Arturo Frondizi

"Frondizi" redirects here. For the surname, seeFrondizi (surname).

In thisSpanish name,the first or paternalsurnameisFrondiziand the second or maternal family name isÉrcoli.

Arturo Frondizi
Arturo Frondizi,c. 1958
President of Argentina
In office May 1, 1958 – March 29, 1962
Vice President	Alejandro Gómez(May–Nov 1958) None(1958–1962)
Preceded by	Pedro Eugenio Aramburu
Succeeded by	José María Guido
National Deputy
In office June 4, 1946 – June 4, 1952
Constituency	Buenos Aires
Personal details
Born	Arturo Frondizi Ércoli October 28, 1908 Paso de los Libres,Corrientes,Argentina
Died	April 18, 1995(1995-04-18)(aged 86) Buenos Aires,Argentina
Resting place	Basílica de la Inmaculada Concepción,Entre Ríos,Argentina
Political party	Radical Civic Union(1932–1956) Intransigent Radical Civic Union(1956–1963) Integration and Development Movement(1963–1986)
Spouse	Elena Luisa María Faggionato ​ ​ (m.1933; died 1991)​
Children	Elena Frondizi Faggionato
Alma mater	University of Buenos Aires
Profession	Lawyer
Signature

Arturo Frondizi Ércoli(October 28, 1908 – April 18, 1995) was anArgentinelawyer, journalist, teacher and politician, who was electedPresident of Argentinaand ruled between May 1, 1958, and March 29, 1962, when he was overthrown by amilitary coup.

His government was characterized by an ideological shift, inspired byRogelio Frigerio,towards a type ofdevelopmentalismless promoted by the State and more oriented to the development of heavy industry as a consequence of the installation of multinational companies. Its socio-labor, oil and educational policy had peaks of high conflict, with large demonstrations and strikes by the labor movement and the student movement, as well as numerous attacks against the government for political purposes in which 17 civilians and soldiers were murdered.

The Frondizi government suffered great pressure from thearmed forces,which was imposed on it by the liberal Economy MinistersÁlvaro AlsogarayandRoberto Alemann,and the retirement of Frigerio as a government advisor. Despite this, Frondizi was able to continue with its development line. He was unable to finish his presidential term, as he was overthrown by a coup on March 29, 1962. That day he was detained by the coup military and a decree of the Executive Power ofJosé María Guidovalidated his detention without trial for eighteen months, preventing him from participating in the 1963 elections. Frondizi criticized the inauguration and the government ofArturo Illia,who in fact accepted the overthrow of Frondizi as legal and annulled some of his oil contracts. In 1966 he supported the military coup that overthrew Illia, thinking that the "Argentine Revolution"was an opportunity to make an economic revolution. However, he would abandon that idea whenAdalbert Krieger Vasenaassumed the Ministry of Economy.

On April 18, 1995, Arturo Frondizi died at the age of 86 at the Hospital Italiano in thecity of Buenos Airesof natural causes.

Biography

The frondizi brothers,Silvio,Liduvina, Arturo andRisieri;1915.

Arturo Frondizi was born on October 28, 1908, inPaso de los Libres,province ofCorrientes,Argentina. Son ofIsabella Ércoli de FrondiziandGiulio Frondizi.

The couple, shortly after getting married, had arrived in the country in the early1890sfrom the Italian town ofGubbio.Giulio achieved a comfortable position for his home as a building contractor.

Arturo was one of 14 sons; his brothers includedSilvio,who became a professor of law at theUniversity of Buenos Aires(UBA) and was assassinated in 1974 by theTriple A,andRisieri,who became a philosopher and rector of theUniversity of Buenos Aires.The family relocated toConcepción del Uruguayin 1912, and in 1923 toBuenos Aires.

In the mid-1920s, Frondizi played soccer as a defender in the lower ranks ofClub Almagro.On some occasion he claimed to be a fan of said club. In 1926, he suffered a serious injury to his arm as a result of a bad fall.

Arturo and Silvio traveled in 1923 to theprovince of Buenos Airesaccompanied by their father. They attended theMariano Moreno National School,where later Risieri would also study. In 1925, before completing the last year of high school, Arturo tried to enter theColegio Militar de la Nación,but was postponed.

Arturo Frondizi (4th from left to right) during his tenure on Club Almagro where he played in the 4th division.

During those last years of high school, he turned his life upside down, beginning to worry more about studies, he put aside games and sports. In this way, during the fifth year, his grades began to improve. Already as a distinguished student, he began to contribute to the student newspaperEstimulen.

Beginnings in politics

Frondizi identified with Yrigoyenismo when he was a teenager and studying in high school.Hipólito Yrigoyenhad been elected president when he was 8 years old and served his term when he was 14. For the first time in Argentine history, a president had been elected by secret and compulsory vote, in massively attended elections. Despite this, and throughout his university career, Frondizi had a negative view of political activity and vowed never to set foot in a local party.

In 1927, he entered the Law School of theUniversity of Buenos Aires,where he graduated in July 1930. He refused to withdraw his diploma of honor the year after it was issued, due to his refusal to receive it from the hands. of the thende factopresidentJosé Félix Uriburu,who had overthrown Yrigoyen on September 6 of the previous year.

Frondizi and his family In their house calledElenita,built by them.

His opposition to the dictatorship that overthrew Yrigoyen led him to participate in a demonstration on May 8, 1931, during which he was arrested and placed at the disposal of the provisional government.

Frondizi himself has said that this arrest decided him to put aside the career of teacher that he had planned to pursue, to start a career as apolitician.At the end of 1932, he was arrested for the second time and after being released he joined theUnión Cívica Radical.

On October 28, 1932, Frondizi got engaged toElena Luisa María Faggionato,to marry on January 5, 1933. From this union his only daughter, Elena, would be born in 1937. They built asummer cottagein 1935 at the then-secluded seaside resort town ofPinamar.After the birth in 1937 of their daughter, Elena (their only child), the Frondizis named the cottageElenita.

In December 1933, he would be arrested for the third time, suspected of being involved in an uprising against the national government.

He led the Argentine League for the Rights of Man, the nation's first recordedhuman rightsorganization, upon its founding in 1936. In December of that year, he narrowly escaped an assassination attempt while addressing a crowd.

Deputy and Radical Civic Union (1946-1958)

Photo of the frondizi family in 1938.

Frondizi drafted a progressive platform alternative (the 1945Declaration of Avellaneda) for the UCR before theFebruary 1946 elections.He was elected to theArgentine Chamber of Deputiesin 1946. The intransigent current then assumed the leadership of the party, with two of its members being elected,Ricardo Balbínand Arturo Frondizi, respectively, president and vice president of the radical bloc of national deputies, in the so-calledBlock of 44.

At the beginning of 1948, Frondizi was reelected deputy, imposing the MIR in the internal elections of the Federal Capital. In December Frondizi undertook a tour of Latin America, the United States, Europe and Africa.

1951 presidential election

Frondizi andRicardo Balbín.

In the1951 presidential elections,he was nominated by theRadical Civic Unionto join the presidential formula as a candidate for vice president of the Nation, accompanying Ricardo Balbín as a candidate for president. The radical formula obtained 31.81% of the votes, being defeated by the Peronist formula, made up ofJuan PerónandHortensio Quijano,who obtained 62.49%.

In 1954, Frondizi was elected president of the National Committee of the UCR.

His multiple political commitments did not prevent him from dedicating himself to intellectual activity, which is how at the end of 1954 he publishedPetroleum and Politics,a book-complaint on the activity of oil companies in Argentina, and spoke ofYPF'smonopoly on the oil sector. The book would become a best-seller the following year, during heated debates over the oil contracts signed by Perón and Standard Oil of California; Thanks to this, Frondizi would position himself in the foreground of the national political scene, reinforcing his fame as an intellectual and his leftist profile.

Arturo Frondizi on the UCR committee.

The division of the UCR

Parting ways with Balbin, Frondizi formed an "intransigent" wing of theUCR.TheUCRIseparated from the more conservative and anti-PerónistRicardo Balbínat the UCR's 1956 convention.

On November 9, 1956, the National Convention of the UCR met inTucumán.The position of the party led by Frondizi, the Intransigence and Renewal Movement, was one of repudiation of the military government; He proposed taking the initiative and putting pressure on him by appointing a presidential formula. TheBalbinistas(now separated from the MIR), unionists andsabattinistas,closer to theLiberating Revolution,rejected the proposal, since they were in favor of the military government. The National Convention voted in favor of the intransigent proposal and elected Arturo Frondizi as the candidate for President of the Nation. The unionists, balbinistas and sabattinistas, then left the Convention and on February 10, 1957, they formed a new party, a separate party, the Unión Cívica Radical del Pueblo, known as the conservative wing of the UCR.

Arturo Frondizi on cover ofQué!,May 1947.

The intransigents also split into a party and took the title of Unión Cívica Radical Intransigente. The party quickly defined a position inspired by theDeclaration of Avellaneda,but adapted to the postwar situation, attracting a large number of youth and progressive sectors outside the party, such as the socialistsDardo CúneoandGuillermo Estévez Boeroor the forgerRaúl Scalabrini Ortiz.These were characterized by a non-anti-Peronist national center-left position, as well as by the developmental thinking supported byRogelio Frigeriofrom the magazineQué!.Furthermore, Frondizi and Frigerio established a close relationship with the newspaperClarín,to the point that until 1982 the newspaper identified itself with developmentalism and the futureMID.

1958 elections

The campaign for the 1958 presidential elections had a high level of activism from the militants, who, in addition to doing their usual task of stickers, began to massively paint the walls of buildings with the names of the presidential formula. Such acts did not take long to arouse criticism from the press. It was the most expensive campaign that was made up to that moment in Argentine history. The party ordered the recording of a tango entitled "Frondizi, ¡Primero vos!", With lyrics and music byDaniel Quiroga.

The famous Frondizi-Frigerio duo.

The military dictatorship decided to ban thePeronist Partyin the1958 elections.It also established that only those provinces that had a constitution in force as of December 1, 1957, could participate in it (the provincial constitutions had been abolished by the dictatorship through the military proclamation of 1956); Due to this, citizens of the provinces ofLa PampaandMisioneswere not allowed to participate in the election.

Most historians accept that there was some kind of secret understanding betweenPerónand Frondizi for the proscribed Peronist vote to turn in favor of theUCRIcandidate. It is presumed that the pact was made due to a reserved personal management ofRogelio Frigerio,who made contact withJohn William Cookeor with Perón himself during his exile inVenezuela,agreeing on the conditions in various meetings held, first inCaracasin January 1958 and then inCiudad Trujillo(Dominican Republic) in March 1958.

The pact would have consisted of Perón ordering his followers to vote for Frondizi, and if he won the elections, he would have to comply with fourteen points that made up the agreement, including normalizing the unions and the CGT, repealing the decrees prohibiting Peronism and order the return to Perón of the personal property that he had left in the country and the dictatorship had confiscated.

The UCRI managed to win in all the provinces where the Frondizi-Gómez formula was presented, with which it was obtained all the governorships, the senate and two thirds of the chamber of deputies, in elections classified as unusual until today. On May 1, GeneralPedro Eugenio Aramburuhanded over command to the president elected by suffrage on February 23, 1958, to Arturo Frondizi.

Presidency

Official photo of former President of Argentina, using the presidential sash.

His period of government was characterized by adoptingdevelopmentalismas a basic government policy, based on the recommendations ofECLACand the definitions of the so-called dependency theory, developed from the 1950s by intellectuals from all overLatin America.However, frondizista developmentalism differed from Cepalian by resorting mainly to the establishment of multinational companies, rather than to the State, as a driving force behind industrial development. By 1956, Frondizi began to abandon the position of his bookPetroleum and Politics,and thought that oil contracts with foreign industries could constitute a solution to the energy deficit.

Frondizi giving the first inauguration speech.

The opening to the world also took place in the cultural field, when certain cultural manifestations that had been buried underPeronismflourished during the Frondizist period. Universities adopted new disciplines such associologyandpsychology.

As president, Frondizi struggled with conservative and military interference over much domestic and international policy. Because of economic problems in the country and a steep rise in consumer prices, the military forced him to impose harsh austerity measures in 1959, which resulted in civil unrest.

Better able to maneuver after the 1959 recession, Frondizi began to see results from his economic policies (known asdesarrollismo— "developmentalism" ); by 1961, he earned the support of much of the country's largemiddle class.He tried to lift the electoral ban onPeronism.In addition, he met withChe GuevaraandFidel Castroto aid in mediating their dispute with theUnited States.This led themilitaryto withdraw their support from his administration, as it opposed leftist populist movements andCommunism.

In this period, most Perónists feared being associated with left-wing figures, and sided with the military in their opposition to the left. Military pressure on Frondizi did not relent. He signed theConintes Planin 1960, which bannedCommunismand suspendedcivil liberties,but he eschewed doing any implementation. Frondizi tried to negotiate an entente between theU.S.andCubawith a secret meeting in August 1961 at theQuinta de Olivosresidence with the Cuban envoy (and fellow Argentine)Che Guevara.The military scuttled any future talks, and Frondizi adopted a neutral stance afterwards.

Economic policy

President Arturo Frondizi with secretaryRogelio FrigerioinLa Quinta de Olivos,1958.

Frondizi sought to strengthen the economy by solving the main economic problems that had haunted Argentina over the last twenty years. These included insufficiency in oil production (60% of the oil had to be imported and 80% of all the oil was used to generate electricity),^[1]inadequate steel production, the lack of electricity, and the insufficiency and obsolescence of transport (especially railways). He had inherited economic problems from Perón's 1946-55 administration, characterized by budget deficits because of huge railroad subsidies during this period. These subsidies cost the treasury a million dollars a day. In addition, Perón had used much of the US$1.7 billion in budget reserves at the time of his election tonationalize the various private railway companiesby buying them from French and British interests. The nationalized companies were modernized and expanded. Critics say they resulted in too many employees and bloated payrolls that have since strained national budgets.

Frondizi assigned economistRogelio Julio Frigerioto develop a bold plan to make Argentina self-sufficient in motor vehicles and petroleum, as well as to quickly extend the country's semi-developed road and electric networks. (In the 1950s, these served less than half the population, and fewer than 20% inthe poorer north). Frondizi's economic vision was a radical departure from the nationalist one of Perón. To achieve greater investment in industrial development, Frigerio supported passage of the Law of Foreign Investment. This provided foreign corporations with incentives similar to those offered to local ones. It created the Department and Commission of Foreign Investments, which was also designed to give foreign investors more legal recourse when operating in the country.

In 1962, Argentina was richer in terms ofGDP per capitathanAustria,Italy,Japan,and its former colonial masterSpain.Inflation would rise as a result of the investments made in 1958 and 1959 (some of them emerging as regards the energy problem), to such an extent that at the beginning of 1959 it reached 113% per year.

Industrial policy

The Kaiser Carabela automobile produced byIndustrias KaiserArgentina and marketed between 1958 and 1962.

Between 1958 and 1963, the historical maximum of foreign investments in Argentina was reached: around 23% of the total for the period between 1912 and 1975. The industrial branches favored in this second stage of the import substitution process were theautomotive,theoilandpetrochemical,chemical,metallurgicalandelectricaland non-electrical machinery. Investments were oriented towards taking advantage of the possibilities offered by a protected domestic market.

The president testing an Argentina built DKWAuto Union 1000.

In 1958, contracts were signed with US oil companies so that they would operate on behalf ofYPF.The purpose was to achieve self-sufficiency inhydrocarbonsand not have to buy them abroad. In three years of management, an increase of 150% was achieved in the production of oil and natural gas in Argentina. For the first time in history, the country achieved oil self-sufficiency, and Argentina went from being an importer to being an oil exporter.

Petroleum

Frondizi's development of Argentina's sizable petroleum reserves was used to foster nationalism among voters as well as strengthen the economy. When Frondizi came into office in 1958, oil production had not grown significantly since the sometimes abusiveStandard Oilwas forced out in the 1930s. As Argentina relied more on motor vehicles, oil imports drained the country in foreign exchange. How to achieve increased oil production was a contentious issue by the 1940s. The UCR (Radical Civic Union) favoured a state monopoly, believing it necessary to control theoil reserves.In theDeclaration of Avellaneda(a common platform supported by Balbin's UCRP—his wing of the UCR—and Frondizi's UCRI), the state's need to invest inoil explorationand to make Argentina self-sufficient in the short term was expressed as policy.

Frondizi encouraged foreign investment in the sectors that had created chronic trade deficits between 1949 and 1962. 90% of all foreign investment during his term went into oil exploration, oil refineries, the auto industry, steel, and household durables. Ten of the 25 largest projects were for exploration of new oil fields. The record public investment in thepetrochemicalsector led to a fivefold increase insynthetic rubberproduction; by 1962, the production of crude oil tripled to 16 million cubic meters. Achieving self-sufficiency in oil freed hundreds of millions of dollars in annual import costs for Argentina. It helped create 13 years of nearly uninterrupted economic growth, particularly in industry.

Highrises inMar del Platadating from the Frondizi era, when modern architecture came into vogue locally.

Thirty-six oil drilling rigs had been purchased for the extraction of oil, the largest purchase made in the history of Argentina. In 1960, more than one hundred of these teams were working for the Administration, twice as many asYPFnormally had, thus solving the energy crisis that existed around 1958, and ending the "electric diet" and the blackouts that occurred. the country suffered constantly.

Labor policy

From 1957, elections were held in the unions, most of them winning Peronism. The unions had been grouped into three groups: the 62 Organizations (Peronists), the 32 Democratic Guilds (socialists and radicals) and the MUCS (communists).

In 1958, through law 14 499, it was established that each retiree would automatically receive an equivalent of 82% of what they received when they worked.

In October 1960, independent Peronist unions formed the Commission of 20 to demand the return of theGeneral Labor Confederation(CGT), which had been intervened by the government since the military coup in 1955. To pressure the government, the Commission of the 20 declared a general strike on November 7, which forced President Frondizi to receive them and finally agree on March 3, 1961, to return the CGT to the Commission of the 20.

Educational policy

Worker-student mobilization. Buenos Aires 1959.

Following theuniversity reform of 1918,Argentine education, especially at university level, became more independent of the government, as well as the influentialCatholic Church.The church began to re-emerge in country's secular educational system during Perón's rule, whencatechismwas reintroduced in public schools, and parochial institutions began receiving subsidies. A sudden reversal in the policy in 1954 helped lead to Perón's violent overthrow, however, after which his earlier, pro-clerical policies were reinstated by Aramburu.

Frondizi initially opposed Aramburu's Law 6403 of 1955, which advanced private education generally, and parochial, or more often, Catholic-run schools (those staffed with lay teachers), in particular. Confident the new policy would be upheld, church supporters founded theArgentine Catholic University.The UCRI campaigned against the policy, though when Frondizi took office, he shifted in favor of further, pro-clerical reforms, which he then referred to as "free education." Opposed by many in his own party, and especially by the President of theUniversity of Buenos Aires(his brother, Risieri), Frondizi was open about his motivation for the policy change, declaring that "I need the support of the church."

The Educational Freedom Law, signed in early 1959, also freed private universities from limits imposed by the 1885AvellanedaLaw, under which they could not issue official degrees directly, only through a public university. The law led to controversy because most of the new universities and private schools, which would become eligible for state subsidies, were religious. Supporters applauded Frondizi's vision of private universities that could co-exist with public ones, and it was seen as a progressive measure.Those in favour of a strictly secular educational system believed the law to be a concession given to the Church in exchange for support, however, and became disillusioned with the pragmatic Frondizi.

Frondizi observes the student protests from the balcony of the pink house, with their slogans "Lay or free."

Frondizi, however, advanced other educational reforms to dovetail with his economic policy. His administration incorporated the National Workers' University network of campuses (technical schoolsinaugurated by Perón in 1948) into thenational universityaegis, by which he established theUTNsystem in 1959, and opened numerous new campuses. The UTN became the leading alma mater for Argentine engineers in subsequent decades.

International policy

The Frondizis in 1960.

Arturo Frondizi maintained a policy of good relations with foreign countries.

The Frondizi presidency began in times of theCold Warand politics exterior embodied by the president sought to be at the service of a national strategy of economic development and integration. They were the beginnings of decolonization, sought to avoid conflicts even though they existed at a lower rank, within the blocks.

The Frondizi government imagined the postwar world in competition economic and peaceful coexistence, factors that replaced the bloc strategy and containment. Against a majority political opinion, he dismissed a new world conflagration. Argentina's foreign policy should then serve a national development and integration strategy. The perimidated economic link with theUnited Kingdomand the need to finance development led to the foreign policy will veer towards relocation within the continent.

Frondizi becomes in more than one country the firstArgentine presidentto set foot on these lands. He maintained strong relations with hisLatin Americanpeers, with theUnited States,Europeancountries and alsoAsiancountries.

Latin America

While Arturo Frondizi formed his cabinet, he planned a tour of countries in Latin America, with the purpose of promoting bilateral relations. Between April 7–17, 1958, frondizi toured the cities ofMontevideo,Rio de Janeiro,São Paulo,SantiagoandLima.

Frondizi with the Uruguayan president,Eduardo Víctor Haedo.

Arturo Frondizi during a visit to Chile in 1961 is received by PresidentJorge Alessandri.

Beagle conflict

After theSnipe islet incidentin theBeagle Channel,the governments of Argentina and Chile tried to make approaches to solve their border problems. On February 2, 1959, President Arturo Frondizi landed atLos Cerrillos Airportand signed, together with his Chilean counterpartJorge Alessandri,the Joint Declaration on Arbitration in which both leaders agreed to "immediately enter into negotiations aimed at finding the right formulas appropriate arbitrations, which allow the resolution of existing disputes". The two presidents had agreed to submit to arbitration by the British government (or in its absence the president of theSwiss Confederation), the border dispute in the area of the Encuentro river and the valleys of Palena and California, while the Beagle dispute would be submitted to the International Court of Justice in The Hague.

A series of diplomatic protocols were signed withChilein 1960, one of the protocols submitted the Paleina issue to arbitration, another was the Beagle Protocol, in addition to two Agreements: one for navigation through the southern channels and another for permanent arbitration.

Janio Quadrosand Arturo Frondizi.

Presidents Frondizi and Alessandri met inSantiago de Chile,where they made a Declaration on the "agreement that contains all the bases for the peaceful solution of pending boundary issues within the two countries" except Antarctica. It was in this agreement that the dispute in theBeagle Channelwas intended to be submitted to the decision of the Inter-American Court of Justice in The Hague. On June 12, 1960, they met inBuenos Airesthe ambassadors of both countries to sign what became known as the Beagle Protocol and the Navigation Protocol, which allowed, among other things, the passage of Argentine warships through the channel and the Strait of Magellan, in addition, the treaty established limits precise, as for example, a border line that would run along the middle line of the canal leaving the canal divided for both countries. But the treaty like the Navigation Agreement were rejected by the congresses of both nations.

Arturo Frondizi withAdolfo López Mateos.

Throughout his entire government, Frondizi had meetings with Latin American figures such asJuscelino Kubitschek,Jânio Quadros,Jorge Alessandri,Manuel Prado Ugarteche,Adolfo López Mateos,Víctor Paz Estenssoro,among others.

Europe

Frondizi with the queen of the Netherlands.

Throughout the year 1960, President Frondizi carried out a European tour in which he visitedItaly,The Vatican,Switzerland,France,Belgium,Germany,Holland,Great BritainandSpain.

Frondizi arrived inRomewhere he was received by the President of the Italian RepublicGiovanni Gronchi.The Argentine president included a short stay in the city of his ancestors:Gubbio.Frondizi visited the pontiffJohn XXIIIin a private audience that, later, was shared by other members of the Argentine delegation. The Pope stated that the Argentina, born Catholic, sought to bring to the world a message of peace in which the values of the spirit will illuminate understanding among men.

Arturo Frondizi withJohn XXIII.

Frondizi visitedBern.Although the Swiss country did not maintain an intense movement trade with Argentina, however it was an opportunity to do business with Swiss industrialists. The Argentine president was received byMax Petitpierre,president of the Confederación, who hailed him as "the rebuilder of the economic stability of Argentina, the new liberal line that you adopted for the new Argentine economy has won the sympathy and trust of our authorities and those who support commercial relations with your country".

Frondizi arrived inFrancewith knowledge of the discrepancy between the two countries in the United Nations Assembly, onAlgeria.In the first interview between Frondizi andde Gaulle,he received him with his hand raised and a question: "How has your country voted in the United Nations against France?" Frondizi will responded: "my country cannot stop showing solidarity with the peoples who fight for theirself-determination", and added "we learned it from the influence of theFrench Revolution".

Charles de Gaullewith Arturo Frondizi.

The Argentine president arrived inBrussels,where he received a "warm reception"; in the speeches the reference toJosé de San Martínwas present, for his residence during some of his years of exile. It was the first time that a president Argentinean visited this country which ranked third in European exports to the Argentina. The Argentine president visited theport of Antwerpand took the opportunity to make contact with businessmen and authorities of the Chamber of Commerce of that city.Jacques van Offelen,Minister of Foreign Trade, was present at the press meeting given by the Argentine president.

Frondizi inBonnandBad Godesberg,Bethovenian cities, exalted the German contributions to universal culture. He also visitedCologne,where he met with businessmen, andEssen,a city inNorth Rhine-Westphalialocated in the heart of the industrial region of the Rhur basin, center of the German steel industry. The Argentine president was received byAdenauer,who was accompanied by his finance ministerLudwig Erhard.At the meal offered by Chancellor Adenauer to Frondizi, he called him "a friend of our country" and praised the skill with which he kept the helm: "we continue with interest in the development ofLatin America".

The Argentine president arrived inAmsterdam,where he was received by members of the royal family: QueenJulianaand PrinceBernhard.The Dutch press had greeted to the president who came with favorable headlines. Queen Juliana entertained Frondizi with a meal in which she recalled the cordiality with which Prince Bernhard had been received, on the occasion of attending the commemoration of the 150th anniversary of the declaration of Argentine independence. He stressed: "isolation is no longer of our era."

Frondizi arrived in theUnited Kingdom,in a trip that aroused great expectations, Upon his arrival he was received by the Prime Minister EnglishHarold Macmillan;complied with the protocol for visitingQueen Elizabeth II,the imposition of the decorations and, immediately afterwards, a meeting awaited him press at the Argentine embassy. In the two interviews with Mac Millan, the Argentine president expressed his hope that Britain would use its influence to channel investment into Argentina. The Argentine president raised the possibility that Argentina could be part of

Arturo Frondizi in Kyoto, Japan.

the OECE or, at least, have an observer, since in it Latin America it must have his voice.

Spaincould not be absent from the European tour of the Argentine president, who was hailed as "professor of humanism." He was received by GeneralFrancisco Franco,remembering the community of language, religion and culture that united both peoples. In the official interview, Frondizi was awarded theOrder of Isabel la Catholicaand, in turn, imposed on the head of the Spanish government that of theLiberator General San Martin.The two leaders held an interview behind closed doors.

United States and Cuba

Frondizi and Eisenhower inEzeiza.

Arturo Frondizi was the firstArgentine presidentto make an official visit to theUnited States.He was there from January 19 to February 1, 1959. Frondizi met with Eisenhower on January 22 at the White House. The Argentine President would once again highlight the achievements of having been in office for a year, and reiterated that Argentina would need credits for hydroelectric power and producing steel. Then he mentioned the Peruvian-Ecuadorian border conflict, everyone present agreed that the solution to the conflict would be of great importance for the entire continent.Eisenhowerthen told Frondizi that members of his administration were watching the progress made in Argentina, and they admired the president's courage and leadership. During a speech before the OAS Frondizi denounced the deterioration of the terms of trade in the region and supported the Pan-American Operation of PresidentJuscelino Kubitschek,whose goal was the development and formation of capital in Latin America.

The presidentEisenhowervisited Argentina in February 1960. Both leaders issued the "Declaration of Bariloche"(a treaty on the protection of national parks), with the intention of promoting a better standard of living for the American countries.

inBariloche.

Presidents Arturo Frondizi andJohn F. Kennedycame to have a good personal relationship and even mutual consultation on international issues. Although both had similar positions politically and economically, they defined certain aspects of security in the hemisphere. On the one hand, Kennedy encouraged theAlliance for Progressto counter Cuban influence in order to help underdeveloped countries and favored democratic change inLatin America.However, his administration endorsed a security policy with characteristics opposed to the foreign policy of the Frondizi government, and precisely in February 1962 he delivered a message to the country in which he defended the principle of non-intervention and the right of self-determination of the peoples.

Frondizi andJFK.

Kennedywanted Argentina to be the mediator between theUnited StatesandCubain the conflict of the "missile crisis",since these two countries were experiencing a very serious confrontation motivated by the fear of the United States that Cuba could have weapons at its disposal nuclear weapons coming from theSoviet Unionpointing towards its territory. Hence, at the request of the US president, a meeting between Frondizi andErnesto Guevarawas encouraged to discuss the thorny issue in addition to trying to direct relations between the two countries after the Americans failed to invade the island. from Cuba.

Thus Frondizi tried to approach as a mediator between both sides in a neutral way, but, due to military pressure, on February 8, 1962, he would be forced to break relations withLa Havana.

Frondizi and Kennedy.

Four months after the revolution in 1959, Cuba was still part of theOrganization of American States(OAS), the island had not yet declared itself a socialist, and the figure ofFidel Castrowas even sympathetic to some sectors that would later revile him. On May 1, he arrived at theEzeiza Airport,andHermes Quijadawas the first to welcome him on behalf of President Arturo Frondizi. He immediately arrived inBuenos Aires,and the following day he gave a famous ninety-minute speech before the Commission of the 21 of the OAS in the building of the Secretariat of Industry, in his speech praised the American democracy, which had welcomed Latin American immigrants with decorum. A group of protesters received the leader of theCuban revolution.The visit was not welcomed by the Argentine military. During the OAS Conference, meeting in Punta del Este in January 1961, Argentine Foreign Minister Miguel Ángel Cárcano opposed the exclusion of Cuba from the inter-American system. After the conference, Frondizi received Ernesto Guevara, Argentine representative from Cuba, at the Olivos residence.

Frondizi andFidel Castro.

Of the four possible mediators, Arturo Frondizi argued in favor ofArgentina,due to its balance in foreign policy (BrazilandMexicowere closer to third-partyism) and due to the lack of a deep internal contradiction (Chilehad a conservative government with oppositioncommunist). In the first polls, bothJohn Kennedyand theCubanswere willing to accept that basis for the talks: Frondizi came very close to achieving a great diplomatic solution, but did not take into account the inconveniences he would encounter on his home front. Preliminary talks were held at the Cuban Embassy in Buenos Aires. Someone who did not belong to the diplomatic service, but who was linked to the Frondizi team, contactedErnesto Guevaraat that time (1961) and let the Argentine president know that the Cuban minister accepted his mediation to try to find a negotiated solution. At the same time, some Argentines such as Horacio Rodriguez Larreta (father) met with Guevara inPunta del Esteand participated in the famous meeting he held with Richard Goodwin, an advisor to President Kennedy. After that conference, Guevara let Frondizi know that he was interested in talking with him.

ChereadingLa Nación.

At that time, Guevara agreed to reach an understanding with the United States to coexist peacefully. WhenGuevaratold Frondizi that he wanted to speak with him and that he was willing to travel to Argentina, he also added that if the news of his visit to Argentina was publicly known, his life was at great risk, and that it would most likely be murdered. Frondizi replied schematically: first, that he was preparing to receive him and considered the interview convenient; second, that if he was determined to travel, he should go toMontevideo Airport(Guevara was inPunta del Este): from that moment on, he would be under the responsibility of the Argentine government. Guevara accepted and Frondizi sent a civilian plane fromBuenos Airesto theUruguayan capital.

The meeting between President Arturo Frondizi andErnesto GuevaracausedAdolfo Mugicato resign twenty days later from his position as Minister of Foreign Affairs and Worship on August 29, 1961. Frondizi's attitude towards theCuban Revolutionof 1959, along with the visit of Fidel Castro and Ernesto Guevara ended up weakening the government's relationship with the military power, even more than it already was. The army formally protested these meetings with Cuban leaders, and pressured the president to change his policy with respect toCuba.Cuban exiles inBuenos Airestried to forge documents with the intention of implicating members of the Government in an alleged Castro plot. Frondizi ordered an investigation, and even the army's own report, the famous case of the "Cuban letters," was nothing more than a lie. Frondizi gave a speech on the national network to try to provide explanations.

Asia

Gift from PremierSukarnoto President Arturo Frondizi.

During a tour ofIndia,Thailand,andJapan,President Frondizi metRajendra Prasad,KingRama IXand EmperorHirohito.The objective was to seek new markets, in response to Argentina's imperative need to trade and obtain investments, a key to the program development and trade cooperation.

One of the objectives sought with these meetings was to reinforce Argentina's non-aligned international position in the face of theCold War.

Israel: kidnapping of Adolf Eichmann

At the end of 1952, the fugitiveNazicriminalAdolf Eichmannhad been located in Argentina thanks to information provided by a friend of theAustrianNazi hunter ofJewishoriginSimon Wiesenthal.Given the difficulty that Israel could obtain the extradition of Eichmann by Argentina (with the consequent danger that the criminal would flee), the Israeli secret services of Mosad designed the kidnapping of the wanted Nazi criminal with the firm support of Israeli Prime MinisterDavid Ben Gurion,thus violating consular assistance treaties and Argentine national sovereignty.

Finally, on May 11, 1960, Eichmann was kidnapped in the middle of the street, getting him into a private car when he was getting off the bus to return home from work. Later, the four men of the Israeli Secret Service transferred him on May 20 from Ezeiza International Airport in Buenos Aires toIsraelin a private plane, with another identity and pretending that he was drunk.

Faced with this kidnapping, the Foreign Ministry, through AmbassadorMario Amadeo,complained to theUnited Nations Security Councilfor the serious violation of sovereignty. It received support from the international body, but Israel never intended to return the Nazi criminal to Argentina. Diplomats from theUnited States,Great BritainandFrancetried to formalize a meeting between President Arturo Frondizi andDavid Ben Gurionso that both would seek a solution to the Eichmann case, and that diplomatic relations between Argentina and Israel would not be broken as a result. After several contacts, it was agreed that the meeting between the two leaders would be held inBrusselsin June 1960, finally frustrating such meeting due to misgivings between the diplomacy of both countries.

Ultimately, Frondizi severed diplomatic relations with Israel, relations that had recently been established by PresidentJuan Perón.A short time later, Frondizi re-established ties with Israel.

On December 11, 1961, Adolf Eichmann was found guilty of crimes against humanity and sentenced to death on December 15, carried out on May 31, 1962. His last words were: "Long liveGermany.Long liveAustria.Long liveArgentina.These are the countries that I identify with the most and I will never forget them. I had to obey the rules of war and those of my flag. I'm ready ".

Antarctic Treaty

On a trip toAntarctica,March 1961.

The Antarctic Conference was inaugurated inWashington, D.C.,United States on October 15, 1959, in an atmosphere of uncertainty, attended by representatives of twelve states, of which seven claimed their sovereignty over some fraction of theAntarctic continent,among which were:Argentina,Australia,Chile,France,Norway,New Zealand,and theUnited Kingdom.The territorial rights claimed byArgentina,Chile,and theUnited Kingdomoverlapped considerably. Meanwhile, five other countries (Belgium, the United States, Japan, South Africa and the Soviet Union) had carried out explorations in the region without having presented territorial claims. There were aspects of the future regulation for Antarctica that had the general consensus of the nations, such as the pacification of the continent and excluding all activities of a warlike nature, as well as guaranteed access for scientific research for any country that desired to do so. The most complex problem was the consideration of sovereignty claims.

OnDeception Island,President Arturo Frondizi gives a speech that is broadcast by radio.

Argentina's position was to establish the peaceful use of Antarctica and scientific cooperation within agreed limits, and that the Conference not modify the rights of the parties in the least. Regarding the use of the territory, the Argentine Government maintained the need to put limits on absolute freedom, in order to preserve ecological interests, and to prohibit nuclear tests and the deposit of radioactive waste. The last proposal took the US delegation as well as the Soviet one by surprise, and the Argentine insistence on it came close to causing a crisis in the meeting, not only internationally, but also within the government of Arturo Frondizi.

The treaty was finally signed on December 1, 1959, and was maintained in accordance with the demands ofArgentinathat activities of a military nature had to be outlawed. The Antarctic Treaty entered into force on June 23, 1961. The pact had some success since the area remained free of conflict. The council also succeeded in internationalizing and demilitarizing theAntarctic continent,where nuclear testing and storing radioactive waste were banned. During theCold Warthese activities were carried out with great intensity by the belligerent powers. It was ensured that the region is used for peaceful purposes, including mainly joint exploration and scientific research. The signatory countries obtained free access to the entire region with reciprocal rights to inspect their facilities.

In his speech on May 1, 1960, Frondizi dedicated a paragraph to the Conference on Antarctica, stating that Argentina had been able to include in the treaty its opposition to the internationalization of the area. The principles of freedom and scientific cooperation had also been included in the treaty.

After signing the treaty, Frondizi visited Antarctica. On March 6, 1961, he embarked, along with his entourage, in the Aguirre Bay to go to theDecepción base(Decepción Island). The outward journey was somewhat uncomfortable, as they had to endure severe storms at the crossing of Drake Pass. On March 8 in the afternoon, they anchored in Bahía 1º de Mayo, and then with the icebreakerGeneral San Martínthe first tributes were paid to the authorities who disembarked, being transferred by helicopters and boats to the detachment where the honors were repeated. The military vicar Donamin held a mass, and from there Frondizi gave a speech to the country and greeted the members of the National Navy, researchers, scientists and technicians.

Overthrow

President Arturo Frondizi is taken prisoner.

Around 4:00 in the morning, the Commander-in-Chief of the Army Poggi sent a radiogram to all the military units communicating:The President of the Republic has been deposed by the Armed Forces. This decision is immovable.

At 7:45 a.m. on March 29, 1962, Frondizi left the Olivos residence by car accompanied by his usual personal custody and by CaptainEduardo Lockhart,Head of the Military House, heading to the distant Metropolitan Airport a few minutes from trip, where he boarded a Navy plane that took him toMartín García Islandwhere he was detained. Lockhart had personally drawn up the instructions to be delivered to the head of the base - who had already been notified by telegraph of the trip - so that he would receive treatment according to his status as former president.

After ordering the overthrow of Frondizi at 4:30 in the morning, the coup plotters remained without defining who would take over the government. Just at 11:00 am, "with the presidential office vacant for almost eight hours," the three commanders held the first of many other meetings to evaluate the alternatives.

But Frondizi, aware that he did not have much time left in government, idealized a plan.

Frondizi's plan

Since the previous day, a group of civilians and soldiers had been moving against the clock and in the midst of great difficulties, to carry out Frondizi's latest plan, destined to save what could be legally, makingGuidoswear before the Supreme Court, under of the law of acephalia.

The difficulties to carry out Frondizi's plan were many. Guido had no direct contact with Frondizi and his loyalty to the President prevented him from making any decision that Frondizi had not ordered. Martínez, for his part, did not belong to theUCRI,he had assumed as Minister two days ago on the recommendation ofAramburuand did not even know Guido personally.

For that, Guido himself, the members of the Supreme Court, the coup commanders and the leaders of theUCRIhad to be convinced. Potash says that four men played the most important roles in this operation: Defense Minister Rodolfo Martínez, Supreme Court PresidentJulio Oyhanarte,Air Force Commander-in-Chief and one of the coup leaders BrigadierCayo Alsina,and himself Arturo Frondizi.

Guido's oath before the Supreme Court

At 3:55 p.m., when the formalities for Guido's oath before the Supreme Court were still being completed, the three coup leaders settled in theCasa Rosada.Aware of the fact and with Guido on his way to court, Martínez went to the Casa Rosada to buy time and prevent the military from formally taking over the government, especially Poggi, who showed a clear intention to assume as president. Shortly after five o'clock in the afternoon, Guido appeared at the Supreme Court to take the oath, visibly shaken. The oath was carried out in the utmost reserve, with the sole presence of the judges of the Court, Guido, and his private secretary. Minister Martínez had asked General Aramburu to join the small group, but Aramburu did not accept.

Tradition indicated that the oath was taken on theBible,but due to the urgency and the lack of a Bible in the offices of the Court, the decision was made to take the oath on the text of the Constitution. Immediately afterwards Guido burst into tears and embraced Oyhanarte, asking that he not be considered a "traitor to his party or the people." Villegas Basavilbaso for his part said - expressing his objections -: "We can say, like Cicero, that we have saved the Republic by violating the law." It was Colombres who replied: "Cicero is wrong, because whoever saves the Republic can never be breaking a law."

Later life

Frondizi in 1980.

Frondizi was held in detention until July 1963. After his release and the return of Frigerio from exile, they founded theIntegration and Development Movement(MID) on adevelopmentalistplatform. Unable to field candidates in the1963 electionsdue to military and conservative opposition, the MID and Perón agreed on a "National Popular Front." The alliance was scuttled by military pressure, and the MID endorsed a "blank vote" option. Those among Frondizi's former allies who objected to this move backed the progressive formerBuenos Aires ProvinceGovernor,Oscar Alende,an erstwhile Frondizi ally who ran on theUCRIticket (its last) and finished second.

Following the pragmaticArturo Illia's election, the MID was allowed to participate in the1965 legislative elections,sending 16 members to theArgentine Chamber of Deputies.Policy differences over Frondizi-era oil contracts, which Illia rescinded, led the MID to oppose him actively. Frondizi initially welcomed the 1966 coup against Illia. Frigerio became a significant shareholder in Argentina's largest news daily,Clarín,following a 1971 deal made with the news daily's owner,Ernestina Herrera de Noble.Her late husband andClarínfounderRoberto Noblehad supported Frondizi.

Frondizi with his advisorRogelio Frigerio,during a meeting of their political party, theMID,in October 1984.

With Perón's return from exile imminent, Frondizi chose to endorse the aging leader's ticket for the1973 elections.Following seven years of military rule, the reopenedArgentine Congressincluded 12 MID Deputies. Frondizi was given little say in the new Perónist government, and its policy shifted from populism to erratic crisis management measures. The return of peronism exacerbated political tensions in Argentina, and there was an outbreak of violence between factions. In 1973, members of Perón's government organized theTriple A,a right-wingdeath squad.Among its estimated 600 murder victims was Frondizi's brother, Law ProfessorSilvio Frondizi,who had served as chief counsel to theTrotskyiteERP.He was killed in 1974.

Frondizi initially supported the 1976 coup against Perón's successor (his inexperienced widowIsabel Perón). He dropped his early support for the regime because it appointed an ultra-conservative Economy Minister,José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz.Numerous MID figures received death threats.

Frondizi withPeron.

The dictatorship conducted theDirty Waragainst the political opposition, killing and injuring tens of thousands of political opponents and distantly related suspects in terroristdisappearances,kidnappings and tortures. In 1982 it was defeated in theFalklands War,which further damaged its popular support. Finally the junta allowed return to democracy withelections in 1983.The dictatorship left an insolvent Argentina; business, political and consumer confidence almost shattered; and international prestige damaged because of its years of state terrorism against its population.

Suffering from the early stages ofParkinson's disease,Frondizi named his friend, Frigerio, the MID nominee for president. Refusing to condemn the regime'shuman rights atrocities,the MID fared poorly on election night. It garnered 4th place (1.5%) and elected no congressmen. Elected by an ample margin, UCR leaderRaúl Alfonsínexcluded Frondizi from the economic policy discussions he held before taking office. In 1986 Frigerio succeeded the ailing Frondizi as President of the MID, though the former president remained influential in the party. The MID maintained a considerable following in a number of the less developed Argentine provinces, where voters had fond memories of the Frondizi administration's development projects. It helped elect allies within theJusticialist Party(Peronists), inFormosaandMisiones Provinces,as well as Mayoral candidateNéstor KirchnerinRío Gallegos,Santa Cruz Province;Kirchner was elected as governor and, in 2003, President of Argentina.

Frondizi supported Peronist candidateCarlos Menemin theMay 1989 elections.His support soured when Menem turned toneo-liberalandfree tradepolicies.

Personal life and death

Frondizi lost his daughter in 1976, and his wife in 1991. Living in seclusion in his Beruti Street apartment (in Buenos Aires'northside), Frondizi occasionally received political figures seeking advice.

On April 18, 1995, Arturo Frondizi died at the age of 86 at the Italian Hospital in the city ofBuenos Airesfor unknown causes.His death went so unnoticed that to this day it is very difficult to find out the exact cause of it. In 2019 his remains, which rested in theRecoleta Cemetery,were transferred to theConcepción del Uruguay.

Three years after his death, in 1998, theKonex Foundationawarded the memory of the former president with the decoration of honor.

Theft of the presidential sash and stick

On April 3, 2008, almost one hundred years after his birth, and theCasa Rosadamuseum was being remodeled since January of that year, an employee noticed that the cane and the presidential sash that Frondizi had donated seventeen years earlier to the museum were missing.. No explanations were found for this fact, since there were four security cameras around the museum sector, and to enter it you had to leave a fingerprint, but, apparently, no progress was made in the investigation of this case.

Tribute and legacy

Frondizi bust in the busts room of theCasa Rosada.

Arturo Frondizi is recognized not only as a lucid and effective politician, but as a statesman, that is, a politician capable of looking beyond the routines of the situation, a consideration that surely includes more or less critical nuances, but with its lights and shadows even his most bitter opponents ponder him. In 1958 Frondizi set out to think the nation in tune with the theoretical and political categories that he considered more modern. Sixty years later Frondizi won its place in history anddevelopmentalismcontinues to be one of the most interesting and suggestive proposals when it comes to thinking about the national destiny.

Dr. Arturo Frondizi was the democratic president of the Argentines between 1958 and 1962. His prestige, based on personal and political values, has grown over time. He was an intellectual "borrowed" from politics and a builder of examples, prosperity and wealth for his country and his people. He lived with austerity and died surrounded by the affection and recognition of a grateful society. Increasingly, Argentine democracy and Argentines exalt his figure and serve as a role model of the politician with ethical, civic conduct and as a public servant.

On Friday, October 28, 1999, a plaque with the name of the former Argentine president was discovered in a square in thecity of Gubbio,in the Italian region ofUmbriawhere Frondizi's parents were born, on the occasion of the anniversary of his birth. The mayor of the city,Ubaldo Corazziand the president of the local Rotary Club,Gaetano Nardelli,represented the Italian officials. On behalf of Argentina, the ambassador to Italy, Félix Borgonovo; the Minister of Education,Manuel García Solá;the head of the Arturo Frondizi Foundation, Dr. Cañete and the former minister and official of the Frondizi government,Antonio Salonia.This is how this square in Gubbio was named «Piazza Arturo Frondizi».

Arturo Frondizi hat and glasses.

Argentine politicians such asCristinaandNéstor Kirchner,Roberto Lavagna,Ricardo López MurphyandEduardo Duhalde(among others), claimed to be admirers of Arturo Frondizi's management, regardless of their ideology or political party. Many of them considered him one of the best leaders, and also, as the last president with a country project.

Ten years after his death, a tribute was paid at the central headquarters of Banco Nación, onRivadavia Avenue,in front of theCasa Rosada,where more than one hundred and fifty friends and great followers of him gathered. Frondizi was a great defender of democracy. Through his permanent developmentist affirmation,he opened a path that Argentines must necessarily travel,said Raúl Alfonsín, who praised Frondizi in this way despite the fact that they had both belonged to different lines of radicalism, which were very much at odds at that time. The tribute lasted all that day.

Plaque in honor of Arturo Frondizi,La Plata.

On March 6, 2008, the Legislature of theCity of Buenos Airesrenamed the 9 de Julio Sur Highway with the new name ofAutopista Presidente Arturo Frondiziin homage to the former Argentine president.

By municipal ordinance 5465 of October 7, 2008, the name of "President Arturo Frondizi" was imposed on theJunín Industrial Parkin homage to the contribution that the ex-president made to the national industry. The corresponding act was carried out on November 7, 2009.

On June 22, 2008, the official courier presented a stamp with the slogan "Arturo Frondizi - 100 years after his birth - 50 years since he became president of the Nation" in the Blue Room of the Palace of the National Congress. On the stamp you can see the face of the former president, and next to it, some oil extraction pumps, all with a light sky blue background.

On October 28, 2008, a statue in homage to the former president was erected in a square that bears his name inPaso de los Libres.

On April 3, 2009, the Argentine Government ordered the issuance of a coin with the image of Arturo Frondizi, in commemoration of the hundredth anniversary of his birth and the fiftieth anniversary of his assumption aspresident of the Argentine Nation.The measure was made official on March 4, 2009, in Law 26,479, published in the Official Gazette. The regulation bears the signature of Vice PresidentJulio Cobos,that of the President of the Chamber of Deputies,Eduardo Fellnerand that of Parliamentary Secretary Enrique Hidalgo.

On September 29, 2010, the councilors unanimously approved the draft ordinance to name "President Arturo Frondizi" to the La Carlota industrial park. The councilors participated in the Honorable Deliberative Council on September 29. TheJusticialista Partysupported the project, as did theUCEDE.Radicalism was not present, although Vice PresidentRoberto Gadeastated that: «the important thing is the Industrial Park, therefore, the name is fine; so we also support this agreement.

Frondizi also received an extensive list of decorations and recognitions both nationally and internationally.

Honours

Coat of arms of Arturo Frondizi as Knight Collar of theOrder of Isabella the Catholic(Spain).

Decorations

Award or decoration		Country	Date
	Grand Collar of theOrder of the Condor of the Andes	Bolivia	8 July 1961
	Collar of theOrder of Merit	Chile	1 July 1958
	Knight Grand Cross of the Order of theLegion of Honour	France	8 May 1960
	Grand Cross Special Class of theOrder of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany	Germany	June 1960
	Knight Grand Cross with collar of theOrder of Merit of the Italian Republic	Italy	11 June 1960
	Grand Cross of theOrder of the Chrysanthemum	Japan	14 December 1961
	Collar of theOrder of the Aztec Eagle	Mexico	21 January 1960
	Grand Cross of theOrder of the Netherlands Lion	Netherlands	1 July 1960
	Grand Cross of theOrder of the Sun of Peru	Peru	17 April 1958
	Knight of the Collar of theOrder of Isabella the Catholic	Spain	7 July 1960
	Knight Grand Cross of theOrder of Chula Chom Klao	Thailand	8 December 1961
	Honorary Knight Grand Cross of theOrder of St Michael and St George	United Kingdom	4 July 1960
	Collar of theOrder of Pope Pius IX	Vatican	June 1960

Honorary doctorates

• Canada:University of Ottawa,1961
• Peru:University of San Marcos,1958
• Hawaii:University of Hawái,1961
• Italy:University of Perugia,1960
• Japan:Waseda University,1961
• Spain:University of Madrid,1960
• Thailand:Thammasat University,1961
• United States:Fordham University,1959

Awards and distinction

Several allegoricalCity keysthat President Arturo Frondizi received in various visits to the interior of the country.

• Argentina:Konex of honour,1998
• Japan:Key to thecity of tokyo,1960
• Spain:Key to thecity of madrid,1960
• Uruguay:Uruguayan Parliamentary Distinction, 1958

Notes

1. ^The economic plan was known as Developmentalism. Basically, it consisted in achieving industrialization through foreign investment. This idea came originally from Raul Prebisch from the CEPAL (Economic Commission for Latin America) and was modified by Rogelio Frigerio, the right hand of Frondizi.
2. ^The government created both departments under the orbit of the "Secretary of socio-economic relations" (controlled by Frigerio) on the 21 of July 1958
3. ^320 million of a total of 1310 million of the imports went into oil: Celia Szusterman, Frondizi: La política del desconcierto, emecé, Buenos Aires, 1998

Bibliography

• Potash, Robert A.The Army & Politics in Argentina: 1945-1962; Peron to Frondizi(Stanford University Press, 1969).
• Szusterman, Celia.Frondizi and the Politics of Developmentalism in Argentina, 1999—62(Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1993),

• Belenky, Silvia.Frondizi y su tiempo.Buenos Aires: Centro Editor de Latinoamerica, 1984.
• Díaz, Fanor.Conversaciones con Rogelio Frigerio.Buenos Aires: Editorial Hachette, 1977.
• Frigerio, Rogelio.Los cuatro años (1958–1962).Buenos Aires: Editorial Concordia, 1962.
• Frigerio, Rogelio.Diez años de la crisis argentina.Buenos Aires: Editorial Planeta, 1983.
• Frondizi, Arturo.Qué es el Movimiento de Integración y Desarollo.Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana, 1983.