Hafrada
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Hafrada(Hebrew:הפרדה,lit. 'separation, disengagement')[1]is the policy of thegovernment of Israelto separate the Israeli population from the Palestinian population in theoccupiedPalestinian territories,[2][3]in both theWest Bankand theGaza Strip.[4][5][14]
Yitzhak Rabin,Israeli Prime Ministerfrom 1992-1995, was the first to advocate for the construction of a physical barrier between Israelis and Palestinians. Following the1995 Beit Lid suicide bombingthat killed 22 Israelis, Rabin stated that separation is necessary to protect the majority ofIsraeli JewsfromPalestinian terrorism.[15]Ehud Barak,Prime Minister from 1999 to 2001, stated that "good fences make good neighbors."[16]Since its first public introductions, the concept-turned-policy or paradigm has dominatedIsraelipolitical and cultural discourse and debate.[3][17][6]
The separation policy was maintained by successive Israeli governments, which constructed theIsrael-Gaza barrierand theIsraeli West Bank barrier(Geder Ha'hafrada,Hebrew for "separation fence" ).[6]In 2005, Israel carried out thedisengagement from Gaza,which included the evacuation of Israeli settlements and the IDF from the Gaza Strip. TheWest Bank closureshave also been cited as an example of the policy.[6][8][18]
Other names for hafrada when discussed in English include unilateral separation[6][19]or unilateral disengagement.[23]Aaron Kliemanhas distinguished between partition plans based on "hafrada", which he translated as "detachment"; and "hipardut", translated as "disengagement."[24]The Hebrew word Hafrada can imply both "separation" and "segregation."[25][17]Critics have linked the Hafrada policy toapartheid,[10]and others argue the word "hafrada" bears a "striking similarity" to the South African use of the term.[26]
In 2014,United Nations Special RapporteurRichard A. Falkused the term repeatedly in his "Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967".[27][28][29]
History
1990s
Yitzhak Rabinwas the first to propose the creation of a physical barrier between Israelis and Palestinians in 1992, and by 1994, construction on the first barrier – theGaza-Israel barrier– had begun. In January 1995, thePalestinian Islamic Jihadcarried out a doublesuicide bombingat theBeit Lid JunctionnearNetanya,killing 22 Israelis.Following the attack, Rabin specified the objectives behind the undertaking, stating that,
"This path must lead to a separation, though not according to the borders prior to 1967. We want to reach a separation between us and them. We do not want a majority of the Jewish residents of the state of Israel, 98% of whom live within the borders of sovereign Israel, including a united Jerusalem, to be subject to terrorism."[15]
The first Israeli politician to campaign successfully on a platform based explicitly on separation, under the slogan of "Us here. Them there," wasEhud Barak.[8][16]
In the U.S.-based journalPolicy Review,Eric Rozenman writes:
"Barak explained hafrada – separation – this way in 1998: 'We should separate ourselves from the Palestinians physically, following the recommendation of the American poetRobert Frost,who once wrote that good fences make good neighbors. Leave them behind [outside] the borders that will be agreed upon, and build Israel.' "[6][16]
The adoption by the Israeli government of a policy of separation is generally credited to the ideas and analysis ofDaniel Schueftanas expressed in his 1999 book,Korah Ha'hafrada: Yisrael Ve Harashut Ha'falestinitor "Disengagement: Israel and the Palestinian Entity".[6][30][31]An alternate translation for the title in English reads, "The Need for Separation: Israel and thePalestinian Authority."[32]In it, Schueftan reviews new and existing arguments underlying different separation stances, in order to make the case for separation from thePalestinians,beginning with those in theWest BankandGaza.Schueftan favours the "hard separation" stances of politicians likeYitzhak RabinandEhud Barak,while characterizing the stance of politicians likeShimon Peres,as "soft separation".[31]
After assuming office in 1999, Barak moved to "stimulate cabinet discussion of separation" by distributing copies ofHaifaUniversity Professor Dan Schueftan's manifesto,Disengagement,to his ministers.[6]The separation policy was subsequently adopted byIsrael's National Security Council,where Schueftan has also served as an advisor.[31]According to Gershon Baskin and Sharon Rosenberg, Schueftan's book appears to be "the working manual for theIDFand wide Israeli political circles "for the implementation and" unilateral construction of walls and fences. "[31]
2000s
TheSecond Intifada,a large Palestinian uprising against Israel, lasted from 2000 to 2005. This period was marked by intensive and numerous Palestinian suicide bombings, the majority of which were directed towards Israeli citizens. Between 2001 and 2005, these suicide bombs killed 491 Israeli citizens, turning civilian life into a battleground.[33][34][35][36][37]As a result, the Israeli government abandoned hopes for a diplomatic resolution to the conflict and embraced a strategy of unilateral disengagement.
In February 2001, Meir Indor, lieutenant colonel in theIsraeli Defense Forces,submitted that "hafrada(separation) – they are there and we are here "had become the" new ideology "and" new word for those who fantastize about peace. "[38]Indor aimed strong criticism towardAriel Sharon's proposed peace agreement put forward during the 2001 elections in which Sharon claimed he would provide "peace and security" by making "ahafradathe length and breadth of the land. "[38]Indor stated that in his opinion, "If it were possible to make ahafrada,it would have been done a long time ago. "He also noted that,"Binyamin Ben Eliezerhimself saidhafradais impossible to implement. "[38]In 2002, Rochelle Furstenberg of Hadassah Magazine reported that the concept of "unilateral disengagement" had been unknown to the public eight months previous, but that the notion had gained momentum.[20]
In 2002, the Ariel Sharon Government began work on theIsraeli West Bank barrierat theSeam Area.Israel has since maintained that the barrier is vital to keep Palestinian attackers out of Israeli cities.[39][40]The barrier has been described by Daniel Schueftan as constituting, "the physical part of the strategy," of unilateral separation. Schueftan has explained that: "It makes the strategy possible because you cannot say 'this is what I will incorporate and this is what I will exclude' without having a physical barrier that prevents movement between the two."[41]
In 2005, Israel carried out thedisengagement from Gaza(Hebrew:תוכנית ההתנתקות,romanized:Tokhnit HaHitnatkut,lit. 'disengagement plan'), aunilateraldismantling in 2005 of the 21Israeli settlements in the Gaza Stripand the evacuation of Israeli settlers and army from inside theGaza Strip.Prime MinisterAriel Sharonhad originally dubbed hisunilateraldisengagement plan – inHebrew,Tokhnit HaHitnatkut,orTokhnit HaHinatkut– the "separation plan" orTokhnit HaHafradabefore realizing that, "separation sounded bad, particularly in English, because it evoked apartheid."[22]The plan was put before the Israeli public in mid-December 2003.[41]Formally adopted by the Israeli government and enacted in August 2005, the unilateral disengagement plan resulted in the dismantlement of allsettlementsin theGaza Stripand four in the northernWest Bank.Schueftan has characterized Sharon's unilateral disengagement plan as only the first step in a "wider historical process."[42]
TellingThe Jerusalem Reportin 2005 that he could "even pin the dates on it," he suggested that in 2007 or 2008, there would be another major disengagement in theWest Bank;and that before 2015, Israel would unilaterally repartitionJerusalemalong lines of its own choosing. Schueftan argued that the "underlying feature" of disengagement is not that it will bring peace, but rather that it will prevent "perpetual terror".[42]
Implementation ofhafradacontinued under the government of Prime MinisterEhud Olmert.[8][11][19][43]
2010s
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Analysis and debate
In October 2000,Ha’aretzjournalistGideon Levycommented in theCourrier Internationalthat public support by an overwhelming majority for "hafrada"was an outgrowth of the averageIsraeli's indifference to the history and lot of the Palestinians – which he contrasted with Israel's demand that Palestinians study theHolocaustto understand Jewish motivations.[3]
InMapping Jewish Identities,published that same year (2000),Adi Ophirsubmitted that support for what he calls "the major element of theapartheidsystem – the so-called separation (hafrada) between Israelis and Palestinians, "among Zionists who speak in favor of human rights is attributable to internal contradictions inZionistideology.[44]
In 2002, a television broadcast ofThe McLaughlin Groupon the subject of Israel's separation policy opened with the words: "Jews call ithafrada,"separation", in Hebrew. Critics call it apartheid. The more technical neo-nomenclature is, quote, unquote, "unilateral disengagement." It's an idea that has gained ground in Israel. "[10]
According to Smith and Cordell, implementation of the Hafrada policy is considered to use cultural autonomy as an excuse for enforced segregation.[45]
Notable usage examples
By Israelis
- Eitan Harel, professor of biology atHebrew UniversityinJerusalem,toldLe Monde Diplomatiquein May 1996: "Our priorities have changed. The dream of a Greater Israel has been replaced by the reality of a small Israel. What matters to people is to live better here, and if you ask them what they wish for and wait for, the majority response is: hafrada, separation."[46][47]
- Esther Zandberg described an art exhibition entitled "Hafrada(Separation) "in a June 2005 edition ofHa'aretzas consisting of pictures of 12 separation sites photographed by Yair Barak, Orit Siman-Tov and Amit Grun that represent, "apartheid walls betweenCaesareaandJisr al-Zarkaand between Nir Zvi and the Arab neighborhood of Pardes Snir inLod;the architectural monstrosity of the Carmel Beach Towers in Haifa, which stick up like a raised fist opposite the distressed neighborhood of Neveh David; the threatening wall surrounding the luxury residential Holyland neighborhood inJerusalem;and several other sites. "[17]
- In a paper entitled "Nishul (Displacement): Israel's Form of Apartheid,"Jeff Halperof theIsraeli Committee Against House Demolitions,wrote that: "Hafrada (Apartheid in Afrikaans) is the official Hebrew term for Israel's vision and policy towards the Palestinians of the Occupied Territories – and, it could be argued (with qualifications), within Israel itself."[7]
By Palestinians
- Since 2003, ReverendNaim AteekofPalestinian ChristianEcumenicalLiberation TheologyCenter,Sabeel,based in Jerusalem has insisted on using the term hafrada to describe Israel's policies toward the Palestinians,[48]while noting its similarity in meaning to the wordapartheid.[49]
- In a 2006 discussion on the prospects for peaceful resolution to theIsraeli–Palestinian conflictsponsored by The Institute of Strategic and Development Studies,Mazin B. Qumsiyeh,a formerYaleprofessor and geneticist and advocate for aone-state solution,said: "Now, Israel today uses a new word. You probably have heard it mistranslated. In Hebrew it's called hafrada. Hafrada means literally segregation or separation. But in the worst Israeli propaganda machine atCNNand other news outlets, they use the word 'convergence'—you heard aboutOlmert'sconvergence. Convergence doesn't mean anything. What is convergence? It's not a translation of hafrada. Hafrada means segregation, separation; that's what it means. "[50]
By activists and advocacy organizations
- TheIsraeli West Bank BarrierorGeder Ha'hafradais known in some activist circles as theHafrada Wall.[51][52][53]
- In 2006, James Bowen wrote in an opinion editorial inHaaretzthat he and fellow activists from the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign see, "hafrada (separation) [a]s the Zionist form of apartheid" and argued that "Israel should be treated like the old South Africa."[13]
- In a 30 May 2006 media communique entitledSunday Herald's Linguistics Gymnastics,Honest ReportingUK addressed the use of the word hafrada bySunday Heraldeditor David Pratt. It stated that, "just a cursory glance at a Hebrew–English dictionary reveals that the term 'Hafrada' does not literally mean 'apartheid'. Also, as a concept, 'Hafrada' has certainly not entered the Israeli lexicon, but rather, the term 'Geder Hafrada' ('Separation Fence') referring to Israel's security barrier. Thus, Pratt deliberately and dishonestly claims that Israelis have begun to privately use their own term for" apartheid "while inaccurately stating that Israel's security barrier and the apartheid ideology are one and the same."[54]
By journalists
- On 26 May 2006, David Pratt, ScottishSunday HeraldForeign Editor wrote that: "Even among Israelis, the term 'Hafrada', 'separation or apartheid in Hebrew' has entered the mainstream lexicon, despite strident denials by the Jewish state that it is engaged in any such process."[54]
- In a January 2007 article entitled "Further footnotes on Zionism, Yoder and Boyarin," Alain Epp Weaver wrote that it was, "strategic demographic and territorial goals" that gave birth to "a policy of hafrada, Hebrew for separation."[8]
See also
- Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law
- Israel and apartheid
- Israeli disengagement from Gaza
- Law of Return
- Realignment plan
- Seam Zone
Bibliography
- Smith, David J.; Cordell, Karl (18 October 2013).Cultural Autonomy in Contemporary Europe.Routledge.ISBN978-1-317-96851-1.
References
- ^According to the Milon and Masada dictionaries, hafrada translates into English as "separation", "division", "disengagement", "severance", "disassociation" or "divorce".Milon: English Hebrew Dictionary
- ^Smith & Cordell 2013,p. 25: "The Hebrew term Hafrada is the official descriptor of the policy of the Israeli Government to separate the Palestinian population in the territories occupied by Israel from the Israeli population, by means such as the West Bank barrier and the unilateral disengagement from those territories. The barrier is thus sometimes called gader ha'hafrada (separation fence) in Hebrew. The term Hafrada has striking similarities with the term apanheid, as this term mean 'apartness' in Afrikaans and Hafrada is the closest Hebrew equivalent."
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- ^Alcalai, Reuben (1981).The Complete Hebrew-English Dictionary.Masada.
- ^Undoing and Redoing Corpus Planning,Michael G. Clyne, p.403, "In the Language of" us "and" them "we could have expected an undoing when an integrative policy of the two communities was introduced. Obviously the [Peace] Process moves in the opposite direction: separation. Actually, one of the most popular arguments use by the government to justify its policy is the" danger "(" the demographic bomb "," the Arab womb ") of a" bi-national state "if no separation is made: the Process is thus a measure taken to secure the Jewish majority. The term ‘separation’ ‘’hafrada’’ has become extremely popular during the Process referring to fences built around Palestinian autonomous enclaves, to roads pave in the Territories exclusively for Israelis to the decrease of the number of Palestinians employed in Israel or allowed to enter into it altogether. The stereotypes of the Palestinian society as backward" have not changed either. "
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- ^Beyond the Two-State Solution: A Jewish Political Essay,Yehouda Shenhav, "Israel's present separation policy – known in Israel as hafrada, a Hebrew Word which can mean both segregation and separation – is a natural continuation of the cultural-political position designed by the new nostalgia and of the demographic project, which constitutes the continuation of the war through other means."
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Suicide terror, lethal attacks indiscriminately carried out against civilians via self-immolation, attained prominence in the Palestinian repertoire beginning in March 2001. From that point until the end of 2005, at which point they virtually ceased, 57 suicide bombings were carried out, causing 491 civilian deaths, 73% of the total civilians killed by Palestinian resistance organizations and 50% of all Israeli fatalities during this period. While not the modal coercive tactic, suicide terror was the most efficient in terms of lethality, our basic measure of its efficacy.
- ^Brym, R. J.; Araj, B. (1 June 2006)."Suicide Bombing as Strategy and Interaction: The Case of the Second Intifada".Social Forces.84(4): 1969.doi:10.1353/sof.2006.0081.ISSN0037-7732.S2CID146180585.Archivedfrom the original on 27 June 2022.Retrieved5 April2022.
In the early years of the 21st century, Israel, the West Bank and Gaza became the region of the world with the highest frequency of - and the highest per capita death toll due to - suicide bombing.
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- ^Schachter, J. (2010).The End of the Second Intifada?Archived30 September 2021 at theWayback Machine.Strategic Assessment,13(3), 63-70. "This article attempts to identify the end of the second intifada by focusing on the incidence of suicide bombings, arguably the most important element of second intifada-related violence."
- ^Sela-Shayovitz, R. (2007). Suicide bombers in Israel: Their motivations, characteristics, and prior activity in terrorist organizations.International Journal of Conflict and Violence (IJCV),1(2), 163. "The period of the second Intifada significantly differs from other historical periods in Israeli history, because it has been characterized by intensive and numerous suicide attacks that have made civilian life into a battlefront."
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Fewer Israeli civilians died in Palestinian attacks in 2006 than in any year since the Palestinian uprising began in 2000. Palestinian militants killed 23 Israelis and foreign visitors in 2006, down from a high of 289 in 2002 during the height of the uprising. Most significant, successful suicide bombings in Israel nearly came to a halt. Last year, only two Palestinian suicide bombers managed to sneak into Israel for attacks that killed 11 people and wounded 30 others. Israel has gone nearly nine months without a suicide bombing inside its borders, the longest period without such an attack since 2000[...] An Israeli military spokeswoman said one major factor in that success had been Israel's controversial separation barrier, a still-growing 400-kilometre (250 mi) network of high-tech fencing, concrete walls and other obstacles that cuts through parts of the West Bank. 'The security fence was put up to stop terror, and that's what it's doing,' said Capt. Noa Meir, a spokeswoman for the Israel Defense Forces. [...] Opponents of the barrier grudgingly acknowledge that it's been effective in stopping bombers, though they complain that its route should have followed the border between Israel and the Palestinian territories known as the Green Line. [...] IDF spokeswoman Meir said Israeli military operations that disrupted militants planning attacks from the West Bank also deserved credit for the drop in Israeli fatalities.
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- ^Smith & Cordell 2013,p. 18.
- ^Original French reads: "Nos priorités ont changé. Au rêve du Grand Israël a succédé la réalité du petit Israël. Ce qui compte pour les gens, c’est de vivre mieux, ici. D’ailleurs, demandez-leur ce qu’ils souhaitent, surtout après les attentats. La réponse majoritaire, c’est: hafrada la séparation."
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