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Girondins

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Girondins
LeaderMarquis de Condorcet
Jean-Marie Roland
Jacques Pierre Brissot
Pierre Victurnien Vergniaud
Founded1791;233 years ago(1791)
Dissolved1793;231 years ago(1793)
HeadquartersBordeaux,Gironde
NewspaperPatriote français
Le Courrier de Provence
La chronique de Paris
IdeologyRepublicanism
Jacobinism
Liberalism
Political positionLeft-Wing[1]
ColorsLight Red

TheGirondins(US:/(d)ʒɪˈrɒndɪnz/ji-RON-dinz, zhi-,[2]French:[ʒiʁɔ̃dɛ̃]), orGirondists,were a political group during theFrench Revolution.From 1791 to 1793, the Girondins were active in theLegislative Assemblyand theNational Convention.Together with theMontagnards,they initially were part of theJacobinmovement. They campaigned for the end of themonarchy,but then resisted the spiraling momentum of theRevolution,which caused a conflict with the more radical Montagnards. They dominated the movement until their fall in theinsurrection of 31 May – 2 June 1793,which resulted in the domination of the Montagnards and the purge and eventual mass execution of the Girondins. This event is considered to mark the beginning of theReign of Terror.

The Girondins were a group of loosely affiliated individuals rather than an organized political party and the name was at first informally applied because the most prominent exponents of their point of view were deputies to the Legislative Assembly from thedépartementofGirondein southwest France.[3]Girondin leaderJacques Pierre Brissotproposed an ambitious military plan to spread the Revolution internationally, therefore the Girondins were the war party in 1792–1793. Other prominent Girondins includedJean Marie Rolandand his wifeMadame Roland.They also had an ally in the English-born American activistThomas Paine.

Brissot and Madame Roland were executed and Jean Roland (who had gone into hiding) committed suicide when he learned about the execution. Paine was imprisoned, but he narrowly escaped execution. The famous paintingThe Death of Maratdepicts the fiery radical journalist and denouncer of the GirondinsJean-Paul Maratafter being stabbed to death in his bathtub byCharlotte Corday,a Girondin sympathizer. Corday did not attempt to flee and was arrested and executed.

Identity

[edit]

The collective name "Girondins" is used to describe "a loosely knit group of French deputies who contested the Montagnards for control of the National Convention".[4]

They were never an formal organization or political party.[5][6]The name itself was bestowed not by any of its alleged members but by theMontagnards,"who claimed as early as April 1792 that a counterrevolutionary faction had coalesced around deputies of the department of theGironde".[4][7]Jacques-Pierre Brissot,Jean Marie RolandandFrançois Buzotwere among the most prominent of such deputies and contemporaries called their supportersBrissotins,Rolandins,orBuzotins,depending on which politician was being blamed for their leadership.[4]Other names were employed at the time too, but "Girondins" ultimately became the term favored by historians.[4]The term became standard withAlphonse de Lamartine'sHistory of the Girondinsin 1847.[8]

History

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Rise

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Madame Roland

Twelve deputies represented the département of the Gironde and there were six who sat for this département in both theLegislative Assemblyof 1791–1792 and theNational Conventionof 1792–1795. Five were lawyers:Pierre Victurnien Vergniaud,Marguerite-Élie Guadet,Armand Gensonné,Jean Antoine Laffargue de Grangeneuve and Jean Jay (who was also a Protestant pastor). The other,Jean François Ducos,was a tradesman. In the Legislative Assembly, they represented a compact body of opinion which, though not as yet definitely republican (i.e. against the monarchy), was considerably more "advanced" than the moderate royalism of the majority of the Parisian deputies.[3]

A group of deputies from elsewhere became associated with these views, most notably theMarquis de Condorcet,Claude Fauchet,Marc David Lasource,Maximin Isnard,theComte de Kersaint,Henri Larivière and above all Jacques Pierre Brissot, Jean Marie Roland andJérôme Pétion,who was elected mayor of Paris in succession toJean Sylvain Baillyon 16 November 1791.[3]

Madame Roland,whosesalonbecame their gathering place, had a powerful influence on the spirit and policy of the Girondins with her "romantic republicanism".[9]The party cohesion they possessed was connected to the energy of Brissot, who came to be regarded as their mouthpiece in the Assembly and in theJacobin Club,[citation needed]hence the name "Brissotins" for his followers.[10]The group was identified by its enemies at the start of the National Convention (20 September 1792). "Brissotins" and "Girondins" were terms of opprobrium used by their enemies in a separate faction of the Jacobin Club, who freely denounced them as enemies of democracy.[3]

Foreign policy

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In the Legislative Assembly, the Girondins represented the principle of democratic revolution within France and patriotic defiance to the European powers.[3]They supported an aggressive foreign policy and constituted the war party in the period 1792–1793, when revolutionary France initiated a long series of revolutionary wars with other European powers. Brissot proposed an ambitious military plan to spread the Revolution internationally, one thatNapoleonlater pursued aggressively.[11]Brissot called on the National Convention to dominate Europe by conquering theRhineland,Polandand theNetherlandswith a goal of creating a protective ring of satellite republics inGreat Britain,SpainandItalyby 1795. The Girondins also called for war againstAustria,arguing it would rally patriots around the Revolution, liberate oppressed peoples from despotism, and test the loyalty ofKing Louis XVI.[12]

Montagnards versus Girondins

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The Girondins in theLa Force Prisonafter their arrest, a woodcut from 1845

Girondins at first dominated the Jacobin Club, where Brissot's influence had not yet been ousted byMaximilien Robespierreand they did not hesitate to use this advantage to stir up popular passion and intimidate those who sought to stay the progress of the Revolution. They compelled the king in 1792 to choose a ministry composed of their partisans, among them Roland,Charles François Dumouriez,[12]Étienne ClavièreandJoseph Marie Servan de Gerbey;and they forced adeclaration of waragainstHabsburg Austriathe same year. In all of this activity, there was no apparent line of cleavage betweenLa GirondeandThe Mountain.Montagnards and Girondins alike were fundamentally opposed to the monarchy; both were democrats as well as republicans; and both were prepared toappeal to forcein order to realise their ideals.[3]Despite being accused of wanting to weaken the central government ( "federalism" ), the Girondins desired as little as the Montagnards to break up the unity of France.[13]From the first, the leaders of the two parties stood in avowed opposition, in the Jacobin Club as in the Assembly.[3]

Temperament largely accounts for the dividing line between the parties. The Girondins were doctrinaires and theorists rather than men of action. They initially encouraged armed petitions, but then were dismayed when this led to theémeute(riot) of 20 June 1792.Jean-Marie Roland was typical of their spirit, turning the Ministry of the Exterior into a publishing office for tracts on civic virtues while riotous mobs were burning the châteaux unchecked in the provinces. Girondins did not share the ferocious fanaticism or the ruthless opportunism of the future Montagnard organisers of theReign of Terror.On 25 July, according to theLogographe,Carnot promoted the use of pikes (seven feet long) and provided to every citizen.[14](On this day the points of view between Robespierre and Brissot split.[15]) On 29 July Robespierre called for the deposition of the King and the election of a Convention.[16][17]Early August Brissot urged the preservation of the constitution, advocating against both the dethronement of the king and the election of a new assembly.[18]As the Revolution developed, the Girondins often found themselves opposing its results; the overthrow of the monarchy on 10 August 1792 and theSeptember Massacresof 1792 occurred while they still nominally controlled the government, but the Girondins tried to distance themselves from the results of the September Massacres.[3]At the end of August Robespierre was no longer willing to cooperate with Brissot andRoland.On Sunday morning 2 September the members of the Commune, gathering in the town hall to proceed the election of deputies to the National Convention, decided to maintain their seats and have Roland and Brissot arrested.[19][20]According toCharlotte Robespierre,her brother stopped talking to his former friend, mayorPétion de Villeneuve.Pétion was accused ofconspicuous consumptionby Desmoulins,[21]and finally rallied to Brissot.[22]

Death of MaratbyJacques-Louis David

When theNational Conventionfirst met on 22 September 1792, the core of like-minded deputies from theGirondeexpanded asJean-Baptiste Boyer-Fonfrède,Jacques Lacaze and François Bergoeing joined five of the six stalwarts of theLegislative Assembly(Jean Jay, the Protestant pastor, drifted toward the Montagnard faction). Their numbers were increased by the return to national politics by formerNational Constituent Assemblydeputies such asJean-Paul Rabaut Saint-Étienne,Pétion de Villeneuveand Kervélégan, as well as some newcomers as the writerThomas Paineand popular journalist Jean-Louis Carra. The Girondins called on the local authorities to oppose the concentration and centralisation of power.

Decline and fall

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The Girondins proposed suspending the king and summoning of the National Convention, but they agreed not to overthrow the monarchy untilLouis XVIbecame impervious to their counsels. Once the king was overthrown in 1792 and a republic was established, they were anxious to stop the revolutionary movement that they had helped to set in motion. Girondins and historianPierre Claude François Daunouargues in hisMémoiresthat the Girondins were too cultivated and too polished to retain their popularity for long in times of disturbance, and so they were more inclined to work for the establishment of order, which would mean the guarantee of their own power. The Girondins, who had been the radicals of the Legislative Assembly (1791–1792), became the conservatives of the Convention (1792–1795).[23][24]

The Revolution failed to deliver the immediate gains that had been promised and this made it difficult for the Girondins to draw it to a close easily in the minds of the public. Moreover, theSeptembriseurs(the supporters of theSeptember Massacressuch as Robespierre,Danton,Marat and their lesser allies) realised that not only their influence but their safety depended on keeping the Revolution alive. Robespierre, who hated the Girondins, had proposed to include them in theproscriptionlists of September 1792: The Mountain Club to a man who desired their overthrow.[25]A group including some Girondins prepared a draft constitution known as theGirondin constitutional project,which was presented to theNational Conventionin early 1793.Thomas Painewas one of the signers of this proposal.

The crisis came in March 1793. The Girondins, who had a majority in the Convention, controlled the executive council and filled the ministries, believed themselves invincible. Their orators had no serious rivals in the hostile camp—their system was established in mere reason, but the Montagnards made up for what they lacked in talent or in numbers through their boldness and energy.[25]This was especially fruitful since uncommitted delegates accounted for almost half the total number, even though the Jacobins and Brissotins formed the largest groups.[citation needed]The more radical rhetoric of the Jacobins attracted the support of the revolutionaryParis Commune,theRevolutionary Sections(mass assemblies in districts) and theNational Guardof Paris and they had gained control of the Jacobin club, where Brissot, absorbed in departmental work, had been superseded by Robespierre. At thetrial of Louis XVIin 1792, most Girondins had voted for the "appeal to the people" and so laid themselves open to the charge of "royalism".[citation needed]They denounced the domination of Paris and summoned provincial levies to their aid and so fell under suspicion of "federalism" as on September 25, 1792.[26]They strengthened the revolutionary Commune by first decreeing its abolition but withdrawing the decree at the first sign of popular opposition.[25]

In the suspicious temper of the times, their vacillation was fatal. Marat never ceased his denunciations of the faction by which France was being betrayed to her ruin and his cry ofNous sommes trahis!( "We are betrayed!" ) was echoed from group to group in the streets of Paris.[27]The growing hostility of Paris to the Girondins received a fateful demonstration by the election on 15 February 1793 of the bitter ex-GirondinJean-Nicolas Pacheto the mayoralty. Pache had twice been minister of war in the Girondins government, but his incompetence had laid him open to strong criticism and on 4 February 1793 he had been replaced as minister of war by a vote of the Convention. This was enough to secure him the votes of the Paris electors when he was elected mayor ten days later. The Mountain was strengthened by the accession of a significant ally whose one idea was to use his new power to avenge himself on his former colleagues.[25]Mayor Pache, withprocureurof the CommunePierre Gaspard Chaumetteand deputyprocureurJacques René Hébert,controlled the armed militias of the 48revolutionary Sections of Parisand prepared to turn this weapon against the Convention.[28]The abortiveémeuteof 10 March warned the Girondins of their danger and they responded with defensive moves. They unintentionally increased the prestige of their most vocal and bitter critic Marat by prosecuting him before theRevolutionary Tribunal,where his acquittal in April 1793 was a foregone conclusion. TheCommission of Twelvewas appointed of on 24 May, including the arrest of Varlat and Hébert and other precautionary measures.[29]The ominous threat by Girondin leaderMaximin Isnard,uttered on 25 May, to "march France upon Paris" was instead met by Paris marching hastily upon the Convention. The Girondin role in the government was undermined by the popular uprisings of 27 and 31 May and finally on 2 June 1793, whenFrançois Hanriot,head of the Paris National Guards, purged the Convention of the Girondins[25](seeInsurrection of 31 May – 2 June 1793).

Reign of Terror

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A list drawn up by the Commandant-General of the Parisian National GuardFrançois Hanriot(with help from Marat) and endorsed by a decree of the intimidated Convention, included 22 Girondin deputies and 10 of the 12 members of theCommission of Twelve,who were ordered to be detained at their lodgings "under the safeguard of the people". Some submitted, among them Gensonné, Guadet, Vergniaud, Pétion,Birotteauand Boyer-Fonfrède. Others, including Brissot, Louvet, Buzot, Lasource, Grangeneuve, Larivière and François Bergoeing, escaped from Paris and, joined later by Guadet, Pétion and Birotteau, set to work to organise a movement of the provinces against the capital. This attempt to stir up civil war made the wavering and frightened Convention suddenly determined. On 13 June 1793, it voted that the city of Paris deserved well of the country and ordered the imprisonment of the detained deputies, the filling up of their places in the Assembly by theirsuppléantsand the initiation of vigorous measures against the movement in the provinces. The assassination of Marat byCharlotte Cordayon 13 July 1793 only served to increase the unpopularity of the Girondins and seal their fate.[25][30]

The excuse for the Terror that followed was the imminent peril of France, menaced on the east by the advance of the armies of theFirst Coalition(Austria, Prussia and Great Britain) on the west by the RoyalistRevolt in the Vendéeand the need for preventing at all costs the outbreak of another civil war. On 28 July 1793, a decree of the Convention proscribed 21 deputies, five of whom were from the Gironde, as traitors and enemies of their country (Charles-Louis Antiboul,Boilleau the younger, Boyer-Fonfrêde, Brissot, Carra, Gaspard-Séverin Duchastel, the younger Ducos, Dufriche de Valazé, Jean Duprat, Fauchet, Gardien, Gensonné, Lacaze, Lasource, Claude Romain Lauze de Perret, Lehardi, Benoît Lesterpt-Beauvais, the elder Minvielle, the Marquis de Sillery, Vergniaud and Louis-François-Sébastien Viger). Those were sent to trial. Another 39 were included in the finalacte d'accusation,accepted by the Convention on 24 October 1793, which stated the crimes for which they were to be tried as their perfidious ambition, their hatred of Paris, their "federalism" and above all their responsibility for the attempt of their escaped colleagues to provoke civil war.[25][31][32]

1793 trial of Girondins

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Brissot et 20 de ses complices condamnés à mort par le tribunal révolutionnaire(Brissot and 20 of his accomplices are sentenced to death by the Revolutionary Tribunal)

The trial of the 22 began before the Revolutionary Tribunal on 24 October 1793. The verdict was a foregone conclusion. On 31 October, they were borne to the guillotine. It took 36 minutes to decapitate all of them, includingCharles Éléonor Dufriche de Valazé,who had committed suicide the previous day upon hearing the sentence he was given.[33]

Of those who escaped to the provinces, after wandering about singly or in groups most were either captured and executed or committed suicide. They includedBarbaroux,Buzot,Condorcet,Grangeneuve,Guadet,Kersaint,Pétion,Rabaut de Saint-Etienneand Rebecqui. Roland killed himself atRouenon 15 November 1793, a week after the execution of his wife. A very few escaped, includingJean-Baptiste Louvet de Couvrai,whoseMémoiresgive a detailed picture of the sufferings of the fugitives.[25][34]

Girondins as martyrs

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The Last Meal of the Girondins(François Flameng,c. 1850) — the body of Charles Éléonor Dufriche-Valazé, who stabbed himself in the courtroom, is in the foreground.
Execution of the Girondins, woodcut from 1862

The survivors of the party made an effort to re-enter the Convention after the fall of Robespierre on 27 July 1794, but it was not until 5 March 1795 that they were formally re-instated[citation needed]forming theCouncil of Five Hundredunderthe Directory.[7]On 3 October of that same year (11Vendémiaire,year IV), a solemnfêtein honour of the Girondins, "martyrs of liberty", was celebrated in the Convention.[25][35]

In her autobiography,Madame Rolandreshapes her historical image by stressing the popular connection between sacrifice and female virtue. HerMémoires de Madame Roland(1795) was written from prison where she was held as a Girondin sympathizer. It covers her work for the Girondins while her husbandJean-Marie Rolandwas Interior Minister. The book echoes such popular novels as Rousseau'sJulie or the New Héloiseby linking her feminine virtue and motherhood to her sacrifice in a cycle of suffering and consolation. Roland says her mother's death was the impetus for her "odyssey from virtuous daughter to revolutionary heroine" as it introduced her to death and sacrifice—with the ultimate sacrifice of her own life for her political beliefs. She helped her husband escape, but she was executed on 8 November 1793. A week later he committed suicide.[36]

Amonument to the Girondinswas erected in Bordeaux between 1893 and 1902 dedicated to the memory of the Girondin deputies who were victims of the Terror.[37]The vagueness of who actually made up the Girondins led to the monument not having any names inscribed on it until 1989.[6]Even then, the deputies to the Convention who were memorialized were only those hailing from the Gironde department, omitting notable people like Brissot and Madame Roland.[38]

Ideology

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The words Girondin and Montagnard are defined as political groups—more specific definitions are the subject of theorizing by historians. The two words were much tossed about by partisans with various understandings of what they were intended to represent. The two groups lacked formal political structures, and the differences between them have never been satisfactorily explained. It has been suggested that the word Girondin as a useful term be abandoned.[39]

Influenced byclassical liberalismand the concepts ofdemocracy,human rightsandMontesquieu'sseparation of powers,the Girondins initially supported theconstitutional monarchy,but after theFlight to Varennesin whichLouis XVItried to fleeParisin order to start acounter-revolutionthe Girondins became mostlyrepublicans,with aroyalistminority. Like the Jacobins, they were also influenced by the writings ofJean-Jacques Rousseau.[40]

In its early times of government, the Gironde supported afree market- opposing price controls on goods (e.g., a 1793 maximum on grain prices),[41]supported by aconstitutional righttopublic assistancefor the poor andpublic education.[citation needed]With Brissot, they advocated exporting the Revolution through aggressive foreign policies includingwaragainst the surrounding European monarchies.[9]The Girondins were also one of the first supporters ofabolitionism in Francewith Brissot leading the anti-slaverySociety of the Friends of the Blacks.[42]Certain Girondins such as Condorcet supportedwomen's suffrageandpolitical equality.

They sat to the left of the centrist[43]Feuillants,but later sat on the right of the National Assembly after the neutralization of the Feuillants.[44]They were the principalconservativepolitical party in France at the time and opposed the radical course of the revolution, leading to theReign of Terror.[45]Generally, historians divide the Convention into the left-wing Jacobin Montagnards, the centristThe Plainand the right-wing Girondins.[9]

The Girondins supporteddemocratic reform,secularismandparliamentary sovereigntyat the expense of a weakerexecutiveandjudiciaryas opposed to the authoritarian left-wingMontagnards,who supported public acknowledgement of aSupreme Beingand a strong executive.[46]

Prominent members

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Electoral results

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Legislative Assembly
Election year No. of
overall votes
% of
overall vote
No. of
overall seats won
+/– Leader
National Convention
1792 705,600 (3rd) 21.4
160 / 749

See also

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References

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Citations

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  1. ^During the election of new deputies to the legislativeOctober 1, 1791, it included a majority of 350 moderate "Constitutional" deputies, a right wing made up of more than 250 Feuillants, divided between "Fayettists" and "Lamethists" and a left wing where we note 136 deputies registered with the Jacobins (even if the Girondin general staff was not very assiduous, preferring the salons), among which several provincials (including Guadet, Gensonné and Vergniaud, originally from Gironde, explaining the name of the future Gironde), with a small group of more advanced democrats (Lazare Carnot, Robert Lindet, Georges Couthon). See Michel Vovelle, La Chute de la Royauté, 1787-1792, volume 1 of the Nouvelle histoire de la France contemporaine, Paris, Le Seuil, 1999, p. 270-271, and Jean-Claude Bertaud, Camille and Lucile Desmoulins, Presses de la Renaissance, 1986, p. 157.
  2. ^"Girondin".Merriam-Webster Dictionary.Merriam-Webster.Retrieved28 August2019.
  3. ^abcdefghPhillips 1911,p. 49.
  4. ^abcdFremont-Barnes, Gregory, ed. (2007).Encyclopedia of the Age of Political Revolutions and New Ideologies, 1760–1815.Vol. 1. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 306.ISBN978-0313334450.
  5. ^Furet & Ozouf, p. 351.
  6. ^abDoyle, William (2013). Alex Fairfax-Cholmeley; Colin Jones (eds.)."II.2. In Search of the Girondins"(PDF).E-France.4(New Perspectives on the French Revolution). Reading, UK: University of Reading: 37.ISSN1756-0535.
  7. ^abChris Cook; John Paxton (1981).European Political Facts 1789–1848.Palgrave Macmillan.p. 10.
  8. ^Bosher, pp. 185–191.
  9. ^abcFremont-Barnes 2007,p. 403.
  10. ^Thompson, James Matthew (1932).Leaders Of The French Revolution.Oxford: Basil Blackwell. p. 78.
  11. ^Thomas Lalevée, "National Pride and Republican grandezza: Brissot's New Language for International Politics in the French RevolutionArchived2017-05-17 at theWayback Machine",French History and Civilisation(Vol. 6), 2015, pp. 66–82.
  12. ^abBrace, Richard Munthe (April 1951). "General Dumouriez and the Girondins 1792–1793".The American Historical Review.56(3): 493–509.doi:10.2307/1848434.JSTOR1848434.
  13. ^Bill Edmonds, "'Federalism' and Urban Revolt in France in 1793",Journal of Modern History(1983) 55#1 pp. 22–53,
  14. ^Le Logographe, 27 juillet 1792; 1 aôut 1792; Gazette nationale ou le Moniteur universel, 2 août 1792
  15. ^Gazette nationale ou le Moniteur universel, 30 mai 1793, p. 3
  16. ^Davidson, Ian (25 August 2016).The French Revolution: From Enlightenment to Tyranny by Ian Davidson, p. viii.Profile Books.ISBN978-1-84765-936-1.Archivedfrom the original on 30 December 2023.Retrieved27 September2019.
  17. ^N. Hampson (1988) Prelude to Terror. The Constituent Assembly and the Failure of Consensus, 1789–1791, p. 113–114
  18. ^Hampson 1974,p. 114.
  19. ^Hardman, John (1999).Robespierre.Longman. pp. 56–57.ISBN978-0-582-43755-5.Archivedfrom the original on 7 November 2023.Retrieved15 August2019.
  20. ^Hampson 1974,p. 126.
  21. ^Linton, Marisa (2015) 'Come and dine': the dangers of conspicuous consumption in French revolutionary politics, 1789–95. European History Quarterly, 45(4), pp. 615–637. ISSN (print) 0265-6914
  22. ^"Mémoires de Charlotte Robespierre sur ses deux frères, p. 76"(PDF).Archivedfrom the original on 25 September 2019.Retrieved25 September2019.
  23. ^Phillips 1911,pp. 49–50.
  24. ^Alderson, p. 9.
  25. ^abcdefghiPhillips 1911,p. 50.
  26. ^Gabourd, Amédée (1859).Histoire de la révolution et de l'empire(in French). Vol. 3. Paris: Jacques Lecoffre et Cie. pp. 10–12.
  27. ^Jack Fruchtman Jr. (1996).Thomas Paine: Apostle of Freedom.Basic Books. p. 303.ISBN978-1568580630.[permanent dead link]
  28. ^Oliver, pp. 55–56.
  29. ^"Mocavo and Findmypast are coming together | findmypast".findmypast.
  30. ^Linton, pp. 174–175.
  31. ^D.M.G. Sutherland,France 1789–1815. Revolution and Counter-Revolution(2nd ed. 2003) ch. 5.
  32. ^Schama, ch. 18.
  33. ^Schama, pp. 803–805.
  34. ^Oliver, pp. 83–89.
  35. ^Domingo Faustino Sarmiento (2005).Recollections of a Provincial Past.Oxford UP. p. 274.ISBN978-0195113693.
  36. ^Lesley H. Walker, "Sweet and Consoling Virtue: The Memoirs of Madame Roland",Eighteenth-Century Studies(2001) 34#3 pp 403–419
  37. ^"Monument élevé à la mémoire des Girondins".POP: la plateforme ouverte du patrimoine, Ministère de la Culture.
  38. ^Doyle 2013,pp. 37–38.
  39. ^Fremont-Barnes 2007,pp. 307–309.
  40. ^Fremont-Barnes 2007,p. 307.
  41. ^Schama, Simon(1989).Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution.New York: Alfred A. Knopf. p. 719.ISBN0-394-55948-7.
  42. ^Guadet, J (1889).Les Girondins; leur vie privée, leur vie publique, leur proscription et leur mort.Paris: Perrin et Cie. p. 30.
  43. ^Israel, Jonathan (2014).Revolutionary Ideas: An Intellectual History of the French Revolution from The Rights of Man to Robespierre.Princeton University Press. p. 222.
  44. ^Luca Einaudi (September 2015)."The Early Symbols of Political Parties During the French revolution".Joint Centre for History and Economics, Magdalene College and King's College.University of Cambridge.
  45. ^Reilly, Benjamin. "Polling the Opinions: A Reexamination of Mountain, Plain, and Gironde in the National Convention". Social Science History, vol. 28, no. 1, 2004, pp. 53–73.doi:10.2307/40267833.Accessed 7 Dec. 2020.
  46. ^Jonathan Israel (2015).Revolutionary Ideas: An Intellectual History of the French Revolution from The Rights of Man to Robespierre.[ISBN missing]

General bibliography

[edit]

Attribution:

Further reading

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  • Brace, Richard Munthe. "General Dumouriez and the Girondins 1792–1793",American Historical Review(1951) 56#3 pp. 493–509.JSTOR1848434.
  • de Luna, Frederick A. "The 'Girondins' Were Girondins, After All",French Historical Studies(1988) 15: 506–518.JSTOR286372.
  • DiPadova, Theodore A. "The Girondins and the Question of Revolutionary Government",French Historical Studies(1976) 9#3 pp. 432–450JSTOR286230.
  • Ellery, Eloise.Brissot De Warville: A Study in the History of the French Revolution(1915)excerpt and text search.
  • François Furet and Mona Ozouf. eds.La Gironde et les Girondins.Paris: éditions Payot, 1991.
  • Higonnet, Patrice. "The Social and Cultural Antecedents of Revolutionary Discontinuity: Montagnards and Girondins",English Historical Review(1985): 100#396 pp. 513–544JSTOR568234.
  • Thomas Lalevée, "National Pride and Republican grandezza: Brissot's New Language for International Politics in the French Revolution",French History and Civilisation(Vol. 6), 2015, pp. 66–82.
  • Lamartine, Alphonse de.History of the Girondists, Volume I: Personal Memoirs of the Patriots of the French Revolution(1847)online free in Kindle edition;Volume 1,Volume 2,Volume 3.
  • Lewis-Beck, Michael S., Anne Hildreth, and Alan B. Spitzer. "Was There a Girondist Faction in the National Convention, 1792–1793?"French Historical Studies(1988) 11#4 pp.: 519–536.JSTOR286373.
  • Linton, Marisa,Choosing Terror: Virtue, Friendship and Authenticity in the French Revolution(Oxford University Press, 2013).
  • Loomis, Stanley,Paris in the Terror.(1964).
  • Patrick, Alison. "Political Divisions in the French National Convention, 1792–93".Journal of Modern History(Dec. 1969) 41#4, pp. 422–474.JSTOR1878003;rejects Sydenham's argument & says Girondins were a real faction.
  • Patrick, Alison.The Men of the First French Republic: Political Alignments in the National Convention of 1792(1972), comprehensive study of the group's role.
  • Scott, Samuel F., and Barry Rothaus.Historical Dictionary of the French Revolution 1789–1799(1985) Vol. 1 pp. 433–436onlineArchived2020-05-05 at theWayback Machine.
  • Sutherland, D. M. G.France 1789–1815: Revolution and Counter-Revolution(2nd ed., 2003) ch. 5.[ISBN missing]
  • Sydenham, Michael J. "The Montagnards and Their Opponents: Some Considerations on a Recent Reassessment of the Conflicts in the French National Convention, 1792–93",Journal of Modern History(1971) 43#2 pp. 287–293JSTOR1876547;argues that the Girondins faction was mostly a myth created by Jacobins.
  • Whaley, Leigh Ann.Radicals: Politics and Republicanism in the French Revolution.Gloucestershire, England: Sutton Publishing, 2000.[ISBN missing]
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