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Hadith studies

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Hadith studiesis the academic study ofhadith(i.e. what most Muslims believe to be a record of the words, actions, and the silent approval of the Islamic prophetMuhammadas transmitted through chains of narrators).[1]While Muslim religious scholars had developed a practice aimed towards parsing between reports about Muhammad to determine which ones are authentic (and therefore legally and ethically actionable) and inauthentic, known in tradition as thehadith sciences,academics have begun to approach hadith from a secular point of view which did not assume any legitimate hadith had been successfully passed down. At least one major complaint that Western scholars had with the traditionalhadith scienceswas that it was almost entirely focused on scrutinizing the chain of transmittors (isnad) rather than the actual contents of the hadith (matn), and that scrutiny ofisnadalone cannot determine the authenticity of a hadith.[2]The most advanced method in modern hadith studies that seeks to trace the origins and developmental stages of hadith traditions across time,isnad-cum-matnanalysis(ICMA), relies on the ability to correlate information from both the content and chain across multiple versions of a report recorded across multiple collections.[3]

For much of the twentieth century, hadith studies has been occupied by the question of "authenticity", namely whether a hadith tradition represents a reliable historical account or if it originated later (and if it originated later, when, by whom, in what circumstances, etc.). More recently, the scope of the field has broadened to also address questions such as what role hadith played in the intellectual and social histories ofMuslim societies.[4]

Emergence of hadith

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Hadith and Sunnah

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The earliest schools and scholars of Islamic law—starting around a century and a half after the death of Muhammad—did not all agree on the importance of Prophetic sunnah and its basis, the basis for which was the group of hadith ultimately attributed to Muhammad and hisfollowers.Opinion ranged from prophetic hadith being one source of law among others (such as caliphal tradition or reports going back to Muhammad's followers), as was held by theahl al-raʿy[5]to outright rejection of hadith on the basis of their potentially tenuous historicity, as was held by theahl al-kalām(referred to by some as "speculative theologians" ).[6]

Hadith canonization

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A sizable shift in practice in favor of the tradition of prophetic hadith and its basis for Islamic law (fiqh) came withal-Shāfiʿī(767–820 CE), founder of theShafi'i schoolof law.[7]According to this school of thought, prophetic hadith override all other hadith.[8][9]It is unlikely that consensus yet existed for this view at this time as Shafi'i would come to spend great effort on establishing and promulgating his views over other ones.[10]For those who criticized the reliability of hadith on the basis of their long phase of oral transmission,[11]al-Shafi'i responded by arguing that God's wish for people to follow Muhammad's example would result in God ensuring the preservation of the tradition.[12]Sunnah became a source of divine revelation (wahy) and the basis of classical Islamic law (Sharia), especially in consideration of the brevity dedicated to the subject of law in the Quran[13](which, for example, does not comment in detail on ritual likeGhuslorWudu,[14]orsalat,the correct forms of salutations,[15]and the importance of benevolence to slaves.[16]) Al Shafi'is advocacy played a decisive role in elevating the status of hadith[17][18]although some skepticism along that of earlier lines would continue.[19]

Hadith authentication and collection

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Once (authentic) hadith had attained their elevated status among the group inspired by al-Shafi'i who sought to establish Islamic practice on the basis of theSunnah(Muhammad's deeds and sayings), the focus shifted amongst advocates of this group (who were called theahl al-sunnah,or the "People of the Sunnah" ) to delineating between reliable or "sound" (ṣaḥīḥ) with unreliable hadith. The field that arose to meet this need came to be known as the hadith sciences (ʻilm al-ḥadīth), and this practice had entered into a mature stage by the 3rd century of Islam.[20][21][Note 1]The hadith sciences helped undergird the triumph of Al-Shafi'is prioritization of prophetic hadith[22]which became the primary sources of Islamic law and also became "ideological" tools[23][24]in political/theological conflicts.[11]

A challenge the hadith sciences had to confront was the massive scale of hadith forgery,[25][Note 2]withMuhammad al-Bukhariclaiming that only ~7,400 narrations of 600,000 he investigated met his criteria for inclusion.[28]Even among those 7,400, a large fraction were variants of the same report, but with a different chain of transmitters (isnad).[28][Note 3]The criteria for establishing the authenticity (sihha) of hadith came down to corroboration of the same report but from different transmitters,[29]assessing the reliability and character of the transmitters listed in the chain[30](although Muhammad's companions, thesahaba,were excluded from this as their association with Muhammad immediately guaranteed their character and competence[31]), and the lack of gaps in the chain.[30]By implication, defects in hadith might assumed to be associated with the lack of character (ʿadāla) or competence (ḍābiṯ) of its transmitters.[32]It was also thought that such faulty transmitters could be identified[32]and that the isnad was a direct reflection of the history of transmission of a tradition.[32]Evaluation rarely looked at the content (matn) of a narration as opposed to its isnad.[Note 4]Ultimately, evaluations of hadith remained haphazard between authors until the practice of the hadith sciences was standardized byIbn al-Salahin the 13th century. It is through the lenses of this framework, supplemented by some additional work fromAl-Dhahabiin the 14th century andIbn Hajar al-Asqalaniin the 15th century, that Muslim scholars since understood the discipline.[34]

The first collections to be accepted as authoritative among Sunnis by the tenth century CE were theSahihayn,referring toSahih al-BukhariandSahih Muslim.Even as the set of canonical texts grew, the Sahihayn remained the core of the canon, with Sahih al-Bukhari typically being viewed as the most pre-eminent of the two. The tenth century CE also saw the inclusion of another two collections to form a Four-Book canon, including theSunan Abi DawudandSunan al-Nasa'i.This grew into a Five-Book canon in the twelfth century, whenSunan al-Tirmidhiwas added. In the same century, the modern Six-Book canon, known as theKutub al-Sittah,emerged. Depending on the list, the sixth canonical book was theSunan ibn Majah,the Sunan ofAl-Daraqutni,or theMuwattaofMalik ibn Anas.[35]

Reliability of hadith

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Overview

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In general, historians have cast doubt on the historicity and reliability of hadith for several reasons, including that thehadith sciences.The following problems have been identified in hadith science methodology:[36]

  1. Arose long after hadith and isnads had originated and become widespread
  2. Often relied on vague or unspecified argumentation and criteria
  3. Produced a highly contradictory collection of texts
  4. Authenticated many hadith containing anachronism or manifestly false content
  5. Involves circular reasoning
  6. Often relied on intuition
  7. Involved motivated reasoning that, in turn, produced "a consequent denial of, disregard for, or even obfuscation of inexpedient evidence".

Lateness of prophetic attribution

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Also throwing doubt on the doctrine that common use of hadith of Muhammad goes back to the generations immediately following the death of the prophet is historianRobert G. Hoyland,who quotes acolytes of two of the earliest Islamic scholars:

  • "I spent a year sitting withAbdullah ibn Umar(d.693, son of the second Caliph, who is said to be the second most prolific narrator ofahadith,with a total of 2,630 narrations)[37]and I did not hear him transmit anything from the prophet ";[38][39]
  • "I never heardJabir ibn Zayd(d. ca. 720) say 'the prophet said...' and yet the young men round here are saying it twenty times an hour ".[40][39]

HistorianRobert G. Hoyland,states during Umayyad times only the central government was allowed to make laws, religious scholars began to challenge this by claiming they had been transmitted hadith by the Prophet. Al-Sha'bi, a narrator of hadith, when hearing of this, criticizes people who just go around narrating many prophetic hadiths without care by saying he never heard from Umar I's son ‘Abdallah any hadith from the Prophet except just one.[41][39]Hoyland vindicates Islamic sources as accurately representative of Islamic history.[42]Gregor Schoelerwrites:

"He [Hoyland] shows that they [non-Islamic sources] are hardly suitable to support an alternative account of early Islamic history; on the contrary, they frequently agree with Islamic sources and supplement them.[43]"

The creation of politically convenient hadith proliferated. Even in the present day, and in the buildup to the firstGulf War,a "tradition" was published in the Palestinian daily newspaperAl-Naharon December 15, 1990, reading: "and described as `currently in wide circulation`", and it quotes the Prophet as predicting that "the Greeks and Franks will join with Egypt in the desert against a man named Sadim, and not one of them will return".[44][45][Note 5]

Isnads

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Reza Aslanquotes Schacht's maxim: `the more perfect the isnad, the later the tradition`, which he (Aslan) calls "whimsical but accurate".[46]

Isnads are thought to have entered usage three-quarters of a century after Muhammad's death, before which hadith were transmitted haphazardly and anonymously. Once they began to be used, the names of authorities, popular figures, and sometimes even fictitious figures would be supplied.[47][48]Over time, isnads would be polished to meet stricter standards.[49]Additional concerns are raised by the substantial percentages of hadith that traditional critics are reported to have dismissed and difficulties in parsing out historical hadith from the vast pool of ahistorical ones.[50][51]This perspective casts doubt on traditional methods of hadith verification, given their presupposition that the isnad of a report offers a sufficiently accurate history of its transmission to be able to verify or nullify it[52][53]and the prioritization of isnads over other criteria like the presence of anachronisms in a hadith which might have an isnad that passes traditional standards of verification.[54]

Biographical evaluation

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Another criticism of isnads was of the efficacy of the traditional Hadith studies field known as biographical evaluations (ʿilm al-rijāl)—evaluating the moral and mental capacity of transmitters/narrators.John Wansbroughargues that the isnads are should not be accepted, because of their "internal contradiction, anonymity, and arbitrary nature":[55]specifically the lack ofanyinformation about many of the transmitters of the hadith other than found in these biographical evaluations, thus putting into question whether they are "pseudohistorical projections", i.e. names made up by later transmitters.[56][55]

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Common-link theory is an approach in hadith studies which seeks to identify the origins or earlier versions of hadith by comparing reports that have the same content (matn) but have different chains of transmission (isnads). If the chains of transmission converge on a single figure, then that figure may be taken as the original collector of fabricator of the tradition, depending on one's approach or conclusion. Common-link theory originated in the works ofJoseph SchachtandG.H.A. Juynboll.In his 1950 bookThe Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence,Schact introduced the concept of the "Common Link" (CL) to refer to the earliest point at which multiple chains of transmission (isnads) intersect. For Schact, the CL was equivalent to the point of origins of the tradition.[57]Later,G.H.A. Juynbollwould elaborate on and systematize earlier earlier applications of common-link theory.[58]Importantly, he introduced the notion of a Partial Common Link (PCL), which represents points of convergence of multiple isnads taking place among transmitters located after the common link themselves. In other words, a group of traditions may converge at one transmitter, and that transmitters version of a tradition may converge among yet other versions at what is ultimately the common link. While Schact believed that the common link was a legitimate purveyor of the tradition in question, Juynboll introduced the idea of a "seeming" CL or PCL, meaning that while several isnads may converge at a particular common link, the common link themselves may be artificial. In reality, several isnads may have been fabricated and, in this case, a particular transmitter only turns up as a common link because several later figures falsely attributed the same tradition back to them. It is up to the investigator to determine if a CL or PCL is authentic, and Juynboll argued that the historical plausibility of a common-link is raised the more PCLs converge on it. Another term Juynboll introduced into common-link theory was a "spider"; this refers to single strands of transmission that completely bypass the CL of many other versions of a report in finding their way to the original figure believed to have conveyed the tradition. Juynboll sees such "spiders" as fabricated isnads. Juynboll referred to attempts to create isnads bypassing the CL or PCL as "dives".[59]

Direct forerunners to the ICMA approach, involving the combined study of the isnad and matn, included Jan Kramers' 1953 article "Une tradition à tendance manichéenne"[60]and Josef van Ess in his 1975 volumeZwischen Ḥadīṯ und Theologie.[61]The formal development of ICMA would only come with the work ofHarald Motzki,Gregor Schoeler,andAndreas Görkein the 1990s.[58]

Isnad-cum-matnanalysis

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In the 1990s, hadith historians developed a method known asisnad-cum-matnanalysis(ICMA) as an alternative approach compared with traditional hadith sciences towards identifying the origins and developmental stages of hadith traditions.[3]ICMA was invented twice independently in two publications that came out in 1996,[62]one by Harald Motzki[63][64]and the other by Schoeler.[65]The primary advocate of ICMA in the initial stages of the development and application of the method was Motkzi; Motzki believed that the oral transmission of hadith would result in a progressive divergence of multiple versions of the same original report along different lines of transmitters. By comparing them to pinpoint shared wording, motifs and plots, the original version of a hadith that existed prior to the accrual of variants among different transmitters may be reconstructed. In addition, Motzki believed that a comparative study of the differences between reports could enable the identification of particular manipulations and other alterations.[66][67]Put another way, ICMA seeks to date and trace the evolution ofhadithby identifying how variation in the text or content (matn) of a hadith correlates with the variation in the listed chain of transmitters (isnād) across multiple versions of the same report.[3]

History of the field

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Ignác Goldziher

Modern academic study of hadith began withIgnác Goldziher(1850–1921), especially in the second volume of his workMuslim Studies(1890), andJoseph Schacht(1902–1969), in hisOrigins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence(1950).[68][Note 6]The general sentiment has been that hadith do not constitute a reliable corpus of sources that go back to the historical Muhammad.[70]This includes the body of legal hadith, which was hard to trace back to a time before the end of the first century after the death of Muhammad.[71]According to Wael B. Hallaq, as of 1999 scholarly attitude in the West towards the authenticity of hadith has taken three approaches:

since Schacht published his monumental work in 1950, scholarly discourse on this matter (i.e., the issue of authenticity) has proliferated. Three camps of scholars may be identified: one attempting to reconfirm his conclusions, and at times going beyond them; another endeavoring to refute them and a third seeking to create a middle, perhaps synthesized, position between the two. Among others, John Wansbrough, and Michael Cook belong to the first camp, while Nabia Abbott, F. Sezgin, M. Azami, Gregor Schoeler and Johann Fück belong to the second. Motzki, D. Santillana, G.H. Juynboll, Fazlur Rahman and James Robson take the middle position.[72]

These figures believed that forgery began very early and such forged material went on to contaminate what would be collected into the authentic group of hadith,[Note 7]with only a small number of hadith actually originated with Muhammad or his followers.[Note 8]In hisMuslim Studies,Goldziher states: "it is not surprising that, among the hotly debated controversial issues of Islam, whether political or doctrinal, there is not one in which the champions of the various views are unable to cite a number of traditions, all equipped with imposingisnads".[75]

Reception of the field

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Traditionalist response

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Against critics claims that oral transmission of hadith for generations allowed corruption to occur, conservatives argue that it is not oral transmission that is unreliable but written transmission. In fact oral transmission was "superior to isolated written documents" which had "little value" unless "attested by living witnesses". In contrast, the reliability of oral transmission was "assured by the remarkable memories of the Arabs".[76]

Orthodox Muslims do not deny the existence of falsehadith,but believe that through the work of hadith scholars, these falsehadithhave been largely eliminated.[77]Al-Shafi'ihimself, the founder of the proposition that "sunna" should be made up exclusively of specific precedents set by Muhammad passed down as hadith, argued that "having commanded believers to obey the Prophet" (citing Quran 33: 21),[78]"God must certainly have provided the means to do so."[12]

Academics in Turkey

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Academic hadith studies in modern times is usually viewed unfavorably amongst scholars with more traditional inclinations or Muslim scholars operating out of madrasas. InTurkey,the first favorable reference to Western scholarship on hadith came fromZakir Kadiri Ugan(d. 1954), titled ‘Dinî ve Gayri Dinî Rivayetler’ (‘Religious and Non-Religious Narrations’), published in the Turkish journalDârülfünûn İlâhiyat Fakültesi Mecmuasıwhich operated from 1925 to 1933. This paper also represented the only significant academic work on hadith from Turkey in its time. Ugan criticized the lack of analysis of the content (matn) of hadith in traditional work, and criticized the doctrine of the 'collective probity of the Companions' (taʿdīl al-ṣaḥābah) as leading to an undue acceptance of the reliability of Muhammad's followers.[79]

Academic hadith work would be continued later byMuhammed Tayyib Okiç(d. 1977), who also established the tafsir and hadith faculties atAnkara University.Okiç did not believe that Western criticism was absolutely impartial, but he did believe that there were some who were moderate and unbiased.Henri Lammenswas biased but, for Okiç,Ignaz Goldziher,was objective. He encouraging his students to familiarize themselves with Western work and the languages. One of his students, Talât Koçyiğit, went on to translate four papers by James Robson (d. 1981) into Turkish and critiqued Goldziher in one article. Koçyiğit also believed that some critics were impartial but took a dimmer view of Goldziher.

Okiç’s other student, Mehmed Said Hatiboğlu, followed Goldziher's conclusions and had limited qualms with the majority of hadith academics. Hatiboğlu influenced later modernist scholars who went on to establish the journalİslamiyat(1998–2007) and two publishing houses. In the second half of the 20th century, the Faculty of Theology at Ankara trained a generation of scholars that engaged with and in Western hadith studies. Works byWellhausen,Goldziher,Schacht,andMontgomery Wattwere translated into Turkish.[80]The number of theology faculties grew and, by 2017, there were 81 accepting students. This sizable growth concurrently led to a sizable growth of students in academic hadith and Islamic studies. Considerable translation of Western works occurred in turn, with several theses beginning to appear on the phenomena of Western academic studies, and a broader engagement with Western work in general.[81]

Today, the main camps can be divided into "Istanbul-based traditionalists; Ankara-based modernists; and finallyKur’ancılar(Ahl al-Qurʾān) "where the primary points of contention are theSunnah(and its relevance to modern times) and the authenticity of hadith. The primary issue voiced by traditionalists is that rejections of the authority of the historicity of hadith will cause future generations to abandon the Sunnah; modernists rebut that this concern stems from a misunderstanding of the mission of Muhammad leading to an acceptance of statements attributed to him that could not be true.[82]

References

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Notes

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  1. ^The last compiler of the six SunniKutub al-Sittahto die, al-Nasa'i, passed on in 303 AH, 915 CE; some of the classical the ShiaThe Four Bookswere compiled later; Al-Shafiʿi had died in the middle of the second century
  2. ^According to Ibn Rawandi, "the danger inherent in this criticism is that it leads Muslims who accept it to the fatally dangerous conclusion that the body of Hadith is not the sayings of the Prophet and therefore does not carry his authority:[26][quoting Hossein Nasr] 'In this way one of the foundations of divine law and a vital source of guidance for the spiritual life is destroyed. It is as if the whole foundation were pulled from underneath the structure of Islam' ".[27]
  3. ^(Experts, in general, have estimated the number of full-isnadnarration at 7,397; eliminating those hadith with the same or only slightly different content, but with different chains of narrators, reduces the number to approximately 2,602.)[28]
  4. ^although examining the content of the hadith (matn) was "not entirely unknown".[33]
  5. ^David Cook notes the "tradition was" not the only one that appeared around the time of the Gulf War. He translates the story:

    "Believing tongues these days are passing around an unknown tradition, whether it proceeded from the great Messenger [Muhammad] or not. An examination of [whether] the source is trustworthy and the transmitters reliable has occurred, and until now a large number of religious authorities have refused to confirm or deny the reliability of this tradition, [that it] came from the Messenger [of God] Muhammad. The tradition says: ‘The Messenger of God said:" The Banu al-Asfar [white people], the Byzantines and the Franks [Christian groups] will gather together in the wasteland with Egypt[ians] against a man whose name is Sadim [i.e., Saddam]-- none of them will return. They said: When, O Messenger of God? He said: Between the months of Jumada and Rajab [mid-November to mid- February], and you see an amazing thing come of it ".’"

    The hadith is "unknown" and of course turned out to be very untrue, but uses terms "Byzantines" and "Frank" used in early Islam. The date given—December 15, 1990—was after the anti-Sadam Hussein"coalition" forces had mobilized but before the war had been fought.)
  6. ^Earlier European scholars who expressed skepticism of the hadith system wereAloys Sprenger(1813-1893) andWilliam Muir(1819-1905)[69]
  7. ^"In truth theHadithmust be regarded with marked scepticism, so far as it is used as a source for the life of Mohammed. The forgery or invention of traditions began very early. The Companions were not always too scrupulous to clothe their own opinions in the form of anecdotes... These natural tendencies were magnified by the party spirit which early became rife in Islam. Each party counted among its adherents immediate followers of Mohammed. Each was anxious to justify itself by an appeal to his words and deeds. It is only the natural result that traditions with a notoriously party bias were circulated at an early day. A traditionist of the first rank admits that pious men were inclined to no sort of fraud so much as to the invention of traditions... From our point of view, therefore, many traditions, even if well authenticated to external appearance, bear internal evidence of forgery. "[73]
  8. ^"... European critics hold that only a very small part of the ḥadith can be regarded as an actual record of Islam during the time of Mohammed and his immediate followers. It is rather a succession of testimonies, often self contradictory, as to the aims, currents of thought, opinions, and decisions which came into existence during the first two centuries of the growth of Islam. In order to give them greater authority they are referred to the prophet and his companions. The study of the ḥadith is consequently of the greater importance because it discloses the successive stages and controlling ideas in the growth of the religious system of Islam."[74]

Citations

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  1. ^An Introduction to the Science of Hadith,translated by Eerik Dickinson, from the translator's introduction, p.xiii,Garnet publishing, Reading, U.K., first edition, 2006.
  2. ^N.J. Coulson, "European Criticism of Hadith Literature, inCambridge History of Arabic Literature: Arabic Literature to the End of the Umayyad Period,editor A.F.L. Beeston et al. (Cambridge, 1983) "[the authentication of hadith] was confined to a careful examination of the chain of transmitters who narrated the report and not report itself. 'Provided the chain was uninterrupted and its individual links deemed trustworthy persons, the Hadith was accepted as binding law. There could, by the terms of the religious faith itself, be no questioning of the content of the report; for this was the substance of divine revelation and therefore not susceptible to any form of legal or historical criticism"
  3. ^abcMotzki 2000,p. 174.
  4. ^Gharaibeh 2023.
  5. ^Schacht 1950,p. 4.
  6. ^Brown 1999,p. 13–14.
  7. ^Schacht 1950,p. 1.
  8. ^Schacht 1950,p. 12.
  9. ^Shafi'i. "Introduction. Kitab Ikhtilaf Malid wal-Shafi'i".Kitab al-Umm vol. vii.
  10. ^Schacht 1950,p. 11.
  11. ^abBrown 1999,p. 98.
  12. ^abBrown 1999,p. 15.
  13. ^Brown 2014,p. 18.
  14. ^An-Nawawi,Riyadh As-Salihin,1975:p.203
  15. ^An-Nawawi,Riyadh As-Salihin,1975:p.168
  16. ^An-Nawawi,Riyadh As-Salihin,1975:p.229
  17. ^Juynboll 1987,p. 108.
  18. ^Brown 1999,p. 10.
  19. ^Brown 1999,p. 51.
  20. ^Brown 1999,p. 83.
  21. ^Brown 1999,p. 94.
  22. ^Brown 1999,p. 18.
  23. ^Schacht 1950,p. 152.
  24. ^Lewis, Bernard (2011).The End of Modern History in the Middle East.Hoover Institution Press. pp. 79–80.ISBN9780817912963.Retrieved28 March2018.
  25. ^Brown 1999,p. 93.
  26. ^Ibn Rawandi, "Origins of Islam", 2000[broken anchor]:p.115
  27. ^Nasr, Seyed Hossein,Ideals and Realities of Islam,London, 1966 Translation of Tabatabai, "Shi'ite Islam". p.82
  28. ^abcA.C. Brown, Jonathan(2009).Hadith: Muhammad's Legacy in the Medieval and Modern World(Foundations of Islam series).Oneworld Publications.p. 32.ISBN978-1851686636.
  29. ^Brown 1999,p. 110.
  30. ^abBrown 1999,p. 82, 110.
  31. ^Brown 1999,p. 82.
  32. ^abcBrown 1999,p. 95.
  33. ^Brown 1999,p. 36.
  34. ^Abdul-Jabbar 2020,p. 16.
  35. ^Brown 2007,p. 8–9.
  36. ^Little 2024,p. 163.
  37. ^Siddiqi, M. Z. (1961, 2006).Hadith Literature: Its Origin, Development, Special Features and Criticism.Kuala Lumpur: Islamic Book Trust. p.27
  38. ^Ibn Sa'd (d.845),Tabaqat,ed. E. Sachau (Leiden, 1904-1940), 4.1.106, citing al-Sha'bi ('Abdullah)
  39. ^abcHoyland,In God's Path,2015:p.137
  40. ^Fasawi (d.890),Kitab al-Ma'rifa wa-l-ta'rikh,ed.A.D. al'Umari (Beirut, 1981), 2.15 (Jabir ibn Zayd)
  41. ^Fatḥ al-Bārī fī Sharḥ Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī 12/256 (This is commentary on the Sunni hadith collection Sahih al-Bukhari, composed by Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani)
  42. ^G., Hoyland, Robert (2007).Seeing Islam as others saw it: a survey and evaluation of Christian, Jewish and Zoroastrian writings on early Islam.Darwin Press. p. 549.ISBN978-0-87850-125-0.OCLC255049843.{{cite book}}:CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  43. ^Schoeler, Gregor (2014).The biography of Muh̥ammad: nature and authenticity.Uwe Vagelpohl, James E. Montgomery. London: Routledge. pp. 13–15.ISBN978-1-138-78886-2.OCLC869264021.
  44. ^Lewis, Bernard (2011).The End of Modern History in the Middle East.Hoover Institution Press. pp. 79–80.ISBN9780817912963.Retrieved28 March2018.
  45. ^Cook, David."AMERICA, THE SECOND 'AD: PROPHECIES ABOUT THE DOWNFALL OF THE UNITED STATES".mille.org.Archived fromthe originalon 6 March 2017.Retrieved31 March2018.
  46. ^No GodBut God: The Origins, Evolution, and Future of Islamby Reza Aslan, (Random House, 2005) p.163
  47. ^Juynboll, Muslim Tradition, p.72-73
  48. ^Ibn Rawandi, "Origins of Islam", 2000[broken anchor]:p.118
  49. ^Patricia Crone,Roman, Provincial and Islamic Law(1987/2002 paperback), pp. 23–34, paperback edition
  50. ^Crone, P.,Roman, Provincial, and Islamic Law,p.33
  51. ^Ibn Rawandi, "Origins of Islam", 2000[broken anchor]:p.119-120
  52. ^Schacht 1950,p. 163.
  53. ^Schacht 1950,p. 162–175.
  54. ^Goldziher, I.,Muslim Studies,v.2, London, 1966, 1971, pp.140-141, quoted inIbn Rawandi, "Origins of Islam", 2000[broken anchor]:p.117
  55. ^abNeva & Koren, "Methodological Approaches to Islamic Studies", 2000:p.430
  56. ^Wansbrough 1977,p. 40.
  57. ^Pavlovitch 2016,p. 23.
  58. ^abReinhart 2010.
  59. ^Pavlovitch 2016,p. 23–24, 27.
  60. ^Kramers 2004.
  61. ^Van Ess 1975.
  62. ^Kara 2024,p. 14.
  63. ^Gorke, Motzki & Schoeler 2012,p. 43.
  64. ^Motzki 1996.
  65. ^Schoeler 1996.
  66. ^Kara 2024,p. 14–15.
  67. ^Pavlovitch 2016,p. 25.
  68. ^ALSHEHRI, Mohammed Salem (2015)."Western Works and Views On Hadith: Beginnings, Nature, and Impact".Marmara Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi.46(46): 203.doi:10.15370/muifd.41804.ISSN1302-4973.S2CID29538660.
  69. ^D.W. Brown,Rethinking tradition in modern Islamic thought,1996[broken anchor]:p.84
  70. ^Hallaq 1999.
  71. ^Esposito, John (1998).Islam: The Straight Path.Oxford University Press. p. 67.ISBN0-19-511234-2.
  72. ^Hallaq 1999,p. 76.
  73. ^Smith, H. P.(1897). The Bible and Islam, or, the Influence of the Old and New Testaments on the Religion of Mohammed: Being the Ely Lectures for 1897 (pp. 32–33). New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.
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Bibliography

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