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Battle of Guadalete

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Battle of Guadalete
Part ofMuslim conquest of the Iberian Peninsula

The Visigothic retreat in front of the Berber cavalry, as depicted bySalvador Martínez Cubells(1845–1914)
DateJuly 711
Location
Near a body of water in southernIberia
Result Umayyad victory
Belligerents
Visigothic Kingdom Umayyad Caliphate
Commanders and leaders
Roderic† Ṭāriq ibn Ziyad
Strength

~2,500 (Collins)
33,000 (Lewis)

~1,900 (Collins)
12,000 (Lewis)

Casualties and losses
Heavy, including many nobles and the king ~3,000

TheBattle of Guadaletewas the first major battle of theMuslim conquest of the Iberian Peninsula,fought in 711 at an unidentified location in what is now southernSpainbetween theVisigothsunder their king,Roderic,and the invading forces of theUmayyad Caliphate,composed mainly ofBerbersand someArabs[1]under the commanderTariq ibn Ziyad.The battle was significant as the culmination of a series of Berber attacks and the beginning ofal-Andalus.Roderic was killed in the battle, along with many members of the Visigothic nobility, opening the way for the capture of the Visigothic capital ofToledo.

Sources

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The primary source for the battle is theMozarabic Chronicle,which was written shortly after 754, probably in the vicinity of Toledo.[2]TheLatinChroniclewas written by aMozarabChristian. The only other Latin Christian source written within a century of the battle is theHistoria LangobardorumofPaul the Deacon.[3]Paul was neither Visigothic nor Hispanic, but was writing probably inMontecassinobetween 787 and 796, where many Visigothic monks had taken refuge. TheChronicleof 741is a near-contemporary Hispanic source, but it contains no original material pertaining to the battle. Several later Latin Christian sources contain descriptive accounts of the battle that have sometimes been trusted by historians, most notably theChronicle of Alfonso III,written byAlfonso III of Asturiasin the late ninth century. Thehigh medievalaccounts, such as that ofLucas de Tuy,are generally untrustworthy, containing much legend and invention.

Besides the Latin Christian sources are severalArabic-languagesources, widely used by historians but increasingly coming under heavy criticism.[4]None of them predates the mid-ninth century. The earliest, theFutūh MiṣrofIbn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam(c.803–871), was composed inEgypt.[5]This account, more rich in detail than theMozarabic Chronicle,is at odds with not only the later Latin histories, but also the later Arabic ones: the anonymous compilation called theAkhbar Majmu'ah,the late tenth-century work ofIbn al-Qūṭiyya( "the son [i.e. descendant] of the Goth [i.e. Wittiza]" ), the eleventh-century historianIbn Hayyān,the thirteenth-centuryComplete HistoryofIbn al-Athir,the fourteenth-century history ofIbn Khaldūn,or the early modern work ofal-Maqqarī.[6]TheAkhbar Majmu'ahin particular was upheld byClaudio Sánchez-Albornozas a genuine eighth-century work surviving only in later copies, but this view has since been refuted.[7]The FrenchOrientalistÉvariste Lévi-Provençal,on the other hand, advocated Ibn Hayyān as the supreme Muslim historian of the era (and of the battle).[8]

Among modern Anglo-American historians,Roger Collins,R. A. Fletcher,E. A. Thompson,andKenneth Baxter Wolfare sceptical of the Arabic sources and rely more on theMozarabic Chronicle.HistoriansThomas F. GlickandBernard S. Bachrachare less sceptical. Collins in particular rejects a syncretistic approach incorporating information from all the available sources.

Background

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Though the reign of Roderic is traditionally dated to 710–711, a literal reading of theMozarabic Chronicleof 754 indicates 711–712. Roderic did not rule unopposed, however. The nature of his accession on the death ofWittizafrom natural causes or through his assassination is not clear from the sources. It is possible that Roderic was probably thedux(duke) ofBaeticabefore coming to the throne.[9]Archaeological evidence and two surviving lists of kings show that oneAchila IIruled in the northeast of the kingdom at this time, but his relationship to Roderic is unknown. Probably they were rivals who never actually came into open conflict, due to the shortness of Roderic's reign and his preoccupation with Muslim raids. Even with Roderic's sphere of influence (the southwest) and his capitalToledo,he was not unopposed after his "usurpation" (theMozarabic Chroniclecalls it an "invasion" ).[10][11]

The battle of Guadalete was not an isolated Berber attack but followed a series of raids across theStraits of GibraltarfromNorth Africawhich had resulted in the sack of several south Iberian towns. Berber forces had probably been harassing the peninsula by sea since the conquest ofTangiersin 705–706. Some later Arabic and Christian sources present an earlier raid by a certainṬārifin 710 and one, theAd Sebastianumrecension of theChronicle of Alfonso III,refers to an Arab attack incited byErwigduring the reign ofWamba(672–680). Two reasonably large armies may have been in the south for a year before the decisive battle was fought.[12]These were led by Ṭāriq ibn Ziyad and others under the overall command ofMūsā ibn Nuṣayr.[13]Most of the Arabic and Berber accounts agree that Ṭāriq was a Berber military leader from northern Africa.Ignacio Olagüe,inThe Islamic Revolution in the West,argues that Ṭāriq was a Goth and the nominal governor ofTingitania.[14]Others have argued that Ṭāriq wasJewish,[15]Persian,[16]orTurkic.[17]

According to all sources, the earliest beingPaul the Deacon,Ṭāriq left fromCeuta(Septem) and landed at the Rock of Calpe, the laterGibraltar,which Arabic sources derive fromJebel Tariq,"Rock of Ṭāriq".[18]A legend first recorded byal-Idrīsīhas it that Ṭāriq burned his boats after landing to prevent his army from deserting.[19]From Gibraltar he moved to conquer the region ofAlgecirasand then followed theRoman roadthat led toSeville.[20]According to Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, writing around 860, Ṭāriq, commander of the Berber garrison of Tangiers, crossed the straits with ships supplied by a certainCount Julian(ArabicIlyan), lord of Ceuta and "Alchadra" (Algeciras), and landed nearCartagena,which he captured and made his headquarters.[21]

According to theMozarabic Chronicle,Mūsā crossed theGaditanum fretum(Strait ofCádiz) with a large force in 711[22]and remained in Hispania for fifteen months, but it is unclear from the sources if he came before or after the battle of Guadalete, which was fought by the forces of his subordinates. During his time in the peninsula it was racked by civil war (intestino furore confligeratur,"internal frenzy", to the Mozarabic chronicler), cities were razed, and many people were slaughtered in the general destruction.[23]

According to al-Maqqarī, Roderic was fighting theBasqueswhen he was recalled to the south to deal with an invasion.[24]There is also the record of aByzantineattack on southern Iberia that was repulsed byTheudimersome years before the fall of the Visigothic kingdom. This has led to theories that the Berber attacks may have been related to the Byzantine operation, and that perhaps the Arabs were originally useful allies in a Byzantine attempt to reconquer the lost province ofSpania.[25]

The author of the late AsturianChronica Prophetica(883) dates the first invasion of Spain to "theIdesof November in the year 752era",that is, 11 November 714.[26]He also identified two invasions, the first by an Abu Zubra and the second, a year later, by Ṭāriq; probably he has divided the historical figure Ṭāriq ibn Ziyad into two persons.

Date and place

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The date of the battle is traditionally 711, though this is not the date given by theMozarabic Chronicle.TheChronicledates it to 712 and places it before the conquest of Toledo, which it attributes to Mūsā in 711. If this discrepancy is solved by preferring the chronicler's order to his dating, then the battle occurred in 712 and the fall of Toledo later that same year.[27]Later Arabic accounts give an exact date of 25 or 26 July.[28]A more rough dating is between 19 and 23 July.[29]According toDavid Levering Lewis,the battle took place on 19 July 711. Preceding the battle was an entire week of inconclusive skirmishes near the lakeLa Janda,in the plain stretching from the Río Barbate to the Río Guadalete.[30]

According to ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, Ṭāriq was marching from Cartagena toCórdoba—after defeating a Gothic army that tried to stop him—when he met Roderic in battle nearShedunya,probably modernMedina Sidonia.[31]The later Arab accounts, most of them generating from al-Ḥakam's, also place the battle near Medina Sidonia, "near the lake" orWadilakka(river Lakka), often identified as theGuadalete river,La Jandalake,[32]stream of "Beca",[33]or theBarbate river[34](that is, their associated valleys). The earliest Christian source, and the nearest source in time to the events, says that it took place near the unidentified "Transductine promontories" (Transductinis promonturiis).[35]Thomas Hodgkin,probably followingRodrigo Jiménez de Rada,placed the battle atJerez de la Frontera.[36]Joaquín Vallvé, studyingtoponymy,puts the engagement on the banks of theGuadarranque,which he says might derive fromWad al-Rinq(Roderic's river).[37]

Clash

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The armies that met in battle on the day that decided the fate of the Gothic kingdom in Spain are not reliably described in the surviving records. Glick surmises that the Muslim army was predominantly Berbercavalryunder Berber leadership.[37]The Arabic sources traditionally give Roderic 100,000 troops, gathered during his return to the south after confronting the Basques.[38]This number is outrageously high; it complements the figure of 187,000 for the Muslims provided by theAd Sebastianumversion of theChronicle of Alfonso III.Ṭāriq is said to have landed with 7,000 horsemen and requested 5,000 more from Mūsā. There could thus have been as many as 12,000 Muslim fighters at the battle.[39]One modern estimate, disregarding the primary source claims, suggest a quarter of the 7,500 reported in one of them; this would be approximately 2,000.[40]The Visigothic forces were "probably not much larger", and the Visigothic kingdom was, unlikeFranciato its north, not organised for war.[31]A small number of elite clans (perhaps around twenty five), their warrior followings, the king and his personal following, and the forces that could be raised from the royalfiscconstituted the troops upon which Roderic could draw.

The defeat of the Visigothic army followed on the flight of the king's opponents, who had only accompanied the host "in rivalry", "deceitfully", and "out of ambition to rule" says the Mozarabic chronicler.[35]The story of Sisibert abandoning Roderic with the right wing of the host is a legend. Estimating Visigothic forces at 33,000, David Lewis recounts how the Muslim army engaged in a series of violent hit and run attacks, while the Visigothic lines maneuvereden masse.A cavalry wing that had secretly pledged to rebel against Roderic stood aside, giving the enemy an opening. Ṭāriq's cavalry, themujaffafa,forming as much as a third of the total force and armored in coats of light mail and identifiable by a turban over a metal cap, exploited the opening and charged into the Visigothic infantry, soon followed by the infantry. The Christian army was routed and the king slain in the final hours of battle. The engagement was a bloodbath: Visigothic losses were extremely high, and the Muslims lost as many as 3,000 men, or a quarter of their force.[41]

It is possible that his enemies intended to abandon Roderic on the field, to be defeated and killed by the Muslims. Whatever the case, their plan failed, for they too were largely slain. By another text from theMozarabic Chroniclethe treachery can be placed at Roderic's feet. He "lost his kingdom together with hispatriawith the killing of his rivals ".[35]This unclear passage could indicate that Roderic had killed his rivals and weakened his army, ensuring defeat, or that his rivals too died in the battle or its retreat. The chronicler may be blaming the defeat on factionalism. TheChronicle of Alfonso III,in both its versions, blames the anonymous "sons of Wittiza" for conspiring against Roderic.[42]Oppa,Wittiza's historical brother, was found in Toledo, possibly as king-elect, by Mūsā when he took the city. This Oppa may have had a part to play in the opposition to Roderic, but certainly not his nephews, who would have been too young to participate in power politics in 711. Themetropolitan of Toledo,Sindered,fled the city at the coming of the Muslims, and remained for the rest of his life an exile inRome.The author of theMozarabic Chroniclecaustically notes that he was "an hireling, and not the shepherd" (quotingJesus,Gospel of John10:12).[18]The Gothic nobleman Theudimer made an alliance with the conquerors to preserve his own rule of his territory.[43]Within a decade all of the peninsula save the tinyKingdom of Asturiasand the mountain-dwellingBasqueswas under Muslims dominion and they had advanced beyond thePyreneesas well.

Cause of Muslim victory

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The later Arabic historians universally credit their religion for the victory.[44][45]Al-Maqqarī, inThe Breath of Perfumes,places in the mouth of Ṭāriq a morale-boosting address to his soldiers on the eve of battle, which closes with this exhortation to kill Roderic:

Remember that I place myself in the front of this glorious charge which I exhort you to make. At the moment when the two armies meet hand to hand, you will see me, never doubt it, seeking out this Roderick, tyrant of his people, challenging him to combat, if God is willing. If I perish after this, I will have had at least the satisfaction of delivering you, and you will easily find among you an experienced hero, to whom you can confidently give the task of directing you. But should I fall before I reach to Roderick, redouble your ardor, force yourselves to the attack and achieve the conquest of this country, in depriving him of life. With him dead, his soldiers will no longer defy you.[46]

According to later traditions, Iberian Jews, progressively disenfranchised under the rule of Christian monarchs and bishops,[47]provided fighters to augment the Moorish forces.Kaula al-Yahudidistinguished himself in the battle at the head of a mixed contingent of Jews and Berbers,[48]according to the compiler of theAkhbar Majmu'ah.[49]In the aftermath of victory, the Jews reputedly took several cities and were even commissioned to garrisonSeville,Córdoba, and Toledo itself.[28]Thompson remarks that "whatever the reason for the [Goths'] persecution [of the Jews], it may have contributed to the utter destruction of those who initiated and enforced it."[50]Despite all this, the participation of Jews on the side of the Muslims is not recorded in theMozarabic Chronicle.

The traditional explanation for the rapid fall of the Visigothic kingdom has beendecadence.[51]The late ninth-centuryChronica Propheticaindeed blames the Goths' defeat on their lack of penance for their sins: "The city of Toledo, victor of all peoples, succumbed as a victim to the triumphant Ishmaelites, and deserved to be subjected to them. Thus Spain was ruined for its disgusting sins, in the 380th year of the Goths."[26]This is not accepted by specialists today, though it still exerts heavy influence through tertiary accounts, especially inSpanish-languagehistoriography.

Legend

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Among the legends which have accrued to the history of the battle, the most prominent is that of Count Julian, who, in revenge for the impregnation of his daughter Florinda (the laterCava RumíaorDoña Cava) by Roderic while the young woman was being raised at the palace school, supposedly lent Ṭāriq the necessary ships to launch an invasion.[52]That the Arabs already possessed sufficient naval forces in the western Mediterranean is attested by their activities against theBalearic Islands.While the impregnation (and the name of his daughter) are universally disregarded, the Count Julian of the Arabic histories[53]has been identified with a Berber Catholic named Urban who appears in theMozarabic Chronicle.[54]This Urban accompanied Mūsā across the straits. Urban may be the Julian of legend, but more likely Julian is the legend of Urban.[55]According to one interpretation of the Urban-Julian legend, he was aByzantinegovernor of Ceuta who joined with the Arabs to raid the southern coasts of Iberia in 710 with Ṭārif.[28]Glick has suggested that Ṭārif is an invention designed to explain theetymologyofTarifa,the ancientJulia Traducta,of which "Julian" was probably the (unnamed) Gothic count (comes julianus).[56]

The "sons of Wittiza" that figure so prominently in later Christian sources, are likewise unhistorical. Wittiza, who is praised by theMozarabic Chronicle,is almost universally vilified in subsequent works, beginning with theChronicle of Moissacaround 818. The outrageousness of the accusations is proportional to the chronological distance of the narrative. Thus, Lucas de Tuy, writing in the late thirteenth century, portrays a monster, while Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, rectifying the disparate accounts, shows Wittiza commencing his reign with promise and evolving into a tyrant.[57]TheMonk of Silosaround 1115 recorded that the sons of Wittiza fled from Roderic to Julian and enlisted his aid.[58]

Among the other legends surrounding the battle is that of Roderic's arrival at the field in a chariot drawn by eight whitemules.[57]

There are other legends concerning the conquest, such as the legends of the sealed chamber in Toledo ( "la maison fermée de Tolède" ) and the table (or carpet, depending on the translation) ofSolomonthat ʿAbd al-Ḥakam alleges was also discovered in Toledo.[31]There was indeed a table that was captured by Tariq ibn Ziyad from Almeida, and transported by Musa ibn Nusair to Damascus. Tariq broke one leg, and kept it, making a replacement leg for the table. When both Tariq and Musa reached the Caliph in Damascus (eitherAl-Walid,orSulayman) each claimed that they were the one who captured it. Tariq showed the original leg as proof that he did, causing the Caliph to impose hefty fines on Musa. While several Muslim chroniclers say that it was indeed a table of Solomon, others refute this claim, and attribute it to lay people attributing fantastical objects and deeds to Solomon. These includeIbn Hayyan,the polymathAl-BiruniandAl-Himyari.All mention that it was made from endowments to churches by kings and wealthy

Roderic's golden sandal was allegedly recovered from the Guadalete river.[57]The nineteenth-century American military history writerHenry Coppéepenned a history of the conquest which incorporates and retells many of the legends.[59]

Notes

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  1. ^Norman Roth (1976), "The Jews and the Muslim Conquest of SpainArchived7 December 2019 at theWayback Machine",Jewish Social Studies,Vol. 38, No. 2 pp. 145–58.
  2. ^Roger Collins (1989),The Arab Conquest of Spain, 710–97(London: Blackwell Publishing), 26–27, argues for its Toledan provenance, but others have suggested Córdoba or evenSyria.A full study of theMozarabic Chronicleis given in Carmen Cardelle de Hartmann (1999), "The Textual Transmission of the Mozarabic Chronicle of 754",Early Medieval Europe,8(1), 13–29.
  3. ^Paul, VI.xlviArchived17 May 2008 at theWayback Machine,only adds the fact that the "Saracens"came to Hispania from Ceuta.
  4. ^In the nineteenth century,Reinhart Dozycompared them to theThousand and One Nights.More recently, Collins (1989) has compared them to theChanson de RolandforFrench history(p. 34) or theLebor na CertandCogadh Gaedhel re GallaibhforIrish history(p. 5), in terms of historical value.
  5. ^Charles Cutler Torrey,trans. (1922),The History of the Conquest of Egypt, North Africa and Spain: Known as the Futūh Miṣr of Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam(Yale University Press); also John Harris Jones, trans. (1858),History of the Conquest of Spain(Göttingen: W. Fr. Kaestner), pp. 18–22 excerpted atIbn Abd-el-Hakem: The Islamic Conquest of SpainfromMedieval Sourcebook.
  6. ^For an assessment of the value of these sources for the period of the conquest of Gothic Hispania, see Collins (1989), 1–5.
  7. ^Collins (1989), 3.
  8. ^Collins (1989), 2 note 3 and 3 note 5 summarises some debate concerning the Arab sources.
  9. ^Bernard F. Reilly (1993),The Medieval Spains(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 49–50.
  10. ^Collins (1989), 28
  11. ^Collins, Roger (2004).Visigothic Spain 409–711.New Jersey: John Wiley and Sons Ltd. pp. 130–132.ISBN978-1405149662.
  12. ^Collins 2004,p. 139.
  13. ^"Taric Abuzara" and "others" come from theMozarabic Chronicle,see Collins (1989), 30. Ṭāriq, which means "chief", is considered an etymological invention by Joaquín Vallvé (1989), "Nuevas ideas sobre la conquista árabe de España: Toponimia y onomástica",Al-Qantara,10:1, 51–150. For the others that accompanied Ṭāriq—Abdelmelic, Alcama, and Mugheith— see Dykes Shaw (1906), "The Fall of the Visigothic Power in Spain",The English Historical Review,21:82 (April), 222.
  14. ^Ignacio Olagüe(2004 [1974]),La Revolución islámica en occidente(Editorial Plurabelle), 274–75. On this view, Ṭāriq was a Christian (initially). A response to Olagüe can be found in Dolores Bramon (2001),"Dispatares sobre el Islam en España"[dead link],WebIslam,Opinión, No. 117.
  15. ^Norman Roth (1976), "The Jews and the Muslim Conquest of Spain,"Jewish Social Studies,38(2), 146–148.
  16. ^Georges Bohas,"Tariq ibn Ziyad,"Encyclopædia Universalis,accessed 18 October 2009.
  17. ^Étienne Copeaux,L'image des Arabes et de l'islam dans les manuels d'histoire turcs depuis 1931,« Cahiers d'études sur la Méditerranée orientale et le monde turco-iranien » (CEMOTI), 1991, Vol. 12, N° 1, p. 198.
  18. ^abE. A. Thompson (1969),The Goths in Spain(Oxford: Clarendon Press), 250–51.
  19. ^Sambaluk, Nicholas Michael, ed. (2018).Paths of Innovation in Warfare: From the Twelfth Century to the Present.London: Le xing ton Books. p. 7.ISBN978-1498551779.
  20. ^Thomas F. Glick(1979),Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages: Comparative Perspectives on Social and Cultural Formation(Princeton: Princeton University Press), 32. Ṭāriq landed on 28 April 711.
  21. ^Collins 2004,p. 134.
  22. ^InThe Buildings of JustinianofProcopius,the termGaditanum fretumis synonymous with Straits of Gibraltar and need not imply that Mūsā landed at Cádiz (ancientGades) itself.
  23. ^Later Arabic sources state that Mūsā only went to Hispania after news of Ṭāriq's success reached him. Hefloggedhis subordinate in front of his soldiers and then the two together completed the conquest of the peninsula before Mūsā was recalled by theCaliphtoDamascus,a fact confirmed by theMozarabic Chronicle.Mūsā took with him Ṭāriq and many Visigothic prisoners from the taking of Toledo (Collins [1989], 29–31).
  24. ^Roger Collins (1986),The Basques(Londong: Blackwell Publishing), 97. The most specific accounts place Roderic in the vicinity ofPamplona(Shaw, 223).
  25. ^Bernard S. Bachrach (1973), "A Reassessment of Visigothic Jewish Policy, 589–711",The American Historical Review,78:1 (February), 32. This theory is predicated on a certain understanding of the identity of the mysterious Count Julian (see "Legend" below). Thompson, 250, is explicit that nothing is known of the context of these Byzantine raids.
  26. ^abKenneth Baxter Wolf, ed. (2008).Chronica Prophetica.Archived29 June 2009 at theWayback MachineMedieval Texts in Translation.Archived29 June 2009 at theWayback Machine
  27. ^Collins 2004,p. 135.
  28. ^abcBachrach (1973), 32.
  29. ^Glick, 32. Some accounts say the battle began on the 19th and lasted one week. Shaw, 224, suspects that many skirmishes preceded the definitive battle (probably on the 25th or 26th).
  30. ^David Levering Lewis (2008),God's Crucible: Islam and the Making of Europe, 570–1215(W.W. Norton & Co.), 123–24.
  31. ^abcCollins 2004.
  32. ^For this, see Glick, 31.
  33. ^For the theory that Guadabeca became Guadaleca and finally Guadalete, see Shaw, 223.
  34. ^As inWilliam E. Watson(1993),"The Battle of Tours-Poitiers Revisited"Archived21 September 2008 at theWayback Machine,Providence: Studies in Western Civilization,2.
  35. ^abcCollins (1989), 28.
  36. ^Thomas Hodgkin (1887), "Visigothic Spain",The English Historical Review,2:6 (April), 233. Rodrigo states that the battle took placead fluvium qui Guadalete dicitur, prope Assidonam quae nunc Xeres dicitur:at the river called Guadalete, beside Sidonia, now called Xeres (quoted in Shaw, 223 n42). "Sidonia", probably the RomanCaesaris Asidonabecame Xeres-Sidonia to the Arabs and thence Jerez de la Frontera.
  37. ^abGlick, 32.
  38. ^Other estimates include 60,000 and 90,000; Ibn Khaldūn gives the low figure of 40,000. These troops massed on the plain ofSecundaon the western bank of theGuadalquiviropposite Córdoba, later called theCampo de la Verdad(Field of Truth).
  39. ^Glick, 32, notes that an army of 10–15,000 would have required more than three months to ferry across the straits, thus explaining the delay between Ṭāriq's reported landing and his march north in the traditional accounts.
  40. ^Collins 2004,p. 141.
  41. ^David Lewis, 123–124.
  42. ^According toRafael Altamira y Crevea,the "connexion between the Muslims and the sons of Wittiza is confirmed by all the chroniclers, and forms a trustworthy starting-point for the history of the invasion," cited in Bachrach (1973), 33n86, who finds it tempting to place the Muslims, the native Jewry, and Achila II, whom he reckons a son of Wittza, in a tripartite alliance against Roderic. Collins (2004), 137–138, rejects any attempt to salvage the historicity of the sons of Wittiza from contradictions in the primary source. Thompson, 251, records "presumably he was opposed by another member of the aristocracy or by a relative of Wittiza".
  43. ^For a general discussion of military arrangements in late Visigothic and post-Visigothic Spain until the Carolingian reconquest, see Joaquín Vallvé (1978), "España en el siglo VIII: ejército y sociedad",Al-Andalus,43(1), pp. 51–112.
  44. ^Collins 2004,p. 135-139.
  45. ^Collins (1989), 1–6 and 31.
  46. ^Taken fromAl Maggari: Tarik's Address to His Soldiers, 711 CE, from The Breath of PerfumesatMedieval Sourcebook,edited in Charles F. Horne (1917),The Sacred Books and Early Literature of the East: Volume VI, Medieval Arabia(New York: Parke, Austin, and Lipscomb), 241–242. On p. 238 Horne explains that the "speech does not, however, preserve the actual words" of Ṭāriq and is the work more of a poet than of a historian.
  47. ^Wolfram Drews (2002), "Jews as Pagans? Polemical Definitions of Identity in Visigothic Spain",Early Medieval Europe,11(3), 189–207, provides a good overview of the treatment of the Jews in Spain. For the involvement of the Church, and especially ofJulian of Toledo,in the Jewish persecutions of the late seventh century, see Francis X. Murphy (1952), "Julian of Toledo and the Fall of the Visigothic Kingdom in Spain",Speculum,27(1), 1–27. Bernard S. Bachrach (1977),Early Medieval Jewish policy in Western Europe(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press), 23–25, deduces reasons from later medieval Christian chroniclers for believing Roderic's predecessor Wittiza to have been mild in his policies towards the Jews, thus provoking opposition.
  48. ^Jewish Encyclopedia,s.v."Kaula al-Yahudi".
  49. ^Arie Schippers (1994), "The Jews in Muslim Spain",Spanish Hebrew Poetry and the Arabic Literary Tradition: Arabic Themes in Hebrew Andalusian Poetry,43.
  50. ^Thompson, 316; Bachrach (1977), 26, agrees.
  51. ^This view was influentially expounded in English by thePresbyterianReverendDykes Shaw (1906), "The Fall of the Visigothic Power in Spain",The English Historical Review,21:82 (April), 209–228.
  52. ^Shaw, 221, writing in 1906, rejects this as legend from the late ninth- and tenth-century Arabic histories. The first Latin chronicler to pick it up was the Monk of Silo in 1110. It blossomed underPedro del Corral(who in the fifteenth century invented "Floresinda", an authentic Gothic name) andMiguel de Luna(who in the sixteenth turned her into ameretrix).
  53. ^Ibn Khaldūn calls him a Christian Berber, loyal follower (fidelis) of Wittiza, and finallyemirof theGūmaratribe. Sánchez-Albornoz agreed (Glick, 32n36).
  54. ^The passage mentioning Urban is quoted in Shaw, 221 note 38:Quod ille consilio nobilissimi viri Urbani, Africanae Regionis sub dogmate Catholicae fidei exorti[orexarci],qui cum eo cunctas Hispaniae adventaverat patrias.
  55. ^Collins (1989), 36.
  56. ^Glick, 32.Tarīfameans "point" in Arabic, a reference to its place as the southern tip of Hispania. According to Vallvé, based on a theoretical confusion in the Arabic source between the bay ofCádizand that of Algeciras, "Julian", a Goth, was the governor of Cádiz. Vallvé's ideas are not widely accepted.
  57. ^abcHodgkin, 234, who quotes extensively fromFelix Dahn,Könige der Germanen,VI, 2nd ed. Both appear sceptical of the later (post-eighth century) sources.
  58. ^Shaw, 222.
  59. ^History of the Conquest of Spain by the Arab-Moors: With a Sketch of the Civilization which They Achieved and Imparted to Europe(Boston: Little, Brown, & Company, 1881).
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36°36′00″N6°13′00″W/ 36.6000°N 6.2167°W/36.6000; -6.2167

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