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Hafrada

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Further information:Israeli apartheid

Hafrada(Hebrew:הפרדה,lit. 'separation, disengagement')[1]is the policy of thegovernment of Israelto separate the Israeli population from the Palestinian population in theoccupiedPalestinian territories,[2][3]in both theWest Bankand theGaza Strip.[4][5][14]

Yitzhak Rabin,Israeli Prime Ministerfrom 1992-1995, was the first to advocate for the construction of a physical barrier between Israelis and Palestinians. Following the1995 Beit Lid suicide bombingthat killed 22 Israelis, Rabin stated that separation is necessary to protect the majority ofIsraeli JewsfromPalestinian terrorism.[15]Ehud Barak,Prime Minister from 1999 to 2001, stated that "good fences make good neighbors."[16]Since its first public introductions, the concept-turned-policy or paradigm has dominatedIsraelipolitical and cultural discourse and debate.[3][17][6]

The separation policy was maintained by successive Israeli governments, which constructed theIsrael-Gaza barrierand theIsraeli West Bank barrier(Geder Ha'hafrada,Hebrew for "separation fence" ).[6]In 2005, Israel carried out thedisengagement from Gaza,which included the evacuation of Israeli settlements and the IDF from the Gaza Strip. TheWest Bank closureshave also been cited as an example of the policy.[6][8][18]

Other names for hafrada when discussed in English include unilateral separation[6][19]or unilateral disengagement.[23]Aaron Kliemanhas distinguished between partition plans based on "hafrada", which he translated as "detachment"; and "hipardut", translated as "disengagement."[24]The Hebrew word Hafrada can imply both "separation" and "segregation."[25][17]Critics have linked the Hafrada policy toapartheid,[10]and others argue the word "hafrada" bears a "striking similarity" to the South African use of the term.[26]

In 2014,United Nations Special RapporteurRichard A. Falkused the term repeatedly in his "Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967".[27][28][29]

History

1990s

Main articles:Palestinian political violenceandGaza–Israel barrier

Yitzhak Rabinwas the first to propose the creation of a physical barrier between Israelis and Palestinians in 1992, and by 1994, construction on the first barrier – theGaza-Israel barrier– had begun. In January 1995, thePalestinian Islamic Jihadcarried out a doublesuicide bombingat theBeit Lid JunctionnearNetanya,killing 22 Israelis.Following the attack, Rabin specified the objectives behind the undertaking, stating that,

"This path must lead to a separation, though not according to the borders prior to 1967. We want to reach a separation between us and them. We do not want a majority of the Jewish residents of the state of Israel, 98% of whom live within the borders of sovereign Israel, including a united Jerusalem, to be subject to terrorism."[15]

The first Israeli politician to campaign successfully on a platform based explicitly on separation, under the slogan of "Us here. Them there," wasEhud Barak.[8][16]

In the U.S.-based journalPolicy Review,Eric Rozenman writes:

"Barak explained hafrada – separation – this way in 1998: 'We should separate ourselves from the Palestinians physically, following the recommendation of the American poetRobert Frost,who once wrote that good fences make good neighbors. Leave them behind [outside] the borders that will be agreed upon, and build Israel.' "[6][16]

The adoption by the Israeli government of a policy of separation is generally credited to the ideas and analysis ofDaniel Schueftanas expressed in his 1999 book,Korah Ha'hafrada: Yisrael Ve Harashut Ha'falestinitor "Disengagement: Israel and the Palestinian Entity".[6][30][31]An alternate translation for the title in English reads, "The Need for Separation: Israel and thePalestinian Authority."[32]In it, Schueftan reviews new and existing arguments underlying different separation stances, in order to make the case for separation from thePalestinians,beginning with those in theWest BankandGaza.Schueftan favours the "hard separation" stances of politicians likeYitzhak RabinandEhud Barak,while characterizing the stance of politicians likeShimon Peres,as "soft separation".[31]

After assuming office in 1999, Barak moved to "stimulate cabinet discussion of separation" by distributing copies ofHaifaUniversity Professor Dan Schueftan's manifesto,Disengagement,to his ministers.[6]The separation policy was subsequently adopted byIsrael's National Security Council,where Schueftan has also served as an advisor.[31]According to Gershon Baskin and Sharon Rosenberg, Schueftan's book appears to be "the working manual for theIDFand wide Israeli political circles "for the implementation and" unilateral construction of walls and fences. "[31]

2000s

Main articles:Israeli West Bank barrierandIsraeli disengagement from Gaza

TheSecond Intifada,a large Palestinian uprising against Israel, lasted from 2000 to 2005. This period was marked by intensive and numerous Palestinian suicide bombings, the majority of which were directed towards Israeli citizens. Between 2001 and 2005, these suicide bombs killed 491 Israeli citizens, turning civilian life into a battleground.[33][34][35][36][37]As a result, the Israeli government abandoned hopes for a diplomatic resolution to the conflict and embraced a strategy of unilateral disengagement.

In February 2001, Meir Indor, lieutenant colonel in theIsraeli Defense Forces,submitted that "hafrada(separation) – they are there and we are here "had become the" new ideology "and" new word for those who fantastize about peace. "[38]Indor aimed strong criticism towardAriel Sharon's proposed peace agreement put forward during the 2001 elections in which Sharon claimed he would provide "peace and security" by making "ahafradathe length and breadth of the land. "[38]Indor stated that in his opinion, "If it were possible to make ahafrada,it would have been done a long time ago. "He also noted that,"Binyamin Ben Eliezerhimself saidhafradais impossible to implement. "[38]In 2002, Rochelle Furstenberg of Hadassah Magazine reported that the concept of "unilateral disengagement" had been unknown to the public eight months previous, but that the notion had gained momentum.[20]

In 2002, the Ariel Sharon Government began work on theIsraeli West Bank barrierat theSeam Area.Israel has since maintained that the barrier is vital to keep Palestinian attackers out of Israeli cities.[39][40]The barrier has been described by Daniel Schueftan as constituting, "the physical part of the strategy," of unilateral separation. Schueftan has explained that: "It makes the strategy possible because you cannot say 'this is what I will incorporate and this is what I will exclude' without having a physical barrier that prevents movement between the two."[41]

In 2005, Israel carried out thedisengagement from Gaza(Hebrew:תוכנית ההתנתקות,romanized:Tokhnit HaHitnatkut,lit. 'disengagement plan'), aunilateraldismantling in 2005 of the 21Israeli settlements in the Gaza Stripand the evacuation of Israeli settlers and army from inside theGaza Strip.Prime MinisterAriel Sharonhad originally dubbed hisunilateraldisengagement plan – inHebrew,Tokhnit HaHitnatkut,orTokhnit HaHinatkut– the "separation plan" orTokhnit HaHafradabefore realizing that, "separation sounded bad, particularly in English, because it evoked apartheid."[22]The plan was put before the Israeli public in mid-December 2003.[41]Formally adopted by the Israeli government and enacted in August 2005, the unilateral disengagement plan resulted in the dismantlement of allsettlementsin theGaza Stripand four in the northernWest Bank.Schueftan has characterized Sharon's unilateral disengagement plan as only the first step in a "wider historical process."[42]

TellingThe Jerusalem Reportin 2005 that he could "even pin the dates on it," he suggested that in 2007 or 2008, there would be another major disengagement in theWest Bank;and that before 2015, Israel would unilaterally repartitionJerusalemalong lines of its own choosing. Schueftan argued that the "underlying feature" of disengagement is not that it will bring peace, but rather that it will prevent "perpetual terror".[42]

Implementation ofhafradacontinued under the government of Prime MinisterEhud Olmert.[8][11][19][43]

2010s

Analysis and debate

In October 2000,Ha’aretzjournalistGideon Levycommented in theCourrier Internationalthat public support by an overwhelming majority for "hafrada"was an outgrowth of the averageIsraeli's indifference to the history and lot of the Palestinians – which he contrasted with Israel's demand that Palestinians study theHolocaustto understand Jewish motivations.[3]

InMapping Jewish Identities,published that same year (2000),Adi Ophirsubmitted that support for what he calls "the major element of theapartheidsystem – the so-called separation (hafrada) between Israelis and Palestinians, "among Zionists who speak in favor of human rights is attributable to internal contradictions inZionistideology.[44]

In 2002, a television broadcast ofThe McLaughlin Groupon the subject of Israel's separation policy opened with the words: "Jews call ithafrada,"separation", in Hebrew. Critics call it apartheid. The more technical neo-nomenclature is, quote, unquote, "unilateral disengagement." It's an idea that has gained ground in Israel. "[10]

According to Smith and Cordell, implementation of the Hafrada policy is considered to use cultural autonomy as an excuse for enforced segregation.[45]

Notable usage examples

By Israelis

  • Eitan Harel, professor of biology atHebrew UniversityinJerusalem,toldLe Monde Diplomatiquein May 1996: "Our priorities have changed. The dream of a Greater Israel has been replaced by the reality of a small Israel. What matters to people is to live better here, and if you ask them what they wish for and wait for, the majority response is: hafrada, separation."[46][47]
  • Esther Zandberg described an art exhibition entitled "Hafrada(Separation) "in a June 2005 edition ofHa'aretzas consisting of pictures of 12 separation sites photographed by Yair Barak, Orit Siman-Tov and Amit Grun that represent, "apartheid walls betweenCaesareaandJisr al-Zarkaand between Nir Zvi and the Arab neighborhood of Pardes Snir inLod;the architectural monstrosity of the Carmel Beach Towers in Haifa, which stick up like a raised fist opposite the distressed neighborhood of Neveh David; the threatening wall surrounding the luxury residential Holyland neighborhood inJerusalem;and several other sites. "[17]
  • In a paper entitled "Nishul (Displacement): Israel's Form of Apartheid,"Jeff Halperof theIsraeli Committee Against House Demolitions,wrote that: "Hafrada (Apartheid in Afrikaans) is the official Hebrew term for Israel's vision and policy towards the Palestinians of the Occupied Territories – and, it could be argued (with qualifications), within Israel itself."[7]

By Palestinians

  • Since 2003, ReverendNaim AteekofPalestinian ChristianEcumenicalLiberation TheologyCenter,Sabeel,based in Jerusalem has insisted on using the term hafrada to describe Israel's policies toward the Palestinians,[48]while noting its similarity in meaning to the wordapartheid.[49]
  • In a 2006 discussion on the prospects for peaceful resolution to theIsraeli–Palestinian conflictsponsored by The Institute of Strategic and Development Studies,Mazin B. Qumsiyeh,a formerYaleprofessor and geneticist and advocate for aone-state solution,said: "Now, Israel today uses a new word. You probably have heard it mistranslated. In Hebrew it's called hafrada. Hafrada means literally segregation or separation. But in the worst Israeli propaganda machine atCNNand other news outlets, they use the word 'convergence'—you heard aboutOlmert'sconvergence. Convergence doesn't mean anything. What is convergence? It's not a translation of hafrada. Hafrada means segregation, separation; that's what it means. "[50]

By activists and advocacy organizations

  • TheIsraeli West Bank BarrierorGeder Ha'hafradais known in some activist circles as theHafrada Wall.[51][52][53]
  • In 2006, James Bowen wrote in an opinion editorial inHaaretzthat he and fellow activists from the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign see, "hafrada (separation) [a]s the Zionist form of apartheid" and argued that "Israel should be treated like the old South Africa."[13]
  • In a 30 May 2006 media communique entitledSunday Herald's Linguistics Gymnastics,Honest ReportingUK addressed the use of the word hafrada bySunday Heraldeditor David Pratt. It stated that, "just a cursory glance at a Hebrew–English dictionary reveals that the term 'Hafrada' does not literally mean 'apartheid'. Also, as a concept, 'Hafrada' has certainly not entered the Israeli lexicon, but rather, the term 'Geder Hafrada' ('Separation Fence') referring to Israel's security barrier. Thus, Pratt deliberately and dishonestly claims that Israelis have begun to privately use their own term for" apartheid "while inaccurately stating that Israel's security barrier and the apartheid ideology are one and the same."[54]

By journalists

  • On 26 May 2006, David Pratt, ScottishSunday HeraldForeign Editor wrote that: "Even among Israelis, the term 'Hafrada', 'separation or apartheid in Hebrew' has entered the mainstream lexicon, despite strident denials by the Jewish state that it is engaged in any such process."[54]
  • In a January 2007 article entitled "Further footnotes on Zionism, Yoder and Boyarin," Alain Epp Weaver wrote that it was, "strategic demographic and territorial goals" that gave birth to "a policy of hafrada, Hebrew for separation."[8]

See also

Bibliography

  • Smith, David J.; Cordell, Karl (18 October 2013).Cultural Autonomy in Contemporary Europe.Routledge.ISBN978-1-317-96851-1.

References

  1. ^According to the Milon and Masada dictionaries, hafrada translates into English as "separation", "division", "disengagement", "severance", "disassociation" or "divorce".Milon: English Hebrew Dictionary
  2. ^Smith & Cordell 2013,p. 25: "The Hebrew term Hafrada is the official descriptor of the policy of the Israeli Government to separate the Palestinian population in the territories occupied by Israel from the Israeli population, by means such as the West Bank barrier and the unilateral disengagement from those territories. The barrier is thus sometimes called gader ha'hafrada (separation fence) in Hebrew. The term Hafrada has striking similarities with the term apanheid, as this term mean 'apartness' in Afrikaans and Hafrada is the closest Hebrew equivalent."
  3. ^abcGideon Levy(4 November 2000)."Republished as an excerpt of the original 28 October 2000 article in the Courrier International, under the titleAu fil des jours, Périphéries explore quelques pistes – chroniques, critiques, citations, liens pointus: Israël-Palestine, revue de presse".Périphéries.Archivedfrom the original on 24 July 2014.Retrieved19 March2007.
  4. ^Alcalai, Reuben (1981).The Complete Hebrew-English Dictionary.Masada.
  5. ^Undoing and Redoing Corpus Planning,Michael G. Clyne, p.403, "In the Language of" us "and" them "we could have expected an undoing when an integrative policy of the two communities was introduced. Obviously the [Peace] Process moves in the opposite direction: separation. Actually, one of the most popular arguments use by the government to justify its policy is the" danger "(" the demographic bomb "," the Arab womb ") of a" bi-national state "if no separation is made: the Process is thus a measure taken to secure the Jewish majority. The term ‘separation’ ‘’hafrada’’ has become extremely popular during the Process referring to fences built around Palestinian autonomous enclaves, to roads pave in the Territories exclusively for Israelis to the decrease of the number of Palestinians employed in Israel or allowed to enter into it altogether. The stereotypes of the Palestinian society as backward" have not changed either. "
  6. ^abcdefghEric Rozenman (April–May 2001)."Today's Arab Israelis, Tomorrow's Israel: Why" Separation "Can't Be the Answer for Peace".Policy Review.Hoover Institution.Archived fromthe originalon 7 February 2007.Retrieved17 March2007.
  7. ^abJeff Halper,Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions(ICAHD)."Nishul (Displacement): Israel's form of Apartheid".Retrieved17 March2007.[permanent dead link]
  8. ^abcdefAlain Epp Weaver (1 January 2007)."Further footnotes on Zionism, Yoder, and Boyarin".Cross Currents.Archivedfrom the original on 20 May 2011.Retrieved18 March2007.
  9. ^Mazin B. Qumsiyeh(28 June 2006)."Discussion on: Searching for Peace in the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict"(PDF).Institute of Strategic and Development Studies,Andreas Papandreou,University of Athens.Archived fromthe original(PDF)on 28 September 2007.Retrieved18 March2007.
  10. ^abcd"Transcript from broadcast of The McLaughlin Group".The McLaughlin Group. Archived fromthe originalon 27 September 2007.Retrieved22 March2007.Taped 24 May 2002 & broadcast 1 to 2 June 2002
  11. ^abBen Shani (19 January 2007).""The Result of the Hafrada Policy is Quiet in Hebron, But All Await the Storm" (Hebrew) ".Nana.co.il Magazine (original from Channel 10 News). Archived fromthe originalon 4 October 2015.
  12. ^Fred Schlomka (28 May 2006)."Toward a Third Intifada".Common Dreams(originally published inThe Baltimore Sun). Archived fromthe originalon 16 June 2013.
  13. ^abJames Bowen (28 September 2006)."Making Israel Take Responsibility".Archivedfrom the original on 1 December 2008.Retrieved22 March2007.
  14. ^[6][7][8][9][10][11][12][13]
  15. ^abDavid Makovsky."How to Build a Fence".Archived fromthe originalon 5 April 2007.
  16. ^abcDavid Makovsky(16 July 2000)."Barak's Separate Peace".The Washington Post.p. B01.Retrieved23 March2007.[dead link]
  17. ^abcEsther Zandberg (28 July 2005)."Surroundings: Separation Seems to Have Spread Everywhere".Haaretz.Archivedfrom the original on 1 October 2007.Retrieved20 March2007.
  18. ^Neil Sandler (11 March 2002)."Israel: A Saudi Peace Proposal Puts Sharon in a Bind".Business Week.Archived fromthe originalon 23 December 2011.Retrieved18 March2007.
  19. ^abJonathan Cook(11 May 2006)."Israel's Road to" Convergence "Began with Rabin: A Short History of Unilateral Separation".CounterPunch.Archivedfrom the original on 4 February 2007.Retrieved23 March2007.
  20. ^abRochelle Furstenberg (November 2002)."The Left Regroups on the Fence".Hadassah Magazine.Archived fromthe originalon 10 September 2004.Retrieved22 March2007.
  21. ^Shlomo Brom (November 2001)."The Many Faces of Unilateral Disengagement inStrategic Assessments".The Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies atTel Aviv University.Archived fromthe originalon 9 February 2008.Retrieved18 March2007.
  22. ^abSteven Poole(2006).Unspeak: How Words Become Weapons, How Weapons Become a Message, and How That Message Becomes Reality.Grove Press.p.87.ISBN0-8021-1825-9.
  23. ^[8][10][20][21][22]
  24. ^Aaron S. Klieman(15 January 2000).Compromising Palestine: A Guide to Final Status Negotiations.Columbia University Press. p. 1.ISBN0-231-11789-2.
  25. ^Beyond the Two-State Solution: A Jewish Political Essay,Yehouda Shenhav, "Israel's present separation policy – known in Israel as hafrada, a Hebrew Word which can mean both segregation and separation – is a natural continuation of the cultural-political position designed by the new nostalgia and of the demographic project, which constitutes the continuation of the war through other means."
  26. ^Smith & Cordell 2013,p. 25
  27. ^"A/HRC/25/67, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967".13 January 2014.Archivedfrom the original on 5 November 2014.Retrieved19 August2018.
  28. ^"UN's Falk accuses Israel of 'ethnic cleansing'".The Times of Israel.
  29. ^"U.N. Rights envoy points to apartheid in Palestinian areas".Reuters.24 February 2014. Archived fromthe originalon 16 January 2016.
  30. ^Meyrav Wurmser(Fall 2002)."Book Review ofKorah Ha'hafrada: Yisrael Ve Harashut Ha'falestinit,Disengagement: Israel and the Palestinian Authority ".Middle East Quarterly.Archived fromthe originalon 29 September 2007.Retrieved17 March2007.
  31. ^abcdGershon Baskin; Sharon Rosenberg (June 2003)."The New Walls and Fences:Consequences for Israel and Palestine"(PDF).Centre for European Policy Studies. Archived fromthe original(PDF)on 16 May 2006.
  32. ^Leslie Susser (19 September 2005)."Gaza: The Doomed Experiment (Reprinted at the website of the Australian/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council)".The Jerusalem Report.Archived fromthe originalon 3 September 2007.
  33. ^Matta, Nada; Rojas, René (2016)."The Second Intifada: A Dual Strategy Arena".European Journal of Sociology / Archives Européennes de Sociologie.57(1): 66.doi:10.1017/S0003975616000035.ISSN0003-9756.S2CID146939293.Archivedfrom the original on 5 April 2022.Retrieved5 April2022.Suicide terror, lethal attacks indiscriminately carried out against civilians via self-immolation, attained prominence in the Palestinian repertoire beginning in March 2001. From that point until the end of 2005, at which point they virtually ceased, 57 suicide bombings were carried out, causing 491 civilian deaths, 73% of the total civilians killed by Palestinian resistance organizations and 50% of all Israeli fatalities during this period. While not the modal coercive tactic, suicide terror was the most efficient in terms of lethality, our basic measure of its efficacy.
  34. ^Brym, R. J.; Araj, B. (1 June 2006)."Suicide Bombing as Strategy and Interaction: The Case of the Second Intifada".Social Forces.84(4): 1969.doi:10.1353/sof.2006.0081.ISSN0037-7732.S2CID146180585.Archivedfrom the original on 27 June 2022.Retrieved5 April2022.In the early years of the 21st century, Israel, the West Bank and Gaza became the region of the world with the highest frequency of - and the highest per capita death toll due to - suicide bombing.
  35. ^Schweitzer, Y. (2010). The rise and fall of suicide bombings in the second Intifada.Strategic Assessment,13(3), 39-48. "As part of the violence perpetrated by the Palestinians during the second intifada, suicide bombings played a particularly prominent role and served as the primary effective weapon in the hands of the planners."
  36. ^Schachter, J. (2010).The End of the Second Intifada?Archived30 September 2021 at theWayback Machine.Strategic Assessment,13(3), 63-70. "This article attempts to identify the end of the second intifada by focusing on the incidence of suicide bombings, arguably the most important element of second intifada-related violence."
  37. ^Sela-Shayovitz, R. (2007). Suicide bombers in Israel: Their motivations, characteristics, and prior activity in terrorist organizations.International Journal of Conflict and Violence (IJCV),1(2), 163. "The period of the second Intifada significantly differs from other historical periods in Israeli history, because it has been characterized by intensive and numerous suicide attacks that have made civilian life into a battlefront."
  38. ^abcInterview by Shai Gefen."Waiting To See Which Sharon We'll Get After The Elections".Beis Moschiach Online Edition.Archivedfrom the original on 26 September 2007.Retrieved24 March2007.
  39. ^"The Anti-Terrorist Fence vs. Terrorism".Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Archived fromthe originalon 10 January 2004.Retrieved18 September2013.
  40. ^Nissenbaum, Dion (10 January 2007)."Death toll of Israeli civilians killed by Palestinians hit a low in 2006".Washington Bureau.McClatchy Newspapers.Archived fromthe originalon 20 November 2008.Retrieved16 April2007.Fewer Israeli civilians died in Palestinian attacks in 2006 than in any year since the Palestinian uprising began in 2000. Palestinian militants killed 23 Israelis and foreign visitors in 2006, down from a high of 289 in 2002 during the height of the uprising. Most significant, successful suicide bombings in Israel nearly came to a halt. Last year, only two Palestinian suicide bombers managed to sneak into Israel for attacks that killed 11 people and wounded 30 others. Israel has gone nearly nine months without a suicide bombing inside its borders, the longest period without such an attack since 2000[...] An Israeli military spokeswoman said one major factor in that success had been Israel's controversial separation barrier, a still-growing 400-kilometre (250 mi) network of high-tech fencing, concrete walls and other obstacles that cuts through parts of the West Bank. 'The security fence was put up to stop terror, and that's what it's doing,' said Capt. Noa Meir, a spokeswoman for the Israel Defense Forces. [...] Opponents of the barrier grudgingly acknowledge that it's been effective in stopping bombers, though they complain that its route should have followed the border between Israel and the Palestinian territories known as the Green Line. [...] IDF spokeswoman Meir said Israeli military operations that disrupted militants planning attacks from the West Bank also deserved credit for the drop in Israeli fatalities.
  41. ^ab"The ICJ Hearing on the Wall Awaiting a Momentous Ruling".Zawya (original from Monday Morning). 25 February 2004. Archived fromthe originalon 30 September 2007.Retrieved22 March2007.
  42. ^abLeslie Susser (19 September 2005)."Gaza: The Doomed Experiment (Reprinted at the website of the Australian/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council)".The Jerusalem Report.Archived fromthe originalon 3 September 2007.
  43. ^Jerrold Kessel; Pierre Klochendler (February 2006)."Israel votes for separation".Ha'aretz, English Edition.Archivedfrom the original on 1 October 2007.Retrieved17 March2007.
  44. ^Adi Ophir (2000)."The Identity of the Victims and the Victims of Identity: A Critique of Zionist Ideology for a Post-Zionist Age".In Laurence Jay Silberstein (ed.).Mapping Jewish Identities.NYU Press. p. 196.ISBN0-8147-9769-5.Archivedfrom the original on 25 February 2012.Retrieved21 August2007.
  45. ^Smith & Cordell 2013,p. 18.
  46. ^Original French reads: "Nos priorités ont changé. Au rêve du Grand Israël a succédé la réalité du petit Israël. Ce qui compte pour les gens, c’est de vivre mieux, ici. D’ailleurs, demandez-leur ce qu’ils souhaitent, surtout après les attentats. La réponse majoritaire, c’est: hafrada la séparation."
  47. ^Dominique Vidal(May 1996)."Troublante normalisation pour la société israélienne".Le Monde diplomatique.Archivedfrom the original on 5 April 2007.Retrieved23 March2007.
  48. ^"The Hafrada Wall"(PDF).SabeelEcumenicalLiberation TheologyCenter,Jerusalem.21 July 2004. Archived fromthe original(PDF)on 25 December 2006.Retrieved22 March2007.
  49. ^Roxane Ellis Rodriguez Assaf (May 2003)."Sabeel's Rev. Naim Ateek Calls Israeli apartheid by its Hebrew Name: Hafrada (Special Report)".Washington Report on Middle East Affairs.Retrieved18 March2007.
  50. ^Mazin B. Qumsiyeh (28 June 2006)."Discussion on: Searching for Peace in the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict"(PDF).Institute of Strategic and Development Studies,Andreas Papandreou,University of Athens.Archived fromthe original(PDF)on 28 September 2007.Retrieved18 March2007.
  51. ^"The Hafrada Wall"(PDF).Sabeel Ecumenical Liberation Theology Center,Jerusalem.21 July 2004. Archived fromthe original(PDF)on 25 December 2006.Retrieved22 March2007.
  52. ^Michael Hirst (October 2004)."Four Years Later: Assessing the status of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, four years after the start of the second intifada".Catholic World News.Archivedfrom the original on 27 September 2007.Retrieved19 March2007.
  53. ^Commitment for Life Programme, United Reformed Church, UK (September 2004)."Israel/Palestine: The Wall Is Illegal".Christian World Service. Archived fromthe originalon 30 September 2006.Retrieved27 March2007.{{cite web}}:CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  54. ^abHonest ReportingUK (30 May 2006)."Sunday Herald's Linguistics Gymnastics".Archived fromthe originalon 3 August 2009.Retrieved23 March2007.
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