People Power Revolution
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Date | February 22–25, 1986 (3 days) | ||
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Resulted in | Opposition victory
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Corazon Aquino | |||
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ThePeople Power Revolution,also known as theEDSA Revolution[a]or theFebruary Revolution,[4][5][6][7]were a series of populardemonstrationsin thePhilippines,mostly inMetro Manila,from February 22 to 25, 1986. There was a sustained campaign ofcivil resistanceagainst regime violence and electoral fraud. Thenonviolent revolutionled to the departure ofFerdinand Marcos,the end of his 20-year dictatorship and the restoration ofdemocracyin the Philippines.
It is also referred to as theYellow Revolution[8]due to the presence of yellow ribbons during demonstrations (in reference to theTony Orlando and Dawnsong "Tie a Yellow Ribbon Round the Ole Oak Tree") as a symbol of protest following theassassination of Filipino senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr.[9]in August 1983 upon his return to the Philippines from exile. It was widely seen as a victory of the people against two decades of presidential rule by President Marcos, and made news headlines as "the revolution that surprised the world".[10]
The majority of the demonstrations took place on a long stretch ofEpifanio de los Santos Avenue,more commonly known by its acronymEDSA,inMetro Manilafrom February 22 to 25, 1986. They involved over two million Filipino civilians, as well as several political and military groups, and religious groups led byCardinalJaime Sin,theArchbishop of Manila,along withCatholic Bishops' Conference of the PhilippinesPresident CardinalRicardo Vidal,theArchbishop of Cebu.It is rightfully remembered as a “Rosary miracle”in the peaceful victory.[11]
The protests, fueled by the resistance and opposition after years of governance by President Marcos and hiscronies,ended with the ruler, his family, and some of their supporters fleeing to exile inHawaii;andNinoy Aquino's widow,Corazon Aquino,inaugurated as theeleventhPresident of the Philippines.[12]
Background and history
[edit]Senate President Ferdinand Marcos waselected president in 1965,defeating incumbent PresidentDiosdado Macapagalby a margin of 52 to 43 percent. During this time, Marcos was very active in the initiation of public works projects and the intensification of tax collections. Marcos and his government claimed that they "built more roads than all his predecessors combined and more schools than any previous administration".[13]Amidst charges from the opposition party of vote-buying and a fraudulent election, President Marcos was reelected in the1969 Philippine presidential election,this time defeatingSergio Osmeña Jr.by 61 to 39 percent.
President Marcos's second term for the presidency was marred by allegations by the oppositionLiberal Partyof widespread graft and corruption. According toleftistswho rioted during theFirst Quarter Storm,the increasing disparity of wealth between the very wealthy and the very poor that made up the majority of the Philippines' population led to a rise in crime and civil unrest around the country. In March 1969, theNew People's Army(NPA) was formed as the military wing of theCommunist Party of the Philippines,initiating the still-ongoing CPP–NPA–NDF rebellion. Marcos quickly denounced the movement, hoping to gain monetary and political support from anti-Communist administrators in the United States.[14]
In 1972, theMoro National Liberation Front,a militant Muslim separatist group, formed in the southern island ofMindanao.[15]
Marcos soon used the rise of militant and civil unrest as justification for declaring martial law.
Martial law
[edit]Barred from running for a third term as president in 1973, Marcos announcedProclamation No. 1081on September 23, 1972, declaringmartial law,[16]using thecivil unrestthat arose after the1969 Philippine balance of payments crisisas ajustification for the proclamation.[17]
Through this decree and through acontroversial referendumin which citizen assembliesvoted through a show of hands,Marcos seized emergency powers giving him full control of the Philippines' military and the authority to suppress and abolish thefreedom of speech,thefreedom of the press,and many othercivil liberties.
President Marcos also dissolved thePhilippine Congressand shut down media establishments critical of the Marcos Administration.[17]He also ordered the immediate arrest of his political opponents and critics. Among those arrested were Senate PresidentJovito Salonga,and the leaders SenatorJose W. Dioknoand SenatorNinoy Aquino— whom Marcos sent toLaur, Nueva Ecija[18]— and the man who was groomed by the opposition to succeed President Marcos after the 1973 elections.[17]
Aconstitutional convention,which had been called for in 1970 to replace the Commonwealth-era1935 Constitution,continued the work of framing a new constitution after the declaration of martial law. The new constitution went into effect in early 1973, changing the form of government from presidential toparliamentaryand allowing President Marcos to stay in power beyond 1973. The constitution was approved by 95% of the voters in thePhilippine constitutional plebiscite.The constitution was part of the landmarkJavellana v. Executive Secretarycase (G.R. No. 36142) that led to the resignation of Chief JusticeRoberto Concepcion.Part of the plot of the regime involved legitimizing the military rule through the new constitution providing legislative and executive powers to the president. Simultaneously Marcos conducted the 1973 plebiscite through the simple counting of hands raised by children and adults that involved questions such as the option for more rice in lieu of constitutional affirmation.[19]
With practically all of his political opponents arrested, out of office, and in exile, President Marcos's pre-emptive declaration of martial law in 1972 and theratificationof his new constitution by more than 95% of voters enabled Marcos to effectively legitimize his government and hold on to power for another 14 years beyond his first two terms as president. In aCold Warcontext, Marcos retained the support of the United States through Marcos's promise to stamp out communism in the Philippines and by assuring the United States of its continued use of military and naval bases in the Philippines.[17]
On November 27, 1977, a military tribunal sentenced Aquino and two co-accused, NPA leadersBernabe Buscayno(Commander Dante) and Lt. Victor Corpuz, to death by firing squad.[20][21]In 1978, while still the last opposition leader yet to be released from prison at Fort Bonifacio, Aquino founded hispolitical party,Lakas ng Bayan(abbreviated "LABAN"; English:People's Power) to run for office in theInterim Batasang Pambansa(Parliament). All LABAN candidates lost, including Aquino himself.[20]He appeared in a television interview withRonnie Nathanielszto freely criticize the regime during the campaign. In 1980, Ninoy Aquino suffered a heart attack, and was compassionately released from prison to undergo a heart bypass surgery in the United States.[22][20]Aquino stayed with his wife Corazon, and children inBoston Collegeas a fellow for numerous American universities such asHarvardand theMassachusetts Institute of Technology.
1980s economic collapse
[edit]Because the Marcos administration's spending had relied so heavily on debt since the Marcos family's first term in the 1960s,[23]the Philippines was left vulnerable when the US economy went intorecessionin the third quarter of 1981, forcing theReagan administrationto increase interest rates.[24]The Philippine government plunged further into debt and the economy began going into decline in 1981, continuing to do so by the time of the Benigno Aquino Jr. assassination in 1983. By the end of that year, the economy contracted by 6.8%.[25]
The economic and political instability combined to produce the worst recession in Philippine history in 1984 and 1985,[26][27]with the economy contracting by 7.3% for two successive years.[24][23][28]
Aquino assassination
[edit]Despite threats from First LadyImelda Marcos,Ninoy Aquino was determined to return home, saying that "the Filipino is worth dying for".[20]After failing to apply for a passport in Washington and New York, Ninoy got two passports with the help ofRashid Lucman– one bearing his real name, and the other with the aliasMarcial Bonifacio.[b][29]
On August 21, 1983, after three years, Aquino wasmurderedby the military,[30]as he disembarked from aChina Airlinesplane atManila International Airport(later renamed in Aquino's honor).[20][31]His assassination shocked and outraged most Filipinos,[20]who had lost confidence in the Marcoses. The event led to more suspicions about the government, triggering non-cooperation among Filipinos that eventually led to outrightcivil disobedience.[32]It also shook the Marcos Administration, which was by then deteriorating due in part to Marcos's blatant illness (turned out to be the fatallupus erythematosus).
In 1984, Marcos appointed a commission, first led by Chief JusticeEnrique Fernandoand laterCorazon Agrava,to launch an investigation into Aquino's assassination.[33]Despite the commission's conclusions, CardinalJaime Sin,the Archbishop of Manila, declined an offer to join the commission and rejected the government's views on the assassination.
Formation of coalesced opposition
[edit]This began a period of coalitions, first led by the nationalist liberal democrats underJose W. DioknocalledKilusan sa Kapangyarihan at Karapatan ng Bayanor KAAKBAY,an umbrella organization founded in 1983, which headed the first grand liberal coalition called JAJA, or the Justice for Aquino, Justice for All movement. JAJA consisted of organizations such as thesocial democrat-based August Twenty One Movement (ATOM) led byButz Aquino,KAAKBAY, MABINI, the Makati-based Alliance of Makati Associations or AMA, and others.
This was before the division of the center-left andnational democratic/Marxist left, when the coalitions tended to pursue Diokno's philosophy ofpressure politicsor mass actions to influence and sway the Marcos dictatorship.[34]
Parliamentarians of the streets, as they were called, applied pressure politics, and soon other coalitions were formed, culminating in the first call for elections for the opposition in theKongreso ng Mamamayang Pilipinoor KOMPIL.[35]KOMPIL was organized by Aquino's ATOM from the JAJA coalition, as a means to unite the businessmen, communists, and other groups. Most of the KOMPIL members were led by the AMA leaders.
Meanwhile, Diokno,Lorenzo M. Tañadaof MABINI, Butz and Corazon Aquino, and a few others were elected the overall presiding leaders in a search to find the opposition candidate. The main issue was whether to accept the CAMEL or Call for Meaningful Elections or, as Diokno and the more liberal JAJA members preferred, to boycott the event which might be another fixed election.[36]
JAJA was later replaced by the Coalition of Organizations for the Restoration of Democracy (CORD) in the middle of 1984, which retained most of JAJA's features and membership. A year later CORD was replaced byBagong Alyansang Makabayanor BAYAN, which was to be a platform for Diokno should he run for president, and was led by Tañada and student leaderLean Alejandroof theUniversity of the Philippines.However the socialists/national democrats took control of the coalition so Diokno,Ambrosio Padilla,and theliberal democratsas well as Butz Aquino, ATOM, and thesocial democratsleft BAYAN to the present national democratic coalition that it has become in the 21st century.[37]
Call for meaningful elections
[edit]Eventually the top leaders decided to convene to select a candidate in case of contingencies or any sudden announcements of changes. It was then on November 3, 1985, after pressure from the US government,[38]that Marcos suddenly announced a snap presidential election would take place the following year, one year ahead of the regular presidential election schedule, to legitimize his control over the country.[39]The snap election was legalized with the passage of Batas Pambansa Blg. 883 (National Law No. 883) by the Marcos-controlled unicameral congress called theRegular Batasang Pambansa.[40]
To select a leader, the convenor's group of opposition leaders formed underlying principles. These principles, mainly proposed and edited by Diokno, discussed matters that involved anti-foreign domination in the economy, especially American intervention and military bases.[41]After the principles were agreed upon by the opposition leaders, asLorenzo M. Tañadaquipped, it became almost automatic and completely expeditious in agreeing unanimously on one candidate to face Marcos. For the initial step in nominating a candidate, the selection process started out with a pooled list among the opposition leaders themselves. The list of candidates for president were mostly including former senators: Jose W. Diokno, Butz Aquino,Jovito Salonga,Eva Estrada-Kalaw,Salvador "Doy" Laurel,Ambrosio Padilla,Aquilino Pimentel,Raul Manglapus,andRamon Mitra,as well as a future senator inTeofisto Guingona Jr.,and a technocrat who once served as Marcos's executive secretary namedRafael Salas.[42]
After the vetting of nominees, as men such as Sen. Diokno vehemently opposed to run for president,[43]the remaining potential candidates who openly wished to earn the opposition's nomination were Salonga, Laurel, and Estrada-Kalaw.United Nationalist Democratic Organization (UNIDO)members Estrada-Kalaw and Laurel were the only two not to sign the declaration of unity or the underlying principles. Eventually Estrada-Kalaw withdrew after being overwhelmed by the multiple candidates in the selection process and campaigned to become the vice-presidential candidate.[44]Between 64 year old Salonga, who with 64 year old Estrada-Kalaw represented the two largestLiberal Partyfactions, and Laurel, who was son of former presidentJose P. Laurel,it was decided by men such asChino Rocesthat both candidates might lack the popularity needed to win.[45]This was because Salonga had spent much time in exile in the United States while Laurel, the founder and main head of UNIDO, was deemed "too lightweight".[43]
UNIDO and the other coalitions agreed to choose Aquino's wife Cory Aquino instead of Doy Laurel or Estrada-Kalaw and began the Cory Aquino for President Movement or CAPM, led by Roces, et al. Only Laurel, a friend of Ninoy Aquino, did not agree with this choice and wanted to run against Aquino and Marcos. UNIDO overwhelmed Laurel's vote and encouraged him to become Cory Aquino's vice-president instead. Once Cory Aquino became the main candidate, Laurel eventually ran as Cory Aquino's running mate for vice-president under the United Opposition (UNIDO) party. Marcos ran for re-election, withArturo Tolentinoas his running mate under the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) party.[40]Thus within a matter of only a few weeks the candidates were fixed and the campaign period was set for the 1986 snap election.
1986 election
[edit]The election was held on February 7, 1986.[39]The official election canvasser, theCommission on Elections(COMELEC), declared that Marcos was the winner. The final tally of the COMELEC had Marcos winning with 10,807,197 votes against Aquino's 9,291,761 votes. On the other hand, based on returns of 70% of the precincts[46]of theNational Movement for Free Elections(NAMFREL), an accredited poll watcher, had Aquino winning with 7,835,070 votes against Marcos's 7,053,068 votes.[47][48]
This electoral exercise was marred by widespread reports of violence and tampering of election results, culminating in the walkout of 30 COMELEC computer technicians to protest the deliberate manipulation of the official election results to favor Ferdinand Marcos. The walkout was considered one of the early "sparks" of the People Power Revolution. The walkout also served as an affirmation to allegations of vote-buying, fraud, and tampering of election results by the KBL.[49][50]
Because of reports of alleged fraud, theCatholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines(CBCP) through CardinalRicardo Vidalissued a statement condemning the elections.[51]The United States Senate also passed a resolution stating the same condemnation.[39]PresidentRonald Reaganissued a statement calling the fraud reports as "disturbing" but he said that there was fraud "on both sides" of the Philippine election.[52][53]In response to the protests, COMELEC claimed that Marcos with 53 percent won over Aquino. However, NAMFREL countered that the latter won over Marcos with 52 percent of votes.[54]
On February 15, Marcos was proclaimed by COMELEC and Batasang Pambansa as the winner amid the controversy. All 50 opposition members of the Parliament walked out in protest. The Filipino people repudiated the results, asserting that Aquino was the real victor. Both "winners" took their oath of office in two different places, with Aquino gaining greater mass support. Aquino also called for coordinated strikes and mass boycott of the media and businesses owned by Marcos's cronies. As a result, the crony banks, corporations, and media were hit hard, and their shares in the stock market plummeted to record levels.[55]
Vidal's declaration
[edit]On February 13, Cebu Archbishop Cardinal Ricardo Vidal issued a declaration on behalf of the Philippine Church hierarchy stating that when "a government does not of itself freely correct the evil it has inflicted on the people then it is our serious moral obligation as a people to make it do so." The declaration also asked "every loyal member of the Church, every community of the faithful, to form their judgment about the February 7 polls" and told all the Filipinos, "Now is the time to speak up. Now is the time to repair the wrong. The wrong was systematically organized. So must its correction be. But as in the election itself, that depends fully on the people; on what they are willing and ready to do."[51]
Events
[edit]Civil disobedience and boycott campaign launch (February 16)
[edit]On February 16, 1986, Corazon Aquino held the "Tagumpay ng Bayan" (People's Victory) rally at Luneta Park, announcing a civil disobedience campaign and calling for her supporters to boycott publications and companies which were associated with Marcos or any of his cronies.[56]The event was attended by a crowd of about two million people.[57]Aquino's camp began making preparations for more rallies, and Aquino herself went to Cebu to rally more people to their cause.[58]
Aborted military coup (February 22)
[edit]In the aftermath of the election and the revelations of irregularities, theReform the Armed Forces Movement(RAM) - a cabal of officers of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) disgruntled by thepatronage politicsandcorruptionin the AFP, formed in 1982[59]- set into motiona coup attemptagainstFerdinand and Imelda Marcos.[60]
RAM's initial plan was for a team to assaultMalacañang Palaceand arrest Ferdinand Marcos. RAM founder Col.Gringo Honasanformulated a plan to attack the palace and "neutralize" the Marcos couple.[61]Other military units would take over key strategic facilities, such as theairport,military bases, the GHQAFP inCamp Aguinaldo,and major highway junctions to restrict counteroffensive by Marcos-loyal troops.
On February 20, members of the RAM also approached Cory Aquino, informed her of the coup plans and informed her that they would form a junta headed by a Council of Elders composed ofEnrile,Ramos,Cardinal Sin,Jaime Ongpin,Alejandro Melchor,andDoy Laurel.Mrs. Aquino rejected the offer, as there was a sense that the Council will just be a front for a military junta headed by Enrile.[62]
On the morning of February 21, Gen. Ver conducted a conference with Commandant of thePhilippine Marines,BGen. Artemio Tadiar at the Naval Intelligence Compound inFort Bonifacio.Gen. Ver informed BGen. Tadiar that there is a brewing coup plot by Enrile and assassination attempt on the latter as well as thePhilippine NavyFlag-Officer-in-Command (FOIC), RAdm. Brilliante Ochoco. BGen. Tadiar, placed Fort Bonifacio Naval Station on alert. Capt.Ariel Querubinwas put to task by Tadiar to look into the plot. Capt. Querubin confirmed the information with the Marines Military Police headed by Capt. Benjamin Dolorfino, and Naval Operations Officer, Capt. Pablo Ong, that there were augmented personnel inside Fort Bonifacio the next two nights from the Ministry of Defense. As night came, Capt. Querubin along with Lt. Alexander Balutan encountered the 19 personnel who were conducting "night training exercises" and were commander by LtJG. Michael Angelo Asperin. The men were part of the security detail of MinisterRoberto Ongpin.Capt. Querubin was then ordered by Col. Guillermo Ruiz, that Malacanang wanted the night runners shipped off toEl Fraile Islandat the mouth ofManila Bay.Capt. Querubin instead took the men to the PMC Firing Range, and upon interrogation found out that their mission was to secure BGen. Tadiar and RAdm. Ochoco to neutralize their command during the coup.[62][63]
The following morning, Minister Ongpin phoned Enrile who was at The Atrium in Makati, asking on the whereabouts of his security staff. Since three of the men arrested were on loan from the Ministry of Defense, Enrile was worried that the fingers will be pointed towards him. Meanwhile, Col. Honasan and his staff who were at the MND Building inCamp Aguinaldowas monitoring troop movements overnight found out that the 5th Marine Battalion Landing Team from Fort Bonifacio was moved toPandacan,and the 1th Infantry Battalion fromNueva Ecijawas moved to the North Harbor early morning. This would translate to an unusual amount of troops within Metro Manila, and it seemed that Gen. Ver was already taking actions to protect Malacanang.[62]
However, after Marcos learned about the plot, he ordered their leaders' arrest,[64]and presented to the international and local press some of the captured plotters, Maj. Saulito Aromin and Maj. Edgardo Doromal.[65]Threatened with their impending imprisonment, Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile and his fellow coup plotters decided to ask for help from then-AFP Vice Chief of Staff Lt. Gen.Fidel V. Ramos,who was also the chief of thePhilippine Constabulary(now the Philippine National Police). Ramos agreed to resign from his position and support the plotters. Ramos also contacted the highly influential Cardinal Archbishop of ManilaJaime Sinfor his support.[66]Despite Ramos' defection, however, the coup plotters were essentially trapped in Camp Crame, and in the words of historianVicente L. Rafael,"became sitting ducks for Ferdinand Marcos' loyalist forces."[67]
At about 6:30 p.m. on February 22, Enrile and Ramos held a press conference at the Ministry of National Defense building in Camp Aguinaldo, the AFP headquarters, where they announced that they had resigned from their positions in Marcos' cabinet and were withdrawing support from his government. Marcos himself later conducted a news conference calling on Enrile and Ramos to surrender, urging them to "stop this stupidity".[68]Marcos tried to call Enrile, but Enrile refused to play Marcos's game. Eventually out of desperation Marcos televised his sickly appearance, and announced that he promised to crush every Filipino who stood in his way in order to capture Enrile and Ramos.[66]
Cardinal Sin's appeal (February 22)
[edit]After Cardinal Vidal's February 13 condemnation of the snap election's fraudulent result, Cardinal Sin went onRadio Veritasat around 9 p.m. on February 22 and exhorted Filipinos in the capital to aid rebel leaders by going to the section of EDSA betweenCamp CrameandAguinaldoand giving emotional support, food and other supplies. For many, this seemed an unwise decision since civilians would not stand a chance against a dispersal by government troops. Many people, especially priests and nuns, still trooped to EDSA.[68]
My Dear People, I wish you to pray, because it's only through prayer that we may solve this problem. This is Cardinal Sin speaking to the people, especially in Metro Manila. I am indeed concerned about the situation of Minister Enrile and General Ramos, I am calling our people to support our two good friends at the camp. If any of you could be around at Camp Aguinaldo to show your solidarity and your support in this very crucial period, when our two good friends have shown their idealism, I would be very happy if you support them now. I would only wish that violence and bloodshed be avoided. Let us pray to our blessed lady to help us in order that we can solve this problem peacefully
— CardinalJaime Sin
Radio Veritas played a critical role during the mass uprising. FormerUniversity of the Philippinespresident Francisco Nemenzo stated that: "Without Radio Veritas, it would have been difficult, if not impossible, to mobilize millions of people in a matter of hours."Similarly, a certain account in the event said that:"Radio Veritas, in fact, was our umbilical cord to whatever else was going on."[69]
Rising mass support (February 23)
[edit]At dawn, Sunday, government troops arrived to knock down the main 50-kilowatt transmitter of Radio Veritas, cutting off broadcasts to people in the nearby provinces. The station switched to a 10-kilowatt standby transmitter with a limited range of broadcast.[69]The station was targeted because it had proven to be a valuable communications tool for the people supporting the rebels, keeping them informed of government troop movements and relaying requests for food, medicine, and supplies.[68]
Still, people came to EDSA until it swelled to hundreds of thousands of unarmed civilians. The mood in the street was very festive, with many bringing whole families. Performers entertained the crowds, nuns and priests led prayer vigils, and people set up barricades and makeshift sandbags, trees, and vehicles in several places along EDSA and intersecting streets such as Santolan and Ortigas Avenue. Everywhere, people listened to Radio Veritas on their radios. A photo taken by Pete Reyes of Srs. Porferia Ocariza and Teresita Burias leading the rosary in front of soldiers has since become an iconic picture of the revolution.[70]Several groups sangBayan Ko(My Homeland),[71]which, since 1980, had become a patriotic anthem of the opposition. People frequently flashed the 'LABAN' sign,[72]which is an "L" formed with their thumb and index finger. 'laban' is the Filipino word for 'fight', but also the abbreviation ofLakas ng Bayan,Ninoy Aquino's party. After lunch on February 23, Enrile and Ramos decided to consolidate their positions. Enrile crossed EDSA fromCamp AguinaldotoCamp Crameamidst cheers from the crowd.[68]
In the mid-afternoon,Radio Veritasrelayed reports ofMarinesmassing near the camps in the east andLVT-5tanks approaching from the north and south. A contingent of Marines with tanks and armored vans, led by Brigadier General Artemio Tadiar, was stopped along Ortigas Avenue, about two kilometers from the camps, by tens of thousands of people.[73]Nuns holding rosaries knelt in front of the tanks and men and women linked arms together to block the troops.[74]Tadiar asked the crowds to make a clearing for them, but they did not budge. In the end, the troops retreated with no shots fired.[68]
By evening, the standby transmitter of Radio Veritas failed, although the stations of theFar East Broadcasting Companyalso took up the task of broadcasting information to the crowds, calling them in particular to protect Gate 2 of Camp Aguinaldo.[75]Shortly after midnight, the Radio Veritas staff led by FatherJames Reuterwere able to move to the transmitter ofDZRJ-AMso they could begin broadcasting again. To help keep their location a secret, they took up the moniker"Radyo Bandido"(Bandit Radio) as a callsign.June Keithley,with her husbandAngelo Castro Jr.,was the radio broadcaster who continued Radio Veritas' program throughout the night and in the ensuing days.[68]
The Sotelo landing (February 24)
[edit]In the early morning hours of February 24,[76][77]helicopters manned by the15th Strike Wingof thePhilippine Air Force,led by Colonel Antonio Sotelo, were ordered from Sangley Point in Cavite, south of Manila, to head to Camp Crame.[78]Secretly, the squadron had already defected and instead of attacking Camp Crame, landed in it with the crowds cheering and hugging the pilots and crew members[68]in response to what has been referred to as the "Sotelo landing,"[79]considered a key turning point where the military circumstances turned against Marcos.[55]
ABell 214helicopter piloted by Major Deo Cruz of the 205th Helicopter Wing andSikorsky S-76gunships piloted by Colonel Charles Hotchkiss of the 20th Air Commando Squadron joined the rebel squadron earlier in the air. The presence of the helicopters boosted the morale of Enrile and Ramos who had been continually encouraging their fellow soldiers to join the opposition movement.[68]In the afternoon, Aquino arrived at the base where Enrile, Ramos, Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) officers, and a throng were waiting.[78]
Marcos departure rumor (February 24)
[edit]At around that 6:30,June Keithleyreceived reports that Marcos had left Malacañang Palace and broadcast this to the people at EDSA. The crowd celebrated and even Ramos and Enrile came out from Crame to appear to the crowds.[80]This would be disproven when Marcos went on MBS 4 a few hours later,[80]so it was later speculated that the false report was a calculated move against Marcos to encourage more defections.[68]
Fourth Marine brigade refusal of "Kill Order" (February 24)
[edit]At dawn on Monday, February 24, Marines marching from Libis towards the east of Camp Aguinaldo lobbed tear gas at the demonstrators, who quickly dispersed. By 8:30 a.m., some 3,000 Marines entered and held the east side of Camp Aguinaldo,[68]and the Fourth Marine brigade under the command of Colonel Braulio Balbas positioned howitzers and mortars to strike against Camp Crame.[81]: 251
Despite the fact that civilians would be killed in such an attack, General Josephus Ramas gave the "kill order" against Camp Crame at around 9 AM. Although the artillery was ready to fire, Balbas stalled, telling Ramas that they were "still looking for maps." Ramas then told Balbas that "The President is on the other line waiting for compliance!"[82]Ramas repeated his orders to Balbas at 9:20, to which Balbas replied they were "still positioning the cannons."[81]: 251 Balbas would eventually refuse to follow Ramas' orders each of the four times he was ordered to fire on Camp Crame, leading historians to point to this moment as the point at which Marcos lost control of thePhilippine Marine Corps.[55]
Marcos TV appearance on MBS 4 (February 24)
[edit]The jubilation resulting from the rumor that Marcos had fled was short-lived, as Marcos appeared on television on the government-controlledMBS-4at around 9:00, (using the foreclosedABS-CBNfacilities, transmitter and compound in Broadcast Plaza, nowABS-CBN Broadcasting Center) declaring that he would not step down.[80]
Lifting of Maximum Tolerance policy
[edit]During the broadcast, Marcos announced that he had lifted the policy of "Maximum Tolerance" which that government had previously put in place. This gave armed forces permission to use force to defend government installations, as well as communications facilities, from Enrile and Ramos' forces. In addition, he told radio and TV stations not to broadcast news about military movements without permission - which was exactly what Radyo Bandido had been doing.[83]
Marcos orders not to attack via airstrike
[edit]At one point during the broadcast, General Ver approached Marcos and informed him that the AFP was ready to mount an airstrike on Camp Crame, but Marcos ordered them to halt.[84][85]The actual dialogue on TV between Marcos and then AFP Chief of Staff Gen. Ver went as follows:
Fabian Ver: The Ambush there is aiming to mount there in the top. Very quickly, you must immediately leave to conquer them, immediately, Mr. President.
Ver: Just wait, come here.
Ver: Please, Your Honor, so we can immediately strike them. We have to immobilize the helicopters that they've got. We have two fighter planes flying now to strike at any time, sir.
Marcos: My order is not to attack. No, no, no! Hold on. My order is not to attack.
Ver: They are massing civilians near our troops and we cannot keep on withdrawing. You asked me to withdraw yesterday–
Marcos (interrupting): Uh yes, but ah... My order is to disperse without shooting them.
Ver: We cannot withdraw all the time...
Marcos: No! No! No! Hold on! You disperse the crowd without shooting them.
Capture of MBS-4 (February 24)
[edit]At about 9:50 a.m. MBS-4 suddenly went off the air during Marcos' broadcast. A contingent of rebels, under Colonel Mariano Santiago, had captured the station. MBS-4 was put back on the air shortly after noon, withOrly Punzalanannouncing on live television, "Channel 4 is on the air again to serve the people." By this time, the crowds at EDSA had grown to over a million, but some estimates place the crowd number up to 2 million people.[68]
The ensuing marathon broadcast was considered the "return" of ABS-CBN on air because this was the first time that former employees of the network were inside the complex after 14 years of closure since Marcos sequestered the property during the declaration of martial law in September 1972. "Radyo Bandido"ended broadcasting that afternoon, while Radio Veritas resumed transmissions, this time from the Broadcast Plaza's radio studios. Among the various personnel that appeared alongside Orly Punzalan in its first few hours were Maan Hontiveros and Dely Magpayo
Attack on Villamor Airbase and further defections (February 24)
[edit]In the late afternoon of February 24, helicopters of the15th Strike Wing,commanded by Sotelo, attackedVillamor Airbase,destroying presidential air assets. Sotelo had radioed ahead to the pilots and crews of the air assets, telling them to stay away from the aircraft. As a result, the assets were disabled without any human casualties. Sotelo had sent another helicopter toMalacañang,where it fired a rocket on the palace grounds and caused minor damage.[76][77]
Later, most of the officers who had graduated from thePhilippine Military Academy(PMA) defected. The majority of the Armed Forces had already changed sides.[68]
Two inaugurations (February 25)
[edit]On the morning of Tuesday, February 25, at around 7 a.m., a minor clash occurred between loyal government troops and the reformists. Snipers stationed atop the crony-ownedRPN-9transmitter in Panay Avenue, near MBS-4, began shooting at the reformists. Many rebel soldiers surged to the station,[68]and a rebel S-76 helicopter later shot the snipers at the broadcast tower. The troops later left after a V-150 was blocked by a crowd that assembled.
Later in the morning,Corazon Aquinowas inaugurated as President of the Philippines in a simple ceremony atClub Filipino[86]in Greenhills, about a kilometer from Camp Crame. She was sworn in as president by Senior Associate JusticeClaudio Teehankee,and Laurel as vice-president by Justice Vicente Abad Santos. The Bible on which Aquino swore her oath was held by her mother-in-law Aurora Aquino, the mother ofNinoy Aquino.Attending the ceremonies were Ramos, who was then promoted to General, Enrile, and many politicians.[68]
Outside Club Filipino, all the way to EDSA, hundreds of people cheered and celebrated.Bayan Ko(My Country,a popular folk song and the unofficial National Anthem of protest) was sung after Aquino's oath-taking. Many people wore yellow, the color of Aquino's presidential campaign.
An hour later, Marcos held the inauguration atMalacañang Palace.Loyalist civilians attended the ceremony, shouting "Marcos, Marcos, Marcos pa rin!(Marcos, Marcos, still Marcos!) ". On the Palace balcony, Marcos took the Oath of Office, aired onIBC-13andRPN-9(RPN-9 was going off-the-air during the broadcast of the inauguration, as its transmitter was captured by reformist soldiers)[68]None of the invited foreign dignitaries attended the ceremony, for security reasons. The couple finally emerged on the balcony of the Palace before 3,000 KBL loyalists who were shouting, "Capture the snakes!"[87]Rather tearfully,[87]First Lady Imelda Marcos gave a farewell rendition of the couple's theme song – the 1938kundiman"Dahil Sa Iyo"(Because of You) – chanting the song's entreaties inTagalog:
Because of you, I became happy
Loving I shall offer you
If it is true I shall be enslaved by you
All of this because of you.[87]
The broadcast of the event was interrupted as rebel troops successfully captured the other stations. It was the last time Marcos was seen in the Philippines.[68]
By this time, hundreds of people had amassed at the barricades alongMendiola,only a hundred meters away from Malacañang. They were prevented from storming the Palace by loyal government troops securing the area. The angry demonstrators were pacified by priests who warned them not to be violent.[68]
Marcos' departure (February 26)
[edit]Despite holding an inauguration, Marcos and his family were already preparing to flee the country. At 5:00 a.m. on Tuesday morning, Marcos phonedUnited States SenatorPaul Laxalt,asking for advice from theWhite House.[87]Laxalt advised him to "cut and cut clean", to which Marcos expressed his disappointment after a short pause. In the afternoon, Marcos talked to Minister Enrile, asking for safe passage for him, his family, and close allies such as General Ver.[88]He also asked Enrile if United States AmbassadorStephen Bosworthcould assign a security escort for the Marcos family's departure.[89]
Around midnight, the Marcos family boarded aUnited States Air ForceHH-3ERescue helicopter[90]and flew toClark Air BaseinAngeles City83 kilometers north of Manila. At Clark Air Base, Marcos asked to spend a couple of days with his family in Ilocos Norte, his native province. Aquino vetoed the request. President Reagan privately derided Aquino for denying Marcos a last look at his home province.[91]
The deposed First Family and their servants then rode US Air ForceC-9A NightingaleandC-141B Starlifterplanes toAndersen Air Force Basein the north of the United States territory ofGuam,then flying to Hickam Air Force Base inHawaiiwhere Marcos finally arrived on February 26. The United States government documented that they entered the United States with millions of dollars in jewelry, gold, stocks, and cash.[10][68]
When news of the Marcos family's departure reached civilians, many rejoiced and danced in the streets. Over atMendiola,the demonstrators stormed the Palace, which was closed to ordinary people for around a decade. Despite looting by some angry protesters, the majority wandered about inside through rooms where national history was shaped, looking at objects extravagant and mundane that the Marcos clan and its court had abandoned in their flight. Shortly after midnight on February 26, five army trucks of troops under the command of Fidel Ramos arrived in Malacañang Palace to secure it after Ferdinand Marcos had left - marking the end of the Marcos dictatorship, and placing the palace under the control of theprovisional government of the Philippinesuntil a new constitution could be enacted a year later, in 1987.[92]
As the provisionary government took control of Malacanang Palace, and in the rush of the Marcos' family's departure, documents pertaining tooverseas land holdingsand bank accounts were recovered. These documents were the foundation of successive attempts to recover the Marcosill-gotten wealthstarting withOperation Big Bird,as well as court cases against the Marcos family and cronies.[93]
In other countries, people also rejoiced and congratulated Filipinos they knew.CBSanchormanBob Simonreported: "We Americans like to think we taught the Filipinos democracy. Well, tonight they are teaching the world."[68]
Events outside the capital
[edit]While much of the historical focus regarding the People Power Revolution has been on events around the two camps and the presidential palace, Filipinos from all over the archipelago also participated in the revolution, with large protests happening inBaguio,Cebu City,Iloilo City,Cagayan de Oro,andDavao City,[94]as well as prominent municipalities such asLos Baños, Laguna.[95]Cebu played a particularly important part because Corazon Aquino was there at the time the EDSA protests began, speaking at a rally at Fuente Osmeña Circle which was a protest against cheating during the Presidential elections earlier that month.[96]
Aftermath
[edit]Immediately after her accession, Aquino issued Proclamation No. 3, aprovisional constitutionwhich established arevolutionary government.The edict promulgated the 1986 Freedom Constitution, which retained or superseded various provisions of the 1973 Constitution that were in force up to that point. This allowed Aquino to wield both executive and legislative powers; among her first acts was to unilaterally abolish theBatasang Pambansa(the unicameral legislatureduly elected in 1984), pending a plebiscite for a more permanent Constitution and the establishment of a new Congress by 1987.[97]
Despite the success of the People Power Revolution, there were elements which were dissatisfied by Aquino's rise to power, including the leadersReform the Armed Forces Movementwhich had launched the failed coup against Marcos and had been saved by the arrival of the civilians at EDSA.[98]As a result, these groups launcheda number of coup d'état attemptsthroughout Aquino's term.[98]
The revolution had an effect ondemocratizationmovements in such countries asTaiwanandSouth Koreaand indirectly contributed to thedownfall of communism in Soviet blocand the end of the Cold War[citation needed];other effects include the restoration of the freedom of the press, abolition of repressive laws enforced by the previous regime, the adoption of the1987 Constitution,and the subordination of the military to civilian rule, despite several coup attempts during Aquino's rule.[99]
The revolution provided for the restoration of democratic institutions after 13 years of authoritarian rule and these institutions has been used by various groups to challenge the entrenchedpolitical familiesand to strengthen Philippine democracy.[100]
Legacy
[edit]The People Power Revolution has inspired a call for a change of government through peaceful protests rather than bloodshed. Many similar revolutions have followed since then, taking the Philippine example of nonviolent regime change, such as that inEast Germanyandmany other former Soviet Bloc countries,most of which had direct relation to the end of the Cold War in 1989.[101]
Rampant corruption during the term of PresidentJoseph Estradaled to the similar2001 EDSA Revolutionleading to his resignation from the presidency.
On January 19, police and military forces withdrew their support from Estrada. At around noon on January 20,Davideswore Estrada's constitutional successorVice PresidentGloria Macapagal-Arroyointo office. A few hours later, Estrada and his family fled Malacanang.[102]
In spite of the revolution's repudiation of Marcos' dictatorial regime, the Marcos family slowly regained a political presence in the Philippines mostly through what researchers attribute to asystematic spread of lies and disinformation,[103][104]withImeldaand her childrenBongbongandImeereacquiring positions in government by the 1990s. Bongbong himself was defeated as runner-up toLeni Robredoas a candidate for thePhilippine vice presidencyduring the2016 presidential elections.He protested in the Supreme Court and was denied multiple times, with the official gap getting even significantly larger from the original results.[105]In 2021, Bongbong announced his bid for the Philippine presidency in the2022 Philippine presidential election.[106]He was elected president, marking theMarcos family's return to Malacañang after 36 years.[107][108]In the 38th anniversary of the EDSA Revolution on February 25, 2024, the fight against charter change continued. "We are notEDSA-pwera.Because People Power was not only EDSA, "the Campaign Against the Return of Marcoses and Martial Law (CARMMA) said. The wreath-laying ceremony and commemorative rites were led and organized by theNational Historical Commission of the Philippines."Ito po ay taon-taon naming gugunitain hangga't mayroon kaming mandato," [We will commemorate this every year as long as we have a mandate,] said Ian Alfonso, a senior researcher of NHCP.[109][110]
Commemoration
[edit]People Power Anniversary | |
---|---|
Observed by | Philippines |
Type | National |
Significance | Commemoration of the People Power Revolution |
Date | February 25 |
Next time | February 25, 2025 |
Frequency | Annual |
First time | 2002 |
The EDSA Revolution Anniversary is a specialpublic holiday in the Philippines.Since 2002, the holiday has been declared a special non-working holiday.[111][112]However, it was not included in the list of holidays in 2024 declared by PresidentBongbong Marcosin his proclamation, citing that it "falls on a Sunday,"[113]which is considered as a rest day for most laborers, while maintaining respect for its commemoration.[114][115]
Three commemorative sites along EDSA memorialize the People Power Revolution, put up by different organizations to commemorate different aspects of the People Power Revolution.[116]
- TheShrine of Mary, Queen of Peace, Our Lady of EDSA, better known as the EDSA Shrineis a small church put up in 1989 by theRoman Catholic Archdiocese of Manilain theOrtigas Centerat the corner of EDSA with Ortigas Avenue. Priminently featuring the 35-foot (11 m) Our Lady of EDSA sculpture byVirginia Ty-Navarroand containing numerous other artworks throughout the church, it commemorates the "miraculously" peaceful nature of the People Power protests, as well as the role of the Catholic Church in the revolution.[116]
- TheBantayog ng mga Bayaniwas put up by civil society groups and inaugurated in 1992 to commemorate the struggle against the Marcos dictatorship, and the People Power Revolution as a key turning point in the struggle. The site's Wall of Remembrance has an extensively researched list of the martyrs and heroes who fought the authoritarian regime. The site, designed by National Artist for landscape architectureIldefonso P. Santos Jr.,also features the "Inang Bayan" sculpture byEduardo Castrillo,as well as a specialty library and a museum commemorating the martyrs and heroes honored on the Wall of Remembrance.[116]
- The People's Park put up in 1993 by the Philippine Government on the southwest corner of Camp Aguinaldo at the intersection of EDSA and White Plains Avenue contains the 30-figurePeople Power Monumentsculpture by Eduardo Castrillo as well as a 1983 statue of Ninoy Aquino sculpted by artist Tomas Concepcion.[116]
In culture and the arts
[edit]In 1986 a few months after February a music video starring various artists was released called, "Handog ng Pilipino Sa Mundo".It was written byApo Hiking SocietysingerJim Paredesand performed by numerous artists, and showed martial law heroes Jose W. Diokno,Lorenzo M. Tañada,Rene Saguisag,Butz Aquino,Joe Burgos, and Pres. Aquino with Vice-presidentDoy Laurelduring their campaign.[117]
In 2003, theRadio Broadcast of the Philippine People Power Revolutionwas inscribed in theUnited Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)Memory of the World Register,which is the official documentary heritage list of theUnited Nations(UN)'s educational and scientific body.[118]
See also
[edit]- Proclamation No. 1081
- 1972 Philippines Martial law under Ferdinand Marcos
- 1986 Philippine presidential election
- EDSA
- Songs about the People Power Revolution:
- EDSA Shrine
- People Power Monument
- Bantayog ng mga Bayani
General:
Similar events:
- Second EDSA Revolution
- EDSA III
- June Democratic Struggle
- May 1998 riots of Indonesia
- 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre
- Revolutions of 1989
- Bulldozer Revolution
- Colour revolution
- 2022 Sri Lankan protests
- Non-cooperation movement (2024)
Footnotes
[edit]References
[edit]Citations
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- ^Presidential Proclamation No. 295 (November 24, 2011),Declaring the Regular Holidays, Special (Non-working) Days, and Special Holiday (for All Schools) for the Year 2012,Official Gazette of the Philippines, archived fromthe originalon February 13, 2023,retrievedOctober 21,2023
- ^Presidential Proclamation No. 1841 (July 21, 2009),Declaring the Regular Holiday Special (Non-working) Days, and Special Holiday (for All Schools) for the Year 2010(PDF),Philippine Labor Laws,archived(PDF)from the original on October 10, 2017
- ^"Palace explains why Feb. 25 not in 2024 holidays list".ABS-CBN News. October 13, 2023.RetrievedOctober 15,2023.
- ^Gita-Carlos, Ruth Abbey (October 13, 2023)."Palace bares list of holidays for 2024".Philippine News Agency.RetrievedOctober 21,2023.
- ^Presidential Proclamation No. 368 (October 11, 2023),Declaring the Regular Holidays and Special (Non-working) Days for the Year 2024(PDF),Official Gazette of the Philippines,retrievedOctober 21,2023
- ^abcdClaudio, Lisandro E. (2013).Taming people's power: the EDSA revolutions and their contradictions.Quezon City.ISBN978-971-550-655-7.OCLC864093220.
{{cite book}}
:CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - ^Sicam, Ed (February 26, 2011)."'Handog ng Pilipino sa Mundo' was composed in three minutes ".
- ^"Radio Broadcast of the Philippine People Power Revolution | United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization".UNESCO.Archived fromthe originalon August 24, 2015.
Sources
[edit]Books
[edit]- Baron, Cynthia S. and Suazo, Melba M.Nine Letters: The Story of the 1986 Filipino Revolution.Quezon City, Philippines. Gerardo P. Baron Books. 1986.
- Bello, Walden. "From the ashes: The rebirth of the Philippine revolution—a review essay."Third World Quarterly8.1 (1986): 258–276.online
- Crisostomo, Isabelo T. (1987).Cory: Profile of a President.Brookline Village, MA: Branden Pub. Co.ISBN0-8283-1913-8.OCLC15489470.
- Johnson, Brian.The Four Days of Courage: The Untold Story of the People Who Brought Marcos Down.Toronto, Canada. McClelland and Stewart, 1987.
- Lacsamana, Leodivico Cruz (1990).Philippine History and Government(Second ed.). Phoenix Publishing House, Inc.ISBN971-06-1894-6.
- Mendoza, Amado, ' "People Power" in the Philippines, 1983–86', inAdam RobertsandTimothy Garton Ash(eds.),Civil Resistance and Power Politics: The Experience of Non-violent Action from Gandhi to the Present,Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009.ISBN978-0-19-955201-6.US edition.On Google.
- Mercado, Monina Allarey, ed. (1986).People Power: The Philippine Revolution of 1986 - An eyewitness history.Manila, Philippines: The James B. Reuter, S.J., Foundation.
- Schock, Kurt.Unarmed Insurrections: People Power Movements in Nondemocracies.Minneapolis, USA. University of Minnesota Press. 2005.
Other sources
[edit]- Aquino, Corazon C.(August 21, 2003)."The last time I saw Ninoy".Philippine Daily Inquirer.Vol. 18, no. 254. pp. A1 and A18. Archived fromthe originalon May 16, 2006.
External links
[edit]- John Nery (writer) (2006).Edsa 20 'Isang Larawan'—An Inquirer documentary[EDSA 20 An Illustration] (documentary) (in Filipino). Philippines:Philippine Daily Inquirer.RetrievedMarch 2,2021.
- R.A. Rivera (director) (2015).People Power @ 30 - History(documentary, episode ofHistory with Lourd) (in Filipino). Philippines:TV5 Network.RetrievedMarch 2,2021.
- People Power Revolution Day by Day(in English and Filipino). 2021.RetrievedMarch 2,2021.
- People Power Revolution
- 1986 in the Philippines
- 1980s coups d'état and coup attempts
- 20th-century revolutions
- Armed Forces of the Philippines
- Battles and conflicts without fatalities
- February 1986 events in Asia
- History of Metro Manila
- History of the Philippines (1965–1986)
- Imelda Marcos
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- Nonviolent revolutions
- Anti-fascism
- Presidency of Ferdinand Marcos
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- Protests in the Philippines
- Rebellions in the Philippines
- Coups d'état and coup attempts in the Philippines
- Opposition to Ferdinand Marcos
- Democratization