2008, the Islamist insurgency fighting against the Ethiopian army and TFG had effectively won. The majority of south and central Somalia, along with the capital was under the control of Islamist factions. Ethiopia had redeployed much of its army out of Somalia by the end of the year.[50]Due to rampant and pervasive corruption within the government, salaries went unpaid.[35]More than 80% of TFG military and security forces, nearly 15,000 personnel, deserted the government by the end of 2008.[51]

Rife with infighting and serious divisions, the TFG was once again on the brink of collapse by November 2008.[52]On 26 October, a ceasefire agreement was signed between theAlliance for the Re-liberation of Somaliaand the TFG. It was to go into effect on 5 November.[53]PresidentAbdullahi Yusufadmitted that the country was slipping to the insurgency and "raised the prospect his government could completely collapse." Ethiopia announced it would withdraw its troops from Somalia by the end of 2008 on 28 November.[54]To shore up his rule in Mogadishu, Yusuf deployed thousands of his own troops from Puntland to Mogadishu. Financial support for this effort was provided by the autonomous region's government. This left little revenue for Puntland's own security forces and civil service employees, leaving the territory vulnerable to piracy and terrorist attacks.[55][56]

In December 2008, the TFG parliament moved to impeach PresidentAbdullahi Yusuf,accusing him of being a dictator and an obstacle to peace.[57]After TFG prime ministerNur Hassanhad blamed Yusuf for the TFG's failures, Yusuf had fired him without the required approval of parliament.[58]The TFG once again found itself based largely out ofBaidoaand theAfrican Unionreleased a statement declaring the insurgency controlled most the country.[59]That month President Yusuf resigned after stating that he had lost control of the country to Islamist insurgents.[60]The TFG failed to make any meaningful impact on the ground during is tenure and presided over one of the bloodiest periods in modern Somali history.[61]During January 2009, the first Transitional Federal Government collapsed andAl-Shabaaboverran the seat of the government inBaidoa.[62]

Coalition government (2009–2010)

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Between 31 May and 9 June 2008, representatives of Somalia's federal government and the moderateAlliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia(ARS) group of Islamist rebels participated in peace talks inDjiboutibrokered by the former United Nations Special Envoy to Somalia,Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah.The conference ended with a signed agreement calling for the withdrawal of Ethiopian troops in exchange for the cessation of armed confrontation. Parliament was subsequently expanded to 550 seats to accommodate ARS members, which then electedSheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed,the former ARS chairman, to office. President Sharif shortly afterwards appointedOmar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke,the son of slain former presidentAbdirashid Ali Sharmarke,as the nation's new prime minister.[63]

ICU ChairmanSharif Sheikh Ahmed,who later became a President of theTransitional Federal Government.

With the help of a small team of African Union troops, the coalition government also began acounteroffensivein February 2009 to retake control of the southern half of the country. To solidify its control of southern Somalia, the TFG formed an alliance with the Islamic Courts Union, other members of theAlliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia,andAhlu Sunna Waljama'a,a moderateSufimilitia.[64]Furthermore, Al-Shabaab andHizbul Islam,the two main Islamist groups in opposition, began to fight amongst themselves in mid-2009.[65]

As a truce, in March 2009, Somalia's coalition government announced that it would re-implement Shari'a as the nation's official judicial system.[66]However, conflict continued in the southern and central parts of the country. Within months, the coalition government had gone from holding about 70% of south-central Somalia's conflict zones, territory which it had inherited from the previous Yusuf administration, to losing control of over 80% of the disputed territory to the Islamist insurgents.[67]

During the coalition government's brief tenure, Somalia topped theFund For Peace'sFailed States Indexfor three consecutive years. In 2009,Transparency Internationalranked the nation in last place on its annualCorruption Perceptions Index(CPI), a metric that purports to show the prevalence of corruption in a country's public sector.[68]A World Bank report also alleged that about $130 million that the coalition government had received over this 2009 and 2010 period was unaccounted for.[69]In July 2012, a report by the UN Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea (SEMG) submitted to the UN Security Council alleged that between 2009 and 2010, around 70 percent of funds that had been earmarked for development and reconstruction in Somalia were unaccounted for.[70][71]President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed rebuked the claims, indicating in particular that a $3 million payment from the Government ofOmanhad gone toward legitimate government expenses, including loans, security forces and parliament. Ahmed also asserted that the SEMG paper had been "timed to coincide with the end of [the] transition period in order to discredit the TFG," and that the Monitoring Group was the "wrong approach for Somalia's peace and development."[72]

New government and transition to Federal Government (2010–2012)

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On 14 October 2010, diplomatMohamed Abdullahi Mohamedwas appointed the new prime minister of Somalia after the resignation of Premier Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke.[73]

Foreign MinisterMohamed Abdullahi Omaarin a meeting with UNDP AdministratorHelen Clarkand other diplomats at the UN headquarters.

Per the Transitional Federal Government's (TFG)Charter,[74]Prime Minister Mohamed named a new Cabinet on 12 November 2010,[75]which has been lauded by the international community.[76][77]The allotted ministerial positions were reduced from 39 to 18.[75][78]Only two Ministers from the previous Cabinet were reappointed: Hussein Abdi Halane, the former Minister of Finance and a well-regarded figure in the international community,[79]was put in charge of a consolidated Ministry of Finance and Treasury; and Dr. Mohamud Abdi Ibrahim remained the minister of Commerce and Industry.[79]Ahlu Sunna Waljama'a,a moderateSufigroup and an important military ally of the TFG, was also accorded the key Interior and Labour ministries.[78][79]The remaining ministerial positions were largely assigned to technocrats new to the Somali political arena.[80]

In its first 50 days in office, Prime Minister Mohamed's new administration completed its first monthly payment of stipends to government soldiers, and initiated the implementation of a full biometric register for the security forces within a window of four months. Additional members of the Independent Constitutional Commission were also appointed to engage Somali constitutional lawyers, religious scholars and experts in Somali culture over the nation's upcoming new constitution, a key part of the government's Transitional Federal Tasks. In addition, high level federal delegations were dispatched to defuse clan-related tensions in several regions. According to the prime minister of Somalia, to improve transparency, Cabinet ministers fully disclosed their assets and signed acode of ethics.[81]

An Anti-Corruption Commission with the power to carry out formal investigations and to review government decisions and protocols was also established so as to more closely monitor all activities by public officials. Furthermore, unnecessary trips abroad by members of government were prohibited, and all travel by ministers now require the Premier's consent.[81][82]A budget outlining 2011's federal expenditures was also put before and approved by members of parliament, with the payment of civil service employees prioritized. In addition, a full audit of government property and vehicles is being put into place.[81][83]On the war front, the new government and its AMISOM allies also managed to secure control of Mogadishu by August 2011.[84]According to theAfrican Unionand Prime Minister Mohamed, with increasing troop strength the pace of territorial gains is expected to greatly accelerate.[81][83]

Political map of Somalia (as of 25 May 2012).

In June 2011, following theKampala Accord,the mandates of the President, the Parliament Speaker, and Deputies were extended until August 2012.[85]

On 19 June 2011, Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed resigned from his position as Prime Minister of Somalia as part of the controversial Kampala Accord's conditions. The agreement would also see the mandates of the President, the Parliament Speaker and Deputies extended until August 2012, after which point new elections are to be organized, including aparliamentary vote-based presidential election.[85]Abdiweli Mohamed Ali,Mohamed's former Minister of Planning and International Cooperation, was later named permanent prime minister.[86]

Backed by the United Nations, theAfrican Union,as well as the United States, the TFG battledAl Shabaabinsurgents to assume full control of the southern part of the country. By August 2011, the government, under PresidentSharif Sheikh Ahmedand itsAMISOM(African Union Mission in Somalia) allies managed to secure control over all ofMogadishu.[87]

In February 2012, Somali government officials met in the northeastern town ofGaroweto discuss post-transition arrangements. After extensive deliberations attended by regional actors and international observers, the conference ended in a signed agreement between TFG President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, Prime Minister Abdiweli Mohamed Ali, Speaker of Parliament Sharif Adan Sharif Hassan, Puntland PresidentAbdirahman Mohamed Farole,Galmudug President Mohamed Ahmed Alim and Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jama'a representative Khalif Abdulkadir Noor stipulating that: a) a new 225 memberbicameralparliament would be formed, consisting of an upper house seating 54 Senators as well as a lower house; b) 30% of the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) is earmarked for women; c) the President is to be appointed via a constitutional election; and d) the Prime Minister is selected by the President and he/she then names his/her Cabinet.[88][89]On 23 June 2012, the Somali federal and regional leaders met again and approved a draft constitution after several days of deliberation.[90]The National Constituent Assembly overwhelmingly passed the new constitution on 1 August, with 96% voting for it, 2% against it, and 2% abstaining.[91]

Structure of TFG

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The Transitional Federal Government (TFG) constituted theexecutive branchof government, with the TFP serving as thelegislativebranch. The government was headed by thePresident of Somalia,to whom the cabinet reported through theprime minister.

Constitution

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Alongside the national constitution, theTransitional Federal Charter of the Somali Republic(TFC) laid out the basic way in which the government was to operate.

Parliament

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Main article:Transitional Federal Parliament

TheTransitional Federal Parliamentelected the president and prime minister, and had the authority to pass and veto laws. It was also in charge of governance and administration ofMogadishu.Each of the four majorclansheld 61 seats, while an alliance of minority clans held 31 seats.

After an alliance with theIslamic Courts Unionand other Islamist groups, the Islamists were awarded 200 seats. Representatives of citizens' groups and representatives of theSomali diasporaheld 75 seats. By law, at least 12% of all representatives had to be women. Members of parliament are selected through traditional clan leaders orshuracouncils.

Executive branch

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Main articles:List of Presidents of SomaliaandPrime Minister of Somalia

A President was elected by Parliament. The President was head of government, and chose the Prime Minister, who would lead the cabinet.

Council of Ministers

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Main article:Somali Council of Ministers

The Cabinet, formally known as the Council of Ministers, at first comprised 42 offices,[citation needed]but was later slimmed down to 31 portfolios[citation needed]during a period of contention in 2006.[citation needed]In 2010, it was further scaled down to 18 posts.[citation needed]The Council of Ministers was appointed by theprime minister.[citation needed]

The government posts and ministerial positions were as follows:[citation needed]

Cabinet Position Office Holder
Minister of Foreign Affairs Abdullahi Haji Hassan Mohamed Nuur
Minister of Defence Hussein Arab Isse
Minister of Planning & International Co-operation Abdullahi Godah Barre
Minister of Justice & Religious Issues Ahmed Hasan Gabobe (Ugas Bille)
Minister of Interior Affairs & National Security Abdisamad Mallin Mahamud Sheikh Hasan
Minister of Finance & Treasury Dr. Abdinaasir Mahamed Abdulle
Minister of Women & Family Affairs Casho Ismaan Aqil
Minister of Agriculture & Livestock Abullahi Haaji Hasan Mahamed Nur
Minister of Health Dr. Abdicasiis Sheikh Yusuf
Minister of Information, Posts & Telecommunication Abdulqaadir Mahamed Ahmed
Minister of Employment, Youth & Sports Mahamed Muhiyadin Sheikh Mursal
Minister of Fisheries Abdiraxmaan Sheikh Ibrahim
Minister of Transport & Ports Adan Abdullaahi Adan
Minister of Federal Constitution & Reconciliation Abdiraxmaan Hosh Jibril
Minister of General Affairs, Housing & Reconstruction Jaylani Nur Iikar
Minister of Water,Minerals & Energy Abdulqaadir Maxamed Dhiaisow
Minister of Education & Culture Prof. Axmed Aydiid Ibrahim
Minister of Trade & Industry Abdiwahaab Ugas Huseen Ugas Khalif

Judiciary

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See also:Transitional Federal Charter of the Somali Republic

Despite some significant political differences between them, all of these administrations shared similar legal structures, much of which were predicated on the judicial systems of previous Somali administrations. These similarities in civil law included:[92]

  • Acharterwhich affirmed the primacy ofshari'aorIslamiclaw, although in practice shari'a was applied mainly to matters such as marriage, divorce, inheritance and civil issues.
  • The charter guaranteed respect for universal standards of human rights to all subjects of the law. It also assured the independence of thejudiciary,which in turn was protected by a judicial committee.
  • There was a three-tier judicial system including asupreme court,acourt of appeals,andcourts of first instance(either divided between district and regional courts, or a single court per region).
  • The laws of the civilian government which were in effect prior to the military coup d'état that saw the Barre regime into power were to remain in force unless the laws were amended.

Education

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Main article:Education in Somalia

TheMinistry of Educationwas officially responsible for education in Somalia, with about 15% of the government'sbudgetbeing spent on education. However, in practice, the education system was largely private.

In 2006, the autonomousPuntlandregion in the northeast was the second territory in Somalia after theSomalilandregion to introduce free primary schools, with teachers receiving their salaries from the Puntland administration.[93]As of 2007, primary schools have also seen a 28% increase in enrollment over the preceding three years.[94]

Several universities in Somalia, includingMogadishu University,were ranked among the 100 best universities in Africa despite the harsh environment, which was hailed as a triumph forgrass-rootsinitiatives.[95][citation needed]

Healthcare

[edit]

TheMinistry of Healthheaded the country's healthcare system. The Minister of Health wasQamar Adan Ali.[96]The autonomousPuntlandregion had its own local Ministry of Health, which is headed by Dr.Mohamed Bashir Ali Bihi,[97]as did theSomalilandregion in northwestern Somalia, with its Ministry of Health led byOsman Bile Ali.[98]

Military and police

[edit]
Main article:Military of Somalia

The Transitional Federal Government'sMinistry of Defensewas officially responsible for theSomali National Army(SNA).

In addition, a newpolice forcewas re-established to maintain law and order. The first police academy to be built in Somalia for several years opened on 20 December 2005 at Armo, 100 kilometres south ofBosaso.[99]The Somali police also had a criminal investigations department inMogadishu.

From 2004 to 2009, the TFG security forces were essentially uniformed clan militia who were loyal to their individual commander and only nominally under the control of the government. In many instances these security forces were hostile to one another. Ethiopia, the TFG's closes ally at the time, took the lead in training and integrating a Somali army but failed. Between 2004 and 2008, over 10,000 Ethiopian trained TFG soldiers deserted or defected to the insurgency. When Ethiopian forces withdrew from Somalia in 2008, the task of forming a new army was given toAMISOM.At this point there was still no meaningfulchain of command.[35]

In August 2011, a TFG-Puntland cooperative agreement called for the creation of a Somali Marine Force unit, of which the already establishedPuntland Maritime Police Force(PMPF) would form a part.[100]

International relations

[edit]
Main article:Foreign relations of Somalia
Current diplomatic missions of Somalia

The Transitional Federal Government is internationally recognized as the official government of Somalia. It occupies Somalia's seat in the United Nations, theAfrican Union,and theOrganisation of Islamic Cooperation(OIC). The Permanent Representative of Somalia to the United Nations isElmi Ahmed Duale.The Deputy Permanent Representative isIdd Beddel Mohamed.Somalia is one of the founding members of the OIC. The TFG also has ambassadors in other countries.

The Transitional Federal Government currently maintainsembassiesin 34 countries.[101]Ethiopiamaintains an embassy inMogadishu,[102]andconsulatesinHargeisain Somaliland and inGaroweinPuntland.[103][104]Djiboutire-opened its embassy in Mogadishu in December 2010.[105]The following year,Indiaalso re-opened its embassy in the capital after a twenty-year absence,[106]as didTurkey.[107]Italy maintains a special diplomatic delegation and a Technical Mission to Mogadishu, and is scheduled to re-open its embassy in the city.[108]In 2011, the United Kingdom likewise announced plans to re-open its embassy in Mogadishu,[109]withIranfollowing suit in 2012.[110]

See also

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References

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  2. ^Central Intelligence Agency (2011)."Somalia".The World Factbook.Langley, Virginia: Central Intelligence Agency.Archivedfrom the original on 1 July 2014.Retrieved5 October2011.
  3. ^abcCobb Jr., Charles (22 January 2007)."Tentative hope and little else - Somalia".AllAfrica.Reliefweb.Retrieved3 September2024.
  4. ^Cocodia, Jude (3 April 2021)."Rejecting African Solutions to African Problems: The African Union and the Islamic Courts Union in Somalia".African Security.14(2): 110–131.doi:10.1080/19392206.2021.1922026.ISSN1939-2206.S2CID236350899.The TFG had Ethiopia's approval on the basis that under Yusuf, Somalia will rest its claim to the Ogaden region
  5. ^"Profile: Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed".BBC News.29 December 2008.Retrieved9 March2024.
  6. ^"New government brings hope to war-ravaged country".The New Humanitarian.6 January 2005.
  7. ^Lewis, I.M.(16 April 2007)."Ethiopia's Invasion of Somalia".Garowe Online.Archived fromthe originalon 20 August 2007.
  8. ^Rice, Xan (11 November 2006)."Sending African troops into Somalia 'would trigger war'".The Guardian.ISSN0261-3077.Retrieved27 July2024.Most Somalis, including a significant chunk of the government, are deeply opposed to any foreign intervention.
  9. ^Samatar, Abdi Ismail (2006)."The Miracle of Mogadishu".Review of African Political Economy.33(109): 581–587.ISSN0305-6244.JSTOR4007061.
  10. ^Khayre, Ahmed Ali M. (2014)."Self-defence, Intervention by Invitation, or Proxy War? The Legality of the 2006 Ethiopian Invasion of Somalia".African Journal of International and Comparative Law.22(2): 208–233.doi:10.3366/ajicl.2014.0090.ISSN0954-8890.
  11. ^"Somalia: Don't Cross the Mogadishu Line".Global Policy Forum.International Crisis Group.9 February 2005.Retrieved22 July2024.
  12. ^Hassan, Osman (26 March 2005)."Fighting in southwestern Somalia puts new government at risk".Sudan Tribune.Associated Press.Retrieved1 October2024.
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