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British Fascists

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Not to be confused withBritish Union of Fascists.
British Fascists
Leader
Founded6 May 1923(6 May 1923)
Dissolved1934(1934)
Merged intoBritish Union of Fascists(majority)
Membership(1926)200,000 (claimed)
IdeologyBritish fascism
Ultra-royalism
National conservatism
Anti-socialism
Political positionFar-right
Party flag

TheBritish Fascists(originally called theBritish Fascisti) was the first political organisation in theUnited Kingdomto claim the label offascism,formed in 1923. The group had little ideological unity apart fromanti-socialismfor much of its existence, and was strongly associated withBritish conservatism.William Joyce,Neil Francis Hawkins,Maxwell KnightandArnold Leesewere amongst those to have passed through the movement as members and activists.

Structure and membership[edit]

British Fascists(1923–1934)
Imperial League(1931)
Various minor facist groups
New party(1931–1932)British Union of Fascists(1932–1940)
British People's Party(1939–1954)Union Movement(1948–1973)National Socialist League(1937–1939)
Action party(1973–1994)
League of Saint George

The organisation was formed on 6 May 1923 byRotha Lintorn-Ormanin the aftermath ofBenito Mussolini'sMarch on Rome,and originally operated under theItalian-sounding nameBritish Fascisti.[1]Despite its name, the group had a poorly defined ideological basis at its beginning, being brought into being more by a fear of left-wing politics than a devotion to fascism.[2]The ideals of theBoy Scoutmovement, with which many early members had also been involved in their younger days, also played a role, for the British Fascisti wished, according to GeneralR. B. D. Blakeney,who was the BF President from 1924 to 1926, to "uphold the same lofty ideas of brotherhood, service and duty".[2]At its formation, at least, the British Fascisti was positioned in the same right-wing conservative camp as theBritish Empire Unionand theMiddle Class Union,and shared some members with these groups.[3]The group had a complex structure, being presided over by both an Executive Council and Fascist Grand Council of nine men, with County and Area Commanders controlling districts below this. Districts contained a number of companies, which in turn were divided into troops with each troop made of three units and unit containing seven members under a Leader. A separate structure existed along similar lines for the group's sizeable female membership.[4]The group became notorious for its inflated claims of membership (including the ridiculous claim that it had 200,000 members in 1926),[5]although at its peak from 1925 to 1926 it had a membership of several thousand.[6]It mustered 5,000 people for a London march onEmpire Dayin London in 1925.[7]

Early membership largely came from high society, often from the "Die Hards" in the Conservative party,[8]and included a number of women amongst its ranks, such as Dorothy, Viscountess Downe, Lady Sydenham of Combe, Baroness Zouche andNesta Webster.[9]Men from thearistocracyalso joined, includingLord Glasgow,The Marquess of Ailesbury,Lord Ernest Hamilton,The Baron de Clifford,The Earl Temple of Stowe,SirArthur Henry HardingeandLeopold Canning, Lord Garvagh,who served as first President of the movement.[9]High-ranking members of the armed forces also occupied leading roles in the group, with General Blakeney joined by the likes of General SirOrmonde Winter,Rear-Admiral John Armstrong (the BF Vice President 1924–1926) and Colonel SirCharles Rosdew Burn,who combined a role on the Grand Council of the British Fascisti with that ofConservative PartyMPforTorquay.[9]Admirals SirEdmund Fremantleand SirReginald Tupper,Brigadier-GeneralsJulian Tyndale-BiscoeandRoland Erskine-Tulloch,Rear AdmiralWilliam Ernest Russell Martin(BF's paymaster), Major-GeneralsJames Spens,Thomas Pilcherand ColonelDaniel Burgeswere also members.[10]Serving military personnel were eventually banned from joining the group by theArmy Councilhowever.[11]

At a more rank-and-file level, the group attracted a membership of middle- and working-class young men who spent much of their time in violent confrontations with similar men involved in theCommunist Party of Great Britain;William Joycewas typical of this sort of low-level member.[9]This domination by disgruntled members of the peerage and high-ranking officers meant that certain concerns not normally associated with the demands of fascism, such as anger at the decline of the large landowning agricultural sector, high levels of estate taxation and death duties, and the dearth of high-ranking civilian occupations considered suitable for the status of officers, were a central feature of the political concerns advanced by the British Fascisti.[12]

Early development[edit]

The party confined itself to stewarding Conservative Party meetings andcanvassingfor the party.[13]In particular it campaigned vigorously on behalf ofOliver Locker-Lampson,whose "Keep Out the Reds" campaign slogan struck a chord with the group's stronganti-communism.[14]The group also indulged in a series of high-profile stunts, many of which were more in the vein of elaborate practical jokes than genuine subversion. In one such example, five British Fascisti forcibly removedHarry Pollittfrom a train toLiverpool,where he was due to address aNational Minority Movementevent, and attempted to bundle him on to a different train. The five members arrested for the event insisted that they had intended to send Pollitt on a weekend break and even claimed that he had taken £5 in expenses they offered him for that purpose.[15]

The group changed its name in 1924 fromBritish FascistitoBritish Fascists,in an attempt to distance itself from the Italian associations, although this move helped to bring about a split in the group with a more ideologically fascist group, theNational Fascisti,going its own way.[16]The group's patriotism had been questioned because of the Italian spelling of the name, while accusations were also made that it was in the pay of the Italian government.[17]Placing emphasis on its support for the establishment, it even wrote toLabour PartyHome SecretaryArthur Hendersonin 1924 telling him that the group was at his disposal if he wished to deploy them against picket lines during industrial unrest, an offer to which Henderson did not respond.[18]Blakeney had replaced Canning as President that same year, with Canning claiming that he lived too far from London to be politically influential enough.[19]London was the group's major base of operation. In December 1925 an attempt to organise a meeting inManchesterwas broken up by communists, and the BF abandoned its attempts to set up in the city as a result.[20]

Despite its close association with elements of the Conservative Party, the British Fascists did occasionally put up candidates in local elections. In 1924 two of its candidates in the municipal elections inStamford, Lincolnshire,Arnold Leeseand Henry Simpson, managed to secure election to the local council. Simpson would retain his seat in 1927 although by that stage both he and Leese had broken from the British Fascists.[21]

In 1925 members of the Liverpool branch of the British Fascists were arrested and charged with kidnapping the communist politicianHarry Pollitt.They were acquitted by the jury following testimony that characterised the kidnapping as unserious, and a denial by the head of the Liverpool branch that any kidnapping had been authorised.[22][23][24]

General Strike[edit]

The British Fascists began to take on a more prominent role in the run-up to theGeneral Strike of 1926,as it became clear that their propaganda predicting such an outcome was about to come true.[25]They were, however, not permitted to join theOrganisation for the Maintenance of Supplies(OMS), a group established by the government and chaired byLord Hardingeto mobilise a non-striking workforce in the event of general strike, without first relinquishing any explicit attachment to fascism, as the government insisted for the group to remain non-ideological. The structure of the OMS was actually based on that of the British Fascists, but the government was unwilling to rely on the British Fascists because of what they saw as the group's unorthodox nature and its reliance on funding fromRotha Lintorn-Orman(who had garnered a reputation for high living) and so excluded it as a group from the OMS.[11]As a result, a further split occurred, as a number of members, calling themselves Loyalists and led by former BF President Brigadier-General Blakeney, did just that.[26]In the event, the British Fascists formed their own Q Divisions, which took on much of the same work as the OMS during the strike, albeit without having any official government recognition.[27]

The strike severely damaged the party as it failed to precipitate the "BolshevikRevolution ", which Lintorn-Orman had set the party up to fight.[28]In fact, the strike was largely peaceful and restrained, and fears of future outbreaks were quelled somewhat by the passing of the Trades Disputes Act.[19]Many of its most prominent members and supporters also drifted away from the group in the aftermath of the strike.[13]The party journal, initially calledFascist Bulletinbefore changing its name toBritish Lion,went from a weekly to a monthly, and the loss of a number of key leaders and the erratic leadership of Lintorn-Orman, who was battling alcoholism, brought about a decline of activity.[29]The group also became ravaged by factionalism, with one group following Lady Downe and the old ways of the British Fascists, and another centred aroundJames Strachey Barnesand SirHarold Elsdale Goadadvocating full commitment to a proper fascist ideology.[28]

Decline[edit]

Having been hit hard by the split from the General Strike, the British Fascists attempted to move gradually towards a more defined fascism, starting in 1927 by adopting a blue shirt and beret uniform in the style of similar movements in Europe.[16]That same year they attempted to organise aRemembrance Dayparade pastBuckingham Palacewhere they requested the King should salute them from the balcony but the requests were rejected and the parade did not take place.[5]The progress towards fascism did not however come quickly enough for Arnold Leese who in 1928 split from the group, which he denounced as "conservatismwith knobs on ", to establish his ownImperial Fascist League(IFL), a much more hard-line group which emphasisedanti-Semitism.[30]Before long, however, the British Fascists began to advocate a more authoritarian government in which the monarch would take a leading role in government, as well as advocating the establishment of aBenito Mussolini-stylecorporate state.These policy changes were made possible by the departure of Blakeney, who was committed torepresentative democracyand whose main economic opinion was opposition to thegold standard.[31]Even without Blakeney they retained some of their earlier Conservative-linked views, such as loyalty to the king, anti-trade union legislation, free trade within theBritish Empireand a general preference for the rural, although these were bolstered by fascist-influenced policies such as limiting the franchise, gradual purification of the "English race" and stringent restrictions on immigration and the activities of immigrants admitted to Britain.[32]However, asMartin Pughhas pointed out the British Fascists actively encouraged comparisons with the Conservative Party, feeling that it would add a sense of legitimacy and Britishness to their activities, particularly as they faced harsh criticism from not only the left but also some Tories for their increasingly paramilitary structure.[4]Nonetheless some Tories were close to the group, with Charles Burn sitting on the Grand Council and support being lent by the likes ofPatrick Hannon,Robert Tatton Bower,Robert Burton-ChadwickandAlan Lennox-Boyd.[33]Indeed, in May 1925 Hannon even booked a room in the House of Commons to host an event for the British Fascists.[34]

After 1931 the BF abandoned its attempts to form a distinctly British version of Fascism, and instead adopted the full programme of Mussolini and hisNational Fascist Party.[35]The already weakened group split further in 1932 over the issue of a merger withOswald Mosley'sNew Party.The proposal was accepted byNeil Francis Hawkinsof the Headquarters Committee and his allies Lieutenant-Colonel H. W. Johnson and E. G. Mandeville Roe, although the female leadership turned the proposal down due to objections over serving under Mosley.[36]Indeed, the British Fascists had protested against public meetings being addressed by Mosley as early as 1927, when they denounced the then Labour MP as a dangerous socialist.[37]As a consequence Hawkins broke away and took much of the male membership of the BF with him; soon afterward, the New Party became theBritish Union of Fascists(BUF).[38]Relations with the BUF were as a result frosty for the remainder of the group's life, and although Mosley dismissed the BF as "three old ladies and a couple of office boys", in 1933 a BUF fighting squad wrecked the BF's London offices after British Fascists members had heckled the BUF headquarters.[39]

By this stage the BF membership had plummeted, with only a hardcore of members left.[40]Various schemes were floated in an attempt to reinvigorate the movement, although none succeeded. Archibald Whitmore announced a plan to turn the British Fascists into anUlster loyalistgroup and successor to theUlster Volunteers,although after claiming that he was preparing to begin recruitment inNorthern Ireland,nothing came of this.[36]The scheme had been led by MrsD. G. Harnett,a close friend of Lintorn-Orman, who hoped the BF could profit from the emergence of prominentIrish republicanÉamon de ValeraasPresident of the Executive Council of the Irish Free Statebut the plan was scuppered when the policies of theIrish Free Statetowards Northern Ireland largely remained the same under de Valera.[41]A small group did exist in theIrish Free State,claiming to have a thousand members, although in fact having no more than 25 active inDublinunder H. R. Ledbeater. Favouring reunification with the UK, the group was involved in sending anti-Semitic leaflets to prominent Jews such asRobert Briscoe.It sought a merger with the right-wingArmy Comrades Association,but this was rejected byEoin O'Duffydue to its pro-British stance.[42]Plans for a merger with the IFL did not get off the ground and plans for a merger withGraham Seton Hutchison's National Workers Party were also abandoned when it became clear that, far from having the 20,000 members inMansfieldalone that Seton Hutchison claimed, the party was little more than a one-man show.[36]

In a bid to reverse its decline the party adopted a strongly anti-semitic platform. Thurlow notes: "it was noticeable that the BF became increasingly anti-semitic in its death throes."[36]In 1933 Lord and Lady Downe, as representatives of the British Fascists, entertainedNazi Germanenvoy Gunther Schmidt-Lorenzen at their country estate and suggested to him that the Nazis should avoid any links with Mosley, whom Lady Downe accused of being in the pay of Jewish figures such asBaron RothschildandSir Philip Sassoon.[43]Fellow member Madame Arnaud repeated similar allegations about Mosley to another German official, Dr Margarete Gartner of the Economic Policy Association.[44]However, by this stage Lintorn-Orman's mother had cut her off financially after hearing lurid tales of debauchery involving the female fascist leader, and so the group fell into debt until being declared bankrupt in 1934 when a Colonel Wilson called in a £500 loan.[45]This effectively brought the British Fascists to a conclusion; Rotha Lintorn-Orman died the following year.

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  • Benewick, Robert (1969).Political Violence & Public Order: A Study of British Fascism.Allen Lane.ISBN978-0713900859.
  • Dorril, Stephen(2007).Blackshirt: Sir Oswald Mosley and British Fascism.Penguin Books.ISBN978-0-14-025821-9.
  • Griffiths, Richard(1983).Fellow Travellers of the Right: British Enthusiasts for Nazi Germany, 1933-9.Oxford University Press.ISBN978-0-19-285116-1.
  • Hodgson, Keith (2010).Fighting fascism: the British left and the rise of fascism, 1919-39.Manchester University Press.ISBN978-1-84779-310-2.OCLC763096935.
  • Linehan, Thomas P. (2000).British fascism, 1918-1939: parties, ideology and culture.Manchester: Manchester University Press.ISBN9780719050244.
  • Pugh, Martin(2006).Hurrah For The Blackshirts!: Fascists and Fascism in Britain Between the Wars.Random House.ISBN978-1-4481-6287-1.
  • Stocker, Paul. "Importing fascism: reappraising the British fascisti, 1923–1926"Contemporary British History,September 2016, Vol. 30 No. 3, pp. 326–348
  • Thurlow, Richard C.(1987).Fascism in Britain: A History, 1918–1985.Blackwell.ISBN978-0-631-13618-7.

Footnotes[edit]

  1. ^Linehan 2000,p. 61.
  2. ^abPugh 2006,p. 51.
  3. ^Thurlow 1987,p. 51.
  4. ^abPugh 2006,p. 57.
  5. ^abThurlow 1987,p. 55.
  6. ^Thurlow 1987,p. 52.
  7. ^Hodgson 2010,p. 101.
  8. ^Feldman, Matthew."The Radical Right in Britain".gale.Retrieved27 January2023.
  9. ^abcdPugh 2006,p. 52.
  10. ^Griffiths 1983,p. 87.
  11. ^abDorril 2007,p. 198.
  12. ^Pugh 2006,p. 52–53.
  13. ^abBenewick 1969,p. 33.
  14. ^Benewick 1969,p. 34.
  15. ^Benewick 1969,pp. 33–34.
  16. ^abPugh 2006,p. 53.
  17. ^Benewick 1969,p. 27.
  18. ^Benewick 1969,p. 28.
  19. ^abBenewick 1969,p. 32.
  20. ^Hodgson 2010,p. 100.
  21. ^Benewick 1969,p. 44.
  22. ^"KIDNAP BRITISH RED LEADER;" Fascisti "Believed to Have Held Harry Pollitt Prisoner".New York Times.16 March 1925.Retrieved28 May2023.
  23. ^"Abduction of Pollitt".The Daily Advertiser.4 April 1925. p. 4.Retrieved28 May2023.
  24. ^"Kidnapping Charge".Toowoomba Chronicle and Darling Downs Gazette.25 April 1925. p. 7.Retrieved28 May2023.
  25. ^Pugh 2006,pp. 65–66.
  26. ^Benewick 1969,p. 35.
  27. ^Pugh 2006,p. 66.
  28. ^abDorril 2007,p. 199.
  29. ^Pugh 2006,p. 67.
  30. ^Pugh 2006,p. 55.
  31. ^Pugh 2006,p. 56.
  32. ^Pugh 2006,pp. 56–57.
  33. ^Pugh 2006,p. 58.
  34. ^Pugh 2006,p. 60.
  35. ^Benewick 1969,p. 29.
  36. ^abcdThurlow 1987,p. 56.
  37. ^Dorril 2007,p. 109.
  38. ^Benewick 1969,p. 36.
  39. ^Thurlow 1987,p. 96.
  40. ^Benewick 1969,p. 30.
  41. ^Griffiths 1983,pp. 92–93.
  42. ^John M. Regan,The Irish Counter-Revolution 1921-1936,Gill & Macmillan, 1999, pp. 334-335
  43. ^Dorril 2007,p. 254.
  44. ^Dorril 2007,p. 268.
  45. ^Thurlow 1987,pp. 56–57.
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