Korean shamanism

Thet'aegŭksymbol, representing the cosmos, is often displayed on the exterior ofkuttang,or shrine-buildings in themusokreligion.

Korean shamanism,also known asmusok(Korean:무속;Hanja:Vu tục) orMu-ism(무교;Vu giáo;Mu-gyo), is a religion fromKorea.Scholars of religionclassify it as afolk religionand sometimes regard it as one facet of a broader Korean vernacular religion distinct fromBuddhism,Daoism,andConfucianism.There is no central authority in control ofmusok,with much diversity of belief and practice evident among practitioners.

Apolytheisticreligion,musokrevolves around deities and ancestral spirits. Central to the tradition are ritual specialists, the majority of them female, calledmudang(무당;Vu đường) ormu(무;Vu). In English they have sometimes been called "shamans",although the accuracy of this term is debated amonganthropologists.Themudangserve as mediators between paying clients and the supernatural world, employingdivinationto determine the cause of their clients' misfortune. They also performkutrituals, during which they offer food and drink to the gods and spirits or entertain them with storytelling, song, and dance.Kutmay take place in a private home or in akuttangshrine, often located on a mountain. Themudangdivide into regional sub-types, the largest being themansinorkangsin-mu,historically dominant in Korea's northern regions, whose rituals involve them being personallypossessedby deities or ancestral spirits. Another type is thesesŭp-muof eastern and southern regions, whose rituals entailspirit mediumshipbut not possession.

Elements of themusoktradition may derive from prehistory. During theJoseonperiod,Confucianelites suppressed themudangwith taxation and legal restrictions, deeming their rites to be improper. From the late 19th century, modernisers – many of whom wereChristian– characterisedmusokasmisin(superstition) and supported its suppression. During theJapanese occupation of the early 20th century,nationalistically orientedfolkloristsbegan promoting the idea thatmusokrepresented Korea's ancient religion and a manifestation of its national culture; an idea later heavily promoted bymudangthemselves. In the mid-20th century, persecution ofmudangcontinued under theMarxistgovernment of North Korea and through theNew Community Movementin South Korea. More positive appraisal of themudangoccurred in South Korea from the late 1970s onward, especially as practitioners were associated with theminjungpro-democracy movement and came to be regarded as a source of Korean cultural identity.

Musokis primarily found in South Korea, where there are around 200,000mudang,although practitioners are also found abroad. While Korean attitudes to religion have historically been fairly inclusive, allowing for syncretism betweenmusokand Buddhism, themudanghave nevertheless long been marginalised. Disapproval ofmudang,often regarded as charlatans, remains widespread in South Korea, especially among Christians.Musokhas also influenced some Korean new religions, such asCheondoismandJeungsanism.

Definition

Amudangperforming akutritual inSeoul,South Korea.

TheanthropologistChongho Kim noted that providing a definition of Korean shamanism was "really problematic".He characterised "Korean shamanism" as being a largely "residual" category into which all Korean religious practices that were not Buddhist, Confucian, or Christian were lumped.Scholars like Kil-sŏng Ch'oe and Don Baker have conversely presented Korean shamanism as just one facet of "Korean folk religion,"the latter sometimes being calledminsok chonggyoin Korean.

Korean shamanism has varyingly been labelled a vernacular religion,a folk religion,a popular religion,and anindigenous religion.It is a non-institutionalized tradition,rather than being an organized religion akin to Buddhism or Christianity.It has no doctrine,nor any overarching hierarchy,and is orally transmitted.It displays considerable regional variation,as well as variation according to the choices of individual practitioners.Over time, the tradition has displayed both continuity and change.

One of the terms commonly used to describe this religious tradition ismusok( "mufolklore "), coined by the folklorist Yi Nŭnghwa.This term emerged during the Japanese colonial period and was used by the Japanese Governor-General in a judgemental fashion to describe rituals he deemed primitive,although it has since become popular with scholars and the Korean population.TheKorean studiesscholar Antonetta L. Bruno employed the capitalised termMusokas a name for the religion.Other terms that have been applied to it includemugyo,muijŭm,andmu.In Korea, the termmisin( "superstition" ) is sometimes used for this religion, but is also applied to other religious and cultural practices likegeomancy.Whilemisincarries negative connotations in Korean culture, the term is sometimes used bymudangto describe what they do.

English language studies of themudanghave repeatedly referred to them as "shamans" and their practices as "Korean shamanism" since the late 19th century.Some Korean sources have rendered this English term asshyamŏnijŭm.Having been introduced into English from theTungusic languagesat the end of the 17th century, the term "shamanism" has never received a commonly agreed definition and has been used in at least four distinct ways in the English language.A common definition uses "shamanism" to describe traditions involving visionary flights to perform ritual tasks in a spirit realm,a practice not found in Korean traditional religion.Many scholars avoid the term "shaman" as a cross-cultural category altogether.While considering the term's applicability to Korean religion, Chongho Kim noted that its use as a blanket term was "often unhelpful",while the anthropologist Liora Sarfati described it as being "controversial" in the Korean context. Suk-Jay Yim suggested that the termmu-ismwas more appropriate for the Korean religion than "Korean shamanism."

Prior to Christianity's arrival in the 17th and 18th centuries, Korean religion was rarely exclusivist, with many Koreans practising Buddhism, Daoism, Confucianism, and vernacular practices likemusoksimultaneously.Different religions were sometimes favored for different situations; Confucian rituals were for example primarily concerned with ancestor veneration and tended to be simpler and more regular, whereas themudangwould be brought in on rarer occasions.Korea has seen particularsyncretismbetweenmusokpractice and Buddhism;if asked,mudangwill often identify as Buddhists.Mudangcommonly worship Buddhist deities,while some Korean Buddhist temples venerate deities traditionally associated withmusok.In contemporary South Korea, it remains possible for followers of most major religions (barring Christianity) to involve themselves inmusokwith little censure from fellow members of their religion.Meanwhile,mudangbased in Europe have merged the tradition withNew Ageelements.

Terms and types of practitioners

A key role inmusokis played by individuals whom the anthropologist Kyoim Yun called "ritual specialists who mediate between their clients and the invisible" forces of the supernatural.The most common term for these specialists across Korea ismudang,with Sarfati noting that this term "encompasses a variety of folk religion practitioners" across the peninsula.The termmudangcan apply to a man or woman.Male practitioners are also commonly calledpaksu,although in theSeoularea, male practitioners have sometimes been calledsana mudang(male mudang),while another term formerly used waskyŏksa.Although commonly used, the termmudangcarries derogatory connotations in Korean culture and thus some practitioners avoid it.Other terms used in its place includemusok-in,and the termmu.The Korean wordmuis synonymous with the Chinese wordwuHanja:Vu,which defines both male and female shamans.Several modernmudangadvocacy groups have adopted the termmusogin,meaning "people who domu."These modern advocacy groups have also described supporters assindo(believers,Hanja:Tín đồ) ormusindo(believers in the ways ofmu,Hanja:Vu tín đồ).

Apaksu,or malemudang,performing a ritual in South Korea

Mudangare often divided into two broad types: thekangsin-mu,or "god-descended"mu,and thesesŭp-muor "hereditary"mu.The former engage in rituals in which they describe themselves as being possessed by supernatural entities; the latter's rituals involve interaction with these entities but not possession.The former was historically more common in the northern and central parts of the Korean peninsula, the latter in the southern parts below theHan River.Thekangsin-mutradition has since spread and by the late 20th century was dominant across South Korea,with its ritual costumes and paraphernalia being widely adopted.As Sarfati noted, the line between thesesŭp-muand thekangsin-mu"is blurry",while Yun commented that dividing themudanginto distinct typologies "cannot explain complex reality."Thesesŭp-muare typically presented as inheriting the role in a hereditary fashion, although not allsesŭp-mudo so,while somekangsin-mucontinue the role of a family member, as if maintaining a hereditary tradition.

Certain terms are commonly used for themudangin particular regions.InJeolla Province,thesesŭp-muare often referred to astanggol.OnJeju Island,thesesŭp-muare typically calledsimbang;this was first recorded in the 15th century, used formudangon the Korean mainland, but by the early 19th century was exclusively being used for practitioners on Jeju.Thekangsin-muare often referred to asmansin,a term meaning "ten thousand gods",and which is considered "less derogatory" thanmudang.

There are also terms sometimes used formudangbut sometimes restricted instead to other types of Korean ritual specialist. The termyeongmae,describing aspirit medium,is sometimes used to describe separate practitioners from themudangbut is also widely seen as a synonym.Another term somemudanguse to describe themselves isposal(bosal), originally a Korean term for a Buddhistbodhisattva,and which is favored more by female than male practitioners.Conversely, somemudangmaintain that the termposalshould be reserved for the inspirational diviners who are possessed by child spirits but who do not perform thekutrituals of themudang.

Beliefs

Theology

Altar of aSansingak,"Mountain God shrine". Mountain God shrines are often controlled by Buddhist temples. This one belongs to theJeongsu TempleofGanghwa Island.

Musokispolytheistic.Supernatural beings are calledkwisin(the Korean colloquial term for "ghost" ),orsin(the Korean colloquial term for "god" or "deity" ).Themudangdivide these beings into two main groups, the gods and the ancestral spirits, although may use the termsinfor all of them.

Supernatural beings are seen as volatile; if humans do well by them, they can receive good fortune, but if they offend these entities then they may suffer.Devotees of these deities believe that they can engage, converse, and bargain with them.Eachmudangwill have their own personal pantheon of deities, one that may differ from the pantheon of amudangthey trained under.This individual pantheon is thechusin,and amudangmay add new deities to it during their career.Some of these will be considered guardian deities,each referred to as ataesin.These deities bestowmyŏnggiupon themudang,enabling the latter to have visions and intuition that allows them to perform their tasks.

Janggunsin

In Korean traditional religion, the deities are calledjanggunsin,and typically take human form.The pantheon of deities, which has changed over time,is termedsindang,with over 130musokdivinities having been identified.The deities can be divided into those embodying natural or cosmological forces and those who were once human, including monarchs, officials, and generals.Some derive fromDaoistor Buddhist traditions and others are unique to Korean vernacular religion.They are deemed capable of manifesting in various material forms, such as through paintings or statues,or as inhabiting specific landscape locations, such as trees, rocks, springs, and stone piles.The anthropologist Laurel Kendall suggested that the relationship thatmudanghad with these spirit-inhabited sites was akin toanimism.

Late Joseon period depiction of Hogu Pyŏlsŏng, goddess of smallpox

The highest deities are often deemed remote and little interested in human affairs.The governing god in Korean tradition, referred to as Hananim, Hanallim, or Hanŭnim, is deemed to rule the heavens but is rarely worshipped.Some of the more powerful deities can make demands from humans without any obligation to reciprocate.Other deities are involved in everyday human concerns and prayed to accordingly.Many of the deities desire food and drink, spend money, and enjoy song and dance, and thus receive these things as offerings.Spirits of the dead are thought to yearn for the activities and pleasures they enjoyed in life;spirits of military generals are for instance believed to like dangerous games.The associations of particular deities can change over time;Hogu Pyŏlsŏngwas for instance a goddess ofsmallpox,but after that disease's eradication in the 20th century retained associations withmeaslesandchickenpox.

Popular cosmological deities includeCh'ilsŏng,the spirit ofthe seven stars of the Big Dipper,who is regarded as a merciful Buddhist figure who cares for children.Yŏngdŏngis a goddess of the wind, popular in southern areas including Jeju.The mountain god, or mountain gods more broadly, are calledsansin,or sometimessansillyŏng,and are typically seen as the most important spirits of the earth.Sansinis typically depicted as a man with a white beard, blue gown, and accompanying tiger.Water deities, oryong,aredragonsdeemed to live in rivers, springs, and the sea.The most senior dragon is the Yong-Wang (Dragon King) who rules the oceans.Spirits of military generals aresinjang,and include theobang changgun,the generals of the five cardinal points.Among thesinjangare historical figures like Ch'oeyŏng, Im Kyŏngŏp, Oh, and Chang,as well as more recent military figures; aroundInchon,variousmudanghave venerated GeneralDouglas MacArthuras a hero of theKorean War. Child deities aretongja,while the Korean traditional cosmology also includes mischievous spirits calledtokkaebi.

Village and household spirits

Twojangseungoutside a Korean village, photographed in 1903

Villages traditionally hadJangseung,timber or occasionally stone posts representing two generals that guard the settlement from harmful spirits.On Jeju, these were constructed of volcanic rock and were respectively called theHarubang(grandfather) andHalmang(grandmother).Historically, villages would often hold annual festivals to thank their tutelary deities. These would often be seen by local men and reflect Confucian traditions, although sometimesmudangwere invited to participate.In Korean society, rapid urbanisation has radically changed how people interact with their local deities.

Korean vernacular religion includes household deities,the chief of which is Sŏngju, the principal house guardian.Others include T'oju taegum, who patrols the precincts of the household, Chowang the kitchen spirit, and Pyǒnso Kakssi, the protector of the toilet.Keeping these entities happy was traditionally regarded as the role of the housewife,and is achieved through offering them food and drink.These informal rituals do not require the involvement ofmudang,who would only be called in for special occasions. Pollution caused by births or deaths in the household are believed to result in Sŏngju leaving, meaning that he must be encouraged to return through ritual.Sŏngju may also require propitiation if expensive goods are brought into the home, as he expects a portion of the expenditure to be devoted to him.

Ancestral spirits are calledchosang.Tutelary ancestors are termedtangju.Ancestors who may be venerated inmusokrituals are broader than the purely patrilineal figures venerated in formal Koreanancestor venerationrites, thechesa.These broader ancestors may for instance include those from a woman's natal family, women who have married out of the family, or family members who have died without offspring.While both themusokrites and the Confucian-derivedchesaentail communication with ancestors, only the former involves direct communication with these spirits, allowing the ancestors to convey messages directly to the living.Certain ancestral spirits can also form part of amudang'spersonal pantheon. A personal spiritual guardian is themomju(pluralmomjusin).Themomjusinof malemudangare usually deemed female; those of female mudang are typically male.

Mythology

See also:Chogong bon-puri

Korean shamanic narrativesinclude a number of myths that discuss the origins of shamans or the shamanic religion. These include, thePrincess Barimyth, theGongsimmyth, and theChogong bon-purimyth.Origin myths are often calledponp'uri.These narratives have been extensively collected and studied by Korean scholars.During akutritual held for the dead, an epic ballad called the Tale of Princess Pari is often recited.

One of the common myths in Korean Shamanism is known as the Myth of Tangun.This myth refers to the belief that God would come from heaven. This would result in the earth and heaven being unified. God and human beings would be unified as well. Korean Shamanism believes that the goddess mother of earth is married to the heavenly God.

Birth and the dead

A common belief in Korean vernacular religion is that spirits of the dead wander the human world before entering the afterlife. After death, the soul must stand trial in court and pass through gates kept by the Ten Kings.At this court, the dead are judged for their conduct in life.The Ten Gates of Hell are regarded as places of punishment for the wicked, typified by grotesque and gory scenes.According to thePrincess Barinarrative, Ascension from Hell to Paradise is possible through prayer and devotion.

The dead are regarded as intrinsically dangerous to the living as their touch causes affliction, regardless of whether they mean harm or not.Those who died prematurely or who feel their life was unfulfilled, such as grandparents who never saw their grandchildren, a first wife who was replaced by a second wife, those who died by drowning, and young people who died before they could marry, are all considered especially antagonistic to the living and thus particularly dangerous. Meddlesome ghosts are thought to often enter the house on a piece of cloth, clothing, or bright object.

If a person suffers a tragic or untimely death, it is believed that their soul hovers between life and death and can cause misfortune for their family; they thus need to be dealt with through ritual. Terms forwandering spiritsincludejabkwiandkaeksa,andmudangare deemed best suited for dealing with them, because they can determine what they want and tell them to go away.

On Jeju Island, since the late 1980s there have been public lamentations of the dead involvingsimbangto mark those killed in theJeju uprisingof 1948.

Morality and ethics

Korean custom places greater emphasis on the good of the group over the wishes of the individual. It has taboos and expectations, but no concept equivalent to the Christian notion ofsin.

Practices

Central tomusokrituals is a reciprocal transaction between humans and supernatural entities.These rituals are typically performance-focused, rather than being rooted in a prescribed liturgy,and can last for up to several days.Mostmusokrituals take place secretly and involve few participants,usually only themudangand the clients who have commissioned them.

Mudang

Main article:Shinbyeong

Amudangphotographed in the early years of the 20th century

Themudangare, according to their own beliefs, people who interact with the gods and the ancestors by divining their presence and will, performing small rituals to placate them and gain their favor, and oversee thekutrituals to feast and entertain them.Sarfati defined them as "practitioners of spiritual mediation" between the supernatural and human worlds,and noted that in mediating between worlds they are "liminal figures".According to Sarfati, themudangcommunicate with supernatural beings "to decrease suffering and create a more harmonious life".Individualmudangcan be regarded as having particular specialities.

Mudangoperate as free agents, rather than members of an ordained clergy.For them, ritual is an economic activity,often being their full-time job,upon which they depend for their income.To achieve this, they must attract regular clientele,although somemudangnevertheless fail to earn a living through this ritual vocation.In modern South Korea,mudanghave advertised their services in brochures, fliers, and newspapers,and more recently via the Internet.Yun observed that some "scholar-advocates" ofmusoktook a "nostalgic view" that themudangwere "once purer than they are now," having degenerated under the impact ofcapitalismandmodernisationinto displaying a more materialistic and self-interested approach to their practice.

Malemudangoften wear female clothing and makeup when performing rituals, reflecting their possession of a femalemonjusin.Femalemudangmay show an interest in smoking, drinking alcohol, and playing with bladed weapons, reflecting that they have a malemonjusin.In Korean society, there have been persistent rumours about the toleration of homosexuality withinmusokpractitioners.

Mudangsometimes work in groups.This has been observed amongsimbangon Jeju,as well asmansinin Seoul.In the early 1990s, for example, afeministgroup in Seoul sponsored severalmudangto perform akutritual for the aggrieved souls of Korean "comfort women".When an arsonist torched Seoul's historicNamdaemun Gatein 2008, severalmansinperformed a ritual to appease spirits angered by the act.

The tradition maintains that the deities bestowmyŏnggi( "divine energy" ) on amudang,allowing them to perform their ritual tasks successfully.Inmusok,divine favor must be gained through purification and supplication, prayer and pilgrimage. Korean shamans also experienceshinmyeong(신명 ( thần minh );"divine light" ), which is the channeling of a god, during which the shaman speaks prophetically. Shinmyeongis also experienced by entire communities during thekuthold by the shaman, and is a moment of energisation which relieves from social pressure, both physical and mental.

Becoming amudang

Apaksu,or malemudang

Practitioners believe that, in order to encourage a person to become amudang,the deities will torment that individual with misfortune, illness or madness.They often report fearful encounters with spirits prior to becomingmudang,for instance through dreams;these dreams and visions may reveal which deities the futuremudangis expected to serve.This process is termed thesinŭi kamul( "the drought caused by the gods" ),sinbyŏng( "spirit possession sickness" ),ormubyŏng( "musickness ").One example ofsinbyŏngwas described by a famous model who became amudang,Pak Mi-sǒn,who related how her experiences of partial paralysis and hallucinations resulted in her embracing the practice.

A common motif in the biographies ofmudangis the claim that they encountered divine beings or spiritual guides while wandering in a wild environment.Themudangmay be compelled by spirit voices or visions, or drawn by compulsion to go to a temple, shrine, or sacred mountain.By recounting these stories,mudanglegitimate their calling to the profession.Manymudangclaim that they never wanted to be one,and fight against the calling.Mostmudangclaim that they and their families resisted the calling due to its lowly status and social disapproval.

Once the person has accepted the calling, they must find an established practitioner who is willing to train them.They become this person's apprentice, thechagŭn mudang.Apprentices are usually aged over 18, although there are examples of children becoming apprentices.The apprentice of amudangmay be called theirsinttalorsinddal(spirit daughter) if female,orsinadul(spirit son) if male.Themudangwill be that novice'ssineomeoni.The neophyte must ultimately perform an initiation ritual to open upmalmun(the "gates of speech" ) that will allow them to receive the words of the spirits.This rite is called thenaerim kut.It involves the neophyte performing the appropriate chants, dances, and oracles to invoke and convey inspiration from the deities.If the initiate fails to perform this correctly, with the deities failing to open theirmalmun,they will have to perform it again.Manymudangwill perform multiplenaerim kutbefore being recognised as properly initiated practitioners.Thosemudangwho have failed to learn how to deal with supernatural entities correctly are sometimes calledōngt'ōriby other practitioners.

Among the hereditarysesŭp-mutradition, the teachings were not always passed from mother to daughter but sometimes involved the practitioner adopting an apprentice.Thus,sesŭp-mulike the Jejusimbanglearn their trade by observing more experienced practitioners.In early 21st-century Jeju, manysimbanghave been recorded as not wanting their children to follow them into the profession. Whenmudangdie, their ritual paraphernalia is sometimes burned or buried so as to sever any connection between their deities and their surviving family.

Clients of themudang

ThemudangOh Su-bok, mistress of thedodang-gutofGyeonggi,holding a service to placate angry spirits of the dead.

Serving private clients is the core practice for mostmudang,even those who have built celebrity status through their performance of stagedkut.In some areas, including Jeju, clients are calledtan'gol.Clients seek solutions to their practical problems,typically hoping that themudangcan ascertain the cause of misfortune they have suffered.Common reasons for doing so include recurring nightmares,concerns about a child getting into university,financial woes,business concerns,or physical ailments.Some clients turn to themudangafter being dissatisfied with the diagnosis or treatment administered by medical professionals.

A client will often arrive, greet themudang,and then engage in an introductory conversation. Through this, themudangwill hope to ascertain more about the client and their problems.Themudangthen uses divination and trance visions to determine the source of their client's trouble;inmusok,it is neglecting ancestors and gods that is seen as the primary cause of human affliction.Themudangmay then try to convince their client of the need for an additional ritual.

Although both sexes are among the clients ofmudang,most clientele are women.From his fieldwork in the 1990s, Chongho Kim found that most of the clients were "older women", particularly in their late fifties and early sixties.In that same decade, Kendall noted that most clients in the area of Seoul and its environs were small entrepreneurs, such as owners of small companies, shops, and restaurants.Sarfati noted that in the 21st century, many young people turned tomudangas part of a spiritual search or for counselling.Clients do not generally regard themselves as being committed exclusively tomusok,and may primarily visit Buddhist temples or Christian churches.Manymudangthemselves believe that their rituals will be pleasing to the spirits regardless of the client's personal beliefs.On occasion, a busy client will not attend thekutthey have sponsored.

If the ritual fails to produce the desired result, the client may speculate that it was because of a bad performer, errors in the ritual, the presence of a ritually polluted attendee, or a lack of sincerity on their part.If the client feels themudanghas not successfully solved their problem, they may turn to anothermudang.They may be disappointed or angry at this failure given their substantial financial investment;in some rare cases clients have suedmudang.The payment of money is often a source of mistrust between clients andmudang.Concerns about money are heightened by the lack of an "institutional buffer" between the client and ritual practitioner, such as a temple or church.

Altars and shrines

A 19th-centurymusindopainting of asansin(mountain spirit), on display at theBrooklyn Museum;images like this often appeared on altars

Mostmusokrituals center around altars,places formudangto engage with supernatural beings.If in a client's home, themudangwill often establish a temporary altar.If at a shrine, the altar will often be a stone or an old tree.Themudangwill also typically have a shrine in their home in which they host various gods and ancestors.These shrines are calledsinbang,harabŏjiŭibang,orpŏptang,and each may have idiosyncratic elements.

This home shrine may include paintings of deities, calledmusindo,taenghwa,musokhwa,orsinhwa.These paintings are particularly important in themusoktraditions of Seoul and of the northwest provincesHwanghaeandP'yǒngan;they were traditionally not found in parts of the south.When included they are usually considered the most important objects present,and hang above the altar.They are regarded as seats for the deities, literally manifesting the latter's presence rather than just visually depicting them,an idea similar to those found across much of Asia, as in Buddhism andHinduism.As well as being invited to inhabit a painting, a deity may also be petitioned to depart it; they are sometimes believed to leave of their own accord, for instance if they abandon amudangwho keeps the image.

Musindopaintings range from being crude to more sophisticated.Traditionally they use colors associated with the five directions (오방색;obang saek): red, blue/green, yellow, white, and black.Painters who producemusindoare traditionally expected to adhere to standards of purity while producing these artworks,bathing beforehand and refraining from eating fish or meat.Since the 1970s,musindohave commonly been produced in commercial workshops,although a small number of traditional artists remain in South Korea.After amudang's death, theirmusindowere often ritually de-animated and then burned during the 20th century.Somemusindohave been donated to museums; certainmusokpractitioners believe that the deity leaves the image if that occurs.

Also present may besinsang,or deity statues made of wood, plastic, clay, straw, or metal.Deities may instead be represented by a white piece of paper, thekŭlbalorkŭlmun,onto which the entity's name is written in black or red ink.Inmusok,the deity may also be seated in physical objects, including stones, clothing, coins, dolls, or knives,and which may be concealed from view, for instance being wrapped within cloth or inside a chest.Somemudangalso include images of Buddhist deities on their shrines.

Shrine in thekuttangatAnsan,featuring statues of various deities.

Also present will typically be candlesticks, offering bowls, and incense pots.The home altar will often be dominated with bright, primary colors, in contrast to the muted earth tones which traditionally predominated in Korean daily life.Themudang'saltar will also often be a place to store or display their ritual paraphernalia, such as costumes.It may also include toys or dolls to amuse the child gods.

Mudangtypically bow when entering a shrine-room.Offerings to the deities will be placed on this home shrine.Some offerings, such as cooked rice, fruit, and water, may be changed daily; other offerings, such as sweets, cigarettes, and liquor, may be replaced more infrequently.Mudanghold that they provide offerings to these deities in thanks to the work that these entities have brought them; a large assortment of offerings can thus give the impression that themudangis financially successful.Worshipping the deities daily sustains their ongoing favor.Clients of themudangmay place offerings at this shrine as well as themudangthemselves.

Deities are often believed to be present in all houses.Historical accounts often reference the presence of earthen jars (tok,hangari,tanji) filled with grain, or smaller baskets or pouches, as offerings to household deities and ancestors.This practice was declining in South Korea by the 1960s and 1970s.By the latter decades of the 20th century, cardboard boxes had become common receptacles for these household offerings.

Kuttangandpugundang

TheKuksadangshrine is located onInwang Mountain,Seoul; Kendall noted that manymudang"regard theKuksadangas Korea's premierkuttang."

Shrines at whichmusokrituals are performed are calledkuttangorkut dang(굿당) and, in South Korea, are typically located on mountains.Shrines dedicated to significant tutelary spirits are known astangorpugundang,and were historically often the foci for local cults, such as those devoted to apotheosised heroes. Kuttangwill often be identified on the exterior by at'aegŭksymbol, a circular swirl of red, blue, and yellow that symbolizes the cosmos.The main ritual room is called thekut bang,and often contains a table on which offerings are placed.Mudangoften rent akuttangto perform their rituals, especially if they do not have the room for such rites in their home.

Somekuttangare regarded as being located at especially auspicious places, at an area below a mountain, themyŏngdang,where positive spiritual energy is thought to congregate.Practitioners often also believe that deities encourage followers to choose specific locales for the placement ofkuttangvia dreams.Kuttangsometimes move over time.TheKuksadang,which Kendall described as "Seoul's most venerablekuttang",for instance was originally on South Mountain, before being displaced by aShintoshrine during the Japanese occupation of Korea and then moved ontoInwangsan,a mountain to the north of the city.The growing urbanisation of South Korea since the late 20th century has meant that many are now surrounded by other buildings, sometimes including otherkuttang.The increasingly cramped nature of Korean urban living may have encouraged the increasing popularity ofkuttangin isolated locations like mountains. On Jeju Island, various villages have more than one shrine;new village shrines have been established on Jeju during the early 21st century.

Kuttangare often run as a business.It is unclear exactly when they began renting themselves out as spaces formudangto use, although it has been argued that it was in the later years of the Joseon period.Thekuttangwill have a shrine keeper,who may be amudangthemselves.Other staff based there may include musicians calledchaebi,kitchen staff to prepare food forkutrituals,and a maid called thekong dương cụwho is an intendedmudangbut who has not yet undergone their initiation ritual.As well as spaces for ritual, thesekuttangcan also provide places for networking, wheremudangcan witness the rituals of other practitioners and observe different regional styles.

Kutrites

Main article:Gut (ritual)

Diorama of akutinside theNational Museum of Korea,Seoul

The central ritual of themudangis calledkut.These are large-scale rites,characterised by rhythmic movements, songs, oracles and prayers.They are the only rituals in traditional Korean religion believed to give supernatural entities the ability to speak directly to humans,and are meant to create welfare, promoting commitment between supernatural beings and humankind.There is regional diversity in the styles ofkut,although somemudangmix these different styles,with eachkutdisplaying features unique to its particular circumstances.

Akutis sponsored for a specific purpose.Akutmay be arranged due to an illness, domestic quarrel, or financial loss.The purpose of akutis to get the supernatural beings to communicate, expressing what it is that they want and why they are angry.In the 21st century, it has become increasingly common to sponsor akutto mark a new financial venture, such as the opening of a mall or an office building.As well as being performed for clients, themudangwill sometimes perform these rituals for their own personal reasons;in the 1990s, for instance, the prominentmudangKim Kŭm-hwa performed akutforKorean reunification.

The fee charged varies betweenmudangand the circumstances of the rite.However, akutis usually very expensive for the client of amudang;based on his fieldwork in 1990s, Chongho Kim noted that akutin Seoul typically cost between 2 and 5 million won, whereas in the rural area of Soy it cost between 300,000 and 2.5 million won.The precise fee may be negotiated between themuand their client, sometimes involving haggling.This will usually be agreed at a pre-kutconsultation.As well as paying for themudang'stime, the fee also covers the wages of any assistants and the costs of material used in the rite;it may also reflect the years of training they have undertaken to be able to perform these rituals.

Akutheld on Jeju Island in 2006.

Thekutis usually held in private, and few have a larger audience than the direct participants,although there are instances where those paying for akutwill invite neighbors to observe.These rituals are typically regarded as unsuitable for children to attend.Often it will take place outdoors and at night, in an isolated rural location,at akuttangshrine rented for the occasion,or in a private home,either that of themudang,or that of their client.Setting up thekutmay involve not only themudangbut also their apprentices, assistants, musicians, butchers, and cooks.Preparing and decorating the space is deemed a meaningful part of the ritual process,with those setting it up often concerned so as not to offend the spirits.

Colorful paintings of the gods will often be brought into the space where thekutis to be performed;this is not part of thekutperformed by Jejusimbang.God paintings are usually paper, although in modern contexts are sometimes polyester, ensuring that they are resistant to rain and tearing. Other practitioners regard the use of polyester images as a corruption of tradition.These images are then often hung on a metal frame.InTaejŏn CityandCh'ungch'ŏngprovince, a traditional practice involves decorating the ritual space with handmade mulberry paper cut into patterns.Various ritual items may be included in thekutritual, including swords, thesamjichang,a drum, drum stick, and the spirit stick.Thesamjichangis a three-pronged spear.Thechukwonmunis a prayer card used in thekutonto which information like the name of the client may be written.Thechukwonmunmay then be attached to a drum.

Offerings at thekut

Akutperformed in South Korea in 2007, showing the offering of meat to the spirits

Atkut,food is offered to the spirits.This will often include fish, rice,tteokrice cakes, eggs, sweets, nuts, biscuits, fruit, and meat.Some of this food will be cooked, some will be offered raw.To provide meat,animal sacrificeoccurs at mostkut,although is rare in televisual, cinematic, and museum depictions of these rites.A cow or pig killed for the purpose may be butchered in the shrine room;the carcass may be impaled on the trident; if it fails to balance, then this is seen as evidence that the deities do not accept the offering. When the ritual is intended to invoke Buddhist spirits, the food offerings may be vegetarian;offering these entities meat would offend them.Food offerings may also be set out at the side for wandering spirits who are attracted by the ritual, an act designed to avoid mishaps they could cause.

Offered alongside the food will often be alcoholic drinks, typicallysoju,as well as non-food items like incense, cloth, money (both real and imitation), and paper flowers.The color of the flowers may indicate to whom they are offered; pink for the spirits of military generals, white for Buddhist deities, and multi-colored for ancestral spirits.The material used for thekutwill often be bought in amanmulsangshop, which specialises in traditional religious paraphernalia.In modern South Korea, the ritual paraphernalia used is often of poor quality because it is intended to be burnt following the ceremony.

These may be placed on offering tables;one table will be thehalabeoji sang,devoted to themusokgods, while the other table will be thejasang sang,devoted to ancestral spirits.Themudangwill often perform divination to determine if the offerings have been accepted by the supernatural beings.It is considered important for the person giving these offerings to do so with sincerity and devotion,with the mudang undertaking a form of divination called "weighing the sincerity" (chŏngsŏng kŭllyang) to determine if this has been the case.The emotional influence on the audience is considered evidence of its efficacy.

During the ritual, attendees may be expected to give additional offerings of money to themudang,often while they are possessed, intended as thanks both to them and to the spirits.These offerings, given in addition to the ritual fee, are calledpyŏlbiorkajŏn.Any real money presented as offerings to the deities will be taken by themudang. Much of the food assembled for thekutwill then be distributed and consumed by the attendees at the end of the ritual,having been charged by auspiciousness by its involvement in the rite.Attendees may distribute some of this food to non-attendees once they get home;they may also set some aside to feed any wandering spirits that might have followed them from thekut.In somekut,especially those held atkut dangshrines, food will also be left to decay.

Performance at thekut

Ajanggudrum, on display at the National Museum of Korea in Seoul

The ritual begins with themudanginviting supernatural entities to the altar, after which they set out to entertain them.Music will often be involved in thekut. Musical instruments typically involved inkutinclude cymbals, hourglass-shaped drums calledchanggu,and a gong.Also sometimes featured is a pipe, thep'iri.Thekutwill often begin with drumming.Themudangwill often dance to the beat of the drums, often swirling in circles, something believed to facilitate the possession trance.They may hold short sticks to which white paper streamers are attached; this device is intended to help channel the spirits into themudang'sbody.

The language used by amudangduring their rite is calledmudang sori( "mudang's sounds "),and is often deliberately archaic.The songs or chants employed are calledmuga,with each practitioner having their own personal repertoire, largely inherited through oral tradition.As well as traditional folk songs, somemudanghave sungpop songsto entertain the spirits. Incantations and ritual words for communicating with the spirit are calledchukeon.Themudangwill often recite mythological stories during the ritual, something deemed to contribute to its efficacy.These may be recited in full at a longer ritual or in condensed form for a shorter one.There may be breaks during thekut,for instance giving time for the participants to eat.

Themudangmay also carry a fan and brass bells;Sarfati commented that these bells were "a central symbol of musok",and their purpose is to attract the attention of the spirits.

The costumes worn for these rituals are calledsinbok.These colorful outfits resemble those documented from the 19th and early 20th centuries,and may involve ahanbok.Themansinmay distinguish themselves from their assistants by having their hair in the Tchokchin mŏri style. For thekut,themudangwill dress in clothes representing the deities,with different deities associated with different items of clothing.They may change outfit over the course of thekutto reflect the different entities possessing them.This is not a practice that thesesup muengage in.

Sticks with white paper streamers are used bymansinto channel the spirits into their body

Also used in manykutarechaktublades, objects symbolizing the bravery of the possessing warrior spirits.Themudangmay stab themselves in the chest with the knives,run the blade along their tongue,or press it to their face and hands.Riding knives is termedjakdugeoriand involves themudangwalking barefoot on the upturned blade of the knife, sometimes while speaking ingongsu,or possessed speech.Practitioners claim that it is the spirits that prevent themudangfrom being cut by the blade,and the ability to undertake such dangerous acts without harm is regarded as evidence for the efficacy of the rite.Some practitioners acknowledge instances in which they have been cut by the blades.Jakdugeorihas become an expected part of staged or cinematickut.

The possession phase takes place at the climax of the ritual.In somekuttraditions, themudangwill stand upon an earthen jar while doing so. The termsin-naerim(descending of the spirits) describes possession of themansin,intended in a manner that is largely controlled.Possessed speech is calledkongsu;words from the possessing entity will then be spoken to the assembled persons by themudang.Over the course of akut,amansinmay be possessed by a succession of different supernatural entities. On Jeju, thesimbangwill provide a voice for the spirits.Yun noted that thesimbang's"so-called medium speech" typically lacked the "dramatic intensity" of the messages conveyed by thekangsin-mu.The entities possessing themudangwill typically dispense advice to the ritual's sponsor and to other attendees. Supernatural beings will often relate that if akuthad been performed earlier, misfortune would not have befallen the person sponsoring thekut.

The final phase of thekutentails sending off the spirits who have been summoned, often by burning name tags, thejosang ot( "clothes for ancestors" ) or cloth, straw shoes, and imitation money. Towards the end of thekut,wandering spirits that may have gathered are expelled,talismans may be distributed to attendees,and finally themudangwill remove their ceremonial clothing.

Styles ofkut

Thekkonmaji kutor flower-greetingkutis an annual rite held by amudangto entertain and feed their gods, ancestors, and clients.Thesin kutare performed in gratitude to the deities and ancestors for granting a mu their spiritual power and thus a livelihood. They are regarded as returning to these supernatural beings a portion of what the mu has earned.Thesin kutcan sometimes last 10 days.Thebyong kutis a ritual for expelling bad spirits, sometimes from a human. This sometimes involves the spirit forcing it into a bottle.

Thechesu kutis for good fortune, while theuhwan kutis for healing.Thechinogi kutis performed to send ancestors to a good afterlife. Themich'in kutis performed for a person who is mentally afflicted and often deemed to be possessed by one or more spirits.Exorcisms will often involve throwing scraps of food, sometimes at the afflicted person.The possessing spirit is offered food to encourage it to leave.Thech'a kosais performed to honor the spirits of a new car and became increasingly popular as car ownership grew in late 20th century South Korea.

Historically, thekutmay have had entertainment value when there were few other outlets.Since the latter decades of the 20th century,kutperformed primarily for entertainment purposes rather than for religious reasons are referred to askut gongyeon.Some practitioners who perform both draw a clear distinction between them,although manymudangstill regard stagedkutas genuine interactions with spirits.Performed in museums or at city festivals, thesekutoften take place on raised stages surrounded by a seated audience,typically attracting journalists, scholars, and photographers.Stagedkutare often dedicated to general causes such as national prosperity;sometimes the food placed as an offering is fake.They often involve folklorists or other scholars who explain the ritual to the audience,while the participants will often be dressed in a common uniform, something not found in privatekut.Mudangmay see these staged rituals as an opportunity to attract potential new clients,uploading videos of them performing such rites to social media andYouTube.

Kut gongyeonare often performed for their artistic value.By 2009, South Korea's government recognised ten regionalkutstyles as parts ofthe country's intangible cultural heritage,and that year one of these traditions — theYǒngdŭng kutperformed at Ch'ilmǒri Shrine on Jeju — was added toUNESCO'sRepresentative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity.

Purification

Purity of both the body and the mind is a state that is required for taking part in rituals.Purification is considered necessary for an efficacious communion between living people and ancestral forms.Before anykutis performed, the altar is always purified by fire and water, as part of the firstgoriof the ritual itself.The colour white, extensively used in rituals, is regarded as a symbol of purity.The purification of the body is performed by burning white paper.

Mountains, landscape, and pilgrimage

In themusokreligion, rocks, springs, andsŏn'angtrees may be regarded as being spiritually potent.The latter trees may be marked out by having strips of cloth or paper attached to them.

Gardens of theSamseonggung,a shrine for the worship ofHwanin,HwanungandDangun.

In stories surrounding themudang,mountains are often represented as both places of sacred presence and also places associated with the ultimate origin of themudangtradition.Each prominent mountain is deemed to have a specific mountain spirit who is sovereign upon it.The levels of spiritual power at a mountain are influenced not just by its associated deities but also thekienergy (the equivalent of the Chineseqi) that is present there.Thiskiis believed to channel throughmaek( "veins" ) through the mountain landscape; these can be disrupted by roads or other construction.Thus, the potency of these mountains is thought to decline amid growing urbanisation and tourist access.In Korea, this traditionalgeomancyis calledp'ungsu,and is akin to the Chinesefengshui.

Pilgrimages to mountain shrines of particular deities have long been part of Korean folk religion.Somemudangprepare for these pilgrimages by abstaining from eating meat, fish, or eggs, and bathe before leaving.On arrival at the shrine, the pilgrim will bow and provide an offering. Mountain landscapes regularly attractmudangwho regard these as places that concentrate powerful deities and which are conducive to receiving visions. They are also seen as places to replenish their "bright energy" (myŏnggi).Mudangwill make offerings not only at the mountains but also at springs and guardian treesen route.Those reaching the summit of a mountain will often add a pebble to acairnto propitiate that mountain'ssansin.Incorrectly performing the pilgrimage may upset thesansinand bring about this spirit's retribution.

In historical periods, themudang'smountain pilgrimages were typically rare events although improved transportation meant that by the 1990s these had become far more regular occurrences in South Korea. The most sacred mountain for themudangisMount Paektu,located on North Korea's northern border with China.This is believed to channelkito every other mountain in the peninsula.According to legend, it is also the birthplace of Tan'gun, the national ancestor and firstmudang.Since the 1990s,mudangfrom South Korea have travelled to China to make pilgrimages to this mountain.

Talismans and divination

An important component of themudang'srole is to produce talismans calledpujŏk(bujeok) which are presented as providing the bearer with good fortune.Thesepujŏkare often based on Hanja, Korean versions of Chinese ideograms.These may be distributed to attendees at the end of a rite.Clients will often affix these to the internal walls of their home.

Divination is termedjeom.One form of divination, sometimes performed during other rituals, involves a person picking one of a selection of rolled up silk flags; the color of the selected flag is then interpreted as bearing meaning for that individual.Green and yellow flags are often seen as indicating bad fortune,while red is regarded as being auspicious. Themugŏristyle of divination involves casting rice and coins onto a tray.

In Korean vernacular religion, there are also ritual specialists who perform divinations and produce amulets but who do not engage inkutrituals like themudang.

History

Detailed accounts ofmudangrituals prior to the modern period are rare,and the fact that the tradition is orally transmitted means it is difficult to trace historical processes.

Prehistory

Some historians have argued thatmusokhas common origins with other traditions labelled "shamanic" in parts of North Asia, suggesting a common origin in prehistory. Korean shamanism goes back to prehistoric times, pre-dating the introduction ofBuddhismand Confucianism, and the influence of Taoism, in Korea.Vestiges of temples dedicated to gods and spirits have been found on tops and slopes of many mountains in the peninsula.

Shamanism can be traced back to 1,000 BC.The religion has been part of the culture of the Korean Peninsula since then. "Historically, Korean Shamanism (Musok) was an orally transmitted tradition that was mastered mainly by illiterate low-ranking women within the neo-Confucian hierarchy."However, several records and texts have documented the origin of Korean Shamanism. One of these texts isWei Shiwhich traces Shamanism to the third century.Chinesedynastic historiesmention the importance of designated shamans among early religious practices in Japan but not Korea.The Korean studies scholar Richard D. McBride thus asserts that non-shamans were able to practice "under their own authority".Evidently, the history of Korean Shamanism remains a mystery. However, foreign religions, includingChristianity,Buddhism,ConfucianismandTaoismhave influenced the development of Korean Shamanism.

The development of Korean Shamanism can be categorized into different groups. The first category involves simple transformation. In this transformation, the influence of the practices and beliefs of other religions on Korean Shamanism was superficial.The second category of transmission was syncretistic. This category involves Shamanism being incorporated into the practices and beliefs of other cultures, including Confucianism, Christianity, Taoism, and Buddhism.These religions had different levels of influence on Korean Shamanism. The third category involves the formation of new religions through the mi xing of beliefs and practices of Shamanism with those of other dominant religions.

Although many Koreans converted to Buddhism when it was introduced to the peninsula in the 4th century, and adopted as the state religion inSillaandGoryeo,it remained a minor religion compared to Korean shamanism.

The termmuis first recorded in the 12th-centuryYisanggugjip.It also appears in theSamguk Sagifrom that century. The use of images of themusokdeities, hanging on the wall, is first recorded from the 13th century.

Joseon Korea and Japanese Occupation

See also:Misin tapa undong

The Goryeo kingdom was replaced by the Joseon dynasty, which saw an increase in governmental persecution of themudang.Confucianismwas the dominant ideology in Joseon Korea, contributing to these suppressions;later historians argued that this was connected to the elite's desire to gain more power by challenging rivals to their Confucian system.Confucians accepted the existence of the spirits invoked in themudang'srites,but argued that there were better ways of dealing with these supernatural beings.They regarded themusokrituals as improper,criticising the presence of both sexes together in environments where alcohol was being consumed.Korea'sNeo-Confucianscholars used the derogatory termŭmsafor non-Confucian ceremonies, of which they considered themudangrituals among the lowest.

Amudangperforms akutin a painting titledMunyeo sinmu(무녀신무,Vu nữ thần vũ), made byShin Yunbokin 1805.

In the Joseon dynasty,mudangbelonged to one of eight outcast groups that were expelled from the capital city.TheGyeonggukdaejeonlaw book prescribed 100 lashes in public for anyone found to be supporting them.This persecution could prove deadly; in an extreme case, amudangwas beheaded in 1398.In an oft-cited incident, Jeju governor Yi Hyǒngsang initiated a purge ofsimbangon the island in 1702, destroying 129 shrines.Taxes were levied on themudang'srituals, both to discourage the practice but also to raise revenues for the government; these taxes remained in place until the 1895 Kabo reforms.At the same time as the government persecuted themudang,they also turned to them in emergencies like epidemics, droughts, and famines.Severalmudangwere permitted access to the royal palaces, where several structures were set aside for their usage.

By the late 19th century, many Korean intellectuals eager formodernisationcame to regardmusokas superstition that should be eradicated;they increasingly referred to it with the termmisin( "superstition" ).These ideas were endorsed inThe Independent,Korea's first vernacular newspaper.Many of these intellectuals were Christian, thus regarding themudang'sspirits as evildemons.In 1896, police launched a crackdown by arrestingmudang,destroying shrines, and burning paraphernalia.

TheJapanese Empireinvaded Korea in 1910.During theJapanese occupation,the occupiers tried to incorporatemusokwithin, or replace it with,State Shinto.The Japanese colonialGovernor-General of Chōsenpresented themudangas evidence for Korean cultural backwardness, an approach intended to legitimize Japanese imperial rule.Japanese efforts to suppress the tradition included the Mind Cultivation Movement launched in 1936.Korean elites largely supported these suppressions for a variety of reasons, one of which was to demonstrate Korean cultural advancement to the Japanese occupying Korea.

It was in this colonial context that scholars developed the idea that themudangwere continuing an ancient Korean religion and thus represented the spiritual and cultural repository of the Korean people.Influenced by the Western use of the term "shamanism" as a cross-cultural category, some Korean scholars speculated that themudangtradition descended from Siberian traditions.The Japanese scholarTorii Ryūzōproposed themudangas a remnant of a primordialShinto,with both stemming from Siberian "shamanism."These ideas were built on by nationalist Korean scholarsCh'oe Nam-sŏnandYi Nŭnghwain the 1920s.Cho'e reversed Torii's framework by emphasising the primacy of ancient Korean over Japanese tradition as the transmitter of Siberian religion,while Yi promoted themudangtradition as the residue of what he calledsin'gyo( "divine teachings" ), meaning a primordial Korean religion that lost its purity through the arrival of Confucianism and Buddhism.At the time, Korean elites remained wary about this new positive reassessment.

Korean War and Division

Kim Kŭm-hwa became one of the world's most famousmudangfrom the 1980s onward

The situation forMusokworsened after thedivision of Koreaand the establishment of anorthern Socialist governmentand asouthern pro-Christian government.The Korean War and subsequent urbanisation of Korean society resulted in many Koreans moving around the peninsula, impacting the distinct regional traditions of themudang.Manymudangfrom Hwanghae (in North Korea) resettled inInchon(in South Korea), strongly influencingmusokthere, for example.This migration meant that by the early 21st century,kangsin-muwere increasingly dominant in areas like Jeju wheresesŭp-muhistorically predominated, generating rivalry between the two traditions.

In North Korea, most formal religious activity was suppressed,withmudanglabelled part of the "hostile class".In South Korea, Christianity spread rapidly from the 1960s, becoming the country's dominant religion by the 21st century.South Korean leaderSyngman Rheelaunched theSin Saenghwal Undong( "New Life Movement" ) which destroyed many village shrines.This policy continued as theSaemaul Undong( "New Community Movement" ) of his successor,Park Chung Hee,which led to a surge in the police suppression ofmudangduring the 1970s.In response,mudangformed the Tae Han Sŭngkong yŏngsin yŏnhap-hoe (Korean Victory Over Communism Federation of Shamans) to promote their interests, its name reflecting the pervasiveanti-communistatmosphere of South Korean society.Such outright persecution ended after Park's assassination in 1979.

The popularization offolklore studiesin the 1970s resulted in the notion ofmusokas Korea's ancient tradition gaining acceptance among growing numbers of educated South Koreans.In 1962, South Korea had introduced a Cultural Properties Protection Law that recognised performing arts asintangible cultural heritage;some folklorists used this to help defend themudang.In the latter part of the 20th century, themudangrituals were increasingly revived as a form of theatrical performance linked to cultural conservation and tourism.From the 1980s onward, South Korea's government designated certainmudangas Human Cultural Treasures.One of the best-known examples wasKim Geum-hwa(Kim Kŭm-hwa), who from the 1980s performed for foreign anthropologists, toured Western countries, and appeared in documentaries.Reflecting the view ofmusokas an important part of Korea's cultural heritage, akutwas depicted on a South Korean postage stamp whilemusokelements were included at theSeoul 1988 Olympic Arts Festivaland the 1988 inauguration of PresidentRoh Tae-woo.Paintings ofmusokdeities became increasingly collectable in the 1980s and 1990s.

Themudangwere often regarded favorably within South Korea'sminjung(Popular Culture Movement) pro-democracy campaign from the 1970s; severalmudangwere active in the movement and became emblematic of its struggle.Advocacy groups were also formed to advance the cause of themu,keen to present the tradition as lying at the heart of Korean culture,while the 1980s also sawmudangbegin to write books about themselves.Mudangalso adapted to new technologies; from the 1990s they increasingly used theInternetto advertise their services,while portrayals ofmudangbecame widespread on South Korean television in the 2010s.This increasing cultural visibility improved themudang'ssocial image.

Since the early 19th century, a number of movements of revitalization or innovation of traditional Korean shamanism arose. They are characterized by an organized structure, a codified doctrine, and a body of scriptural texts. They may be grouped into three major families: the family ofDaejongismor Dangunism, theDonghak-originated movements (includingCheondoismandSuunism), and the family ofJeungsanism(includingJeung San Do,Daesun Jinrihoe,the now-extinctBocheonism,and many other sects).

Demographics

A shrine to asansinmountain spirit inside the Buddhist temple at Saseongam in South Korea

Mudanghave conventionally belonged to the lowest social class.Chongho Kim noted that mostmudanghe encountered in the 1990s had a "very poor educational background",and were also typically financially poor.Mostmudangare female,with the religion being dominated by women.This may connect to origin myths that presentmusokas first developing among priestesses.Chongho Kim cautioned that the notion ofmusokbeing a "women's religion" ignored the antagonistic attitude that most Korean women had towards it.Approximately a fifth ofmudangare malepaksu,although the latter are proportionately over-represented in 21st-century media representations.There is regional variation in these gender differences; on Jeju Island, there were more male than femalesimbangprior to the 1950s, and proportions of male practitioners remain higher there than on the Korean mainland.

Determining the number ofmudangis difficult.In the early 21st century, Sarfati noted that the number ofmudangwas estimated at being over 200,000,a number that she observed was "not diminishing".This stability is not evenly distributed among different types ofmudang;in 2019, Yung noted that the hereditarysesŭp-mu,including the Jejusimbang,were "in steep decline".There is also regional variation in the presence ofmudang;by the 21st century,mudangwere more common in Seoul than in rural parts of South Korea,while Yun observed that the practice was "undeniably more prominent" on Jeju than on the mainland.Musokis not recorded in the South Korean census because the government does not regard adherence to it as being akin to identifying as a Christian or a Buddhist.A late 20th-century survey by the Korean Gallup Research Institute indicated that 38 percent of the adult population of South Korea had used amudang.In North Korea, according to demographic analyses by Religious Intelligence, approximately 16 percent of the population practises "traditional ethnic" religion.

Since at least the 20th century,mudanghave travelled abroad to perform rituals;many for instance travel to Japan to serve clients inJapan's Korean minority.There are alsomudangliving in Europe,and a small number of non-Koreans have becomemudang;a 2007 documentary covered the story of a Germanmudang.Kendall noted the existence of onemudangliving outside Korea who was promoting their teachings through New Age-style workshops.

Reception

A diorama of amudangworshipping at a shrine at theLotte WorldFolk Museum in Seoul

Musokhas been suppressed throughout Korean history under a succession of dominant ideologies including Confucianism, Japanese colonialism, and Christianity.At the start of the 21st century, themudangremained widely stigmatized in South Korean society, facing widespread prejudice.In 2021, Sarfati observed that while the religion was "still stigmatized," it was experiencing "growing acceptance" in South Korea.

The religion's critics often regardmudangas swindlers,people who manipulate the gullible.Critics regularly focus their critique on the large sums of money that themudangcharge,and maintain that the expenses required for its rituals are wasteful.Critics have also accusedmudangof disrupting the civil order with their rituals.Kendall noted that there was a "generally adversarial relationship" betweenmudangand Protestants in South Korea,the latter regardingmusokas "Devil worship".Mainline Protestant theologians have sometimes blamedmusokfor predisposing Koreans toPentecostalismand the idea that prayer can generate financial reward.Christians have sometimes harassedmudangat their places of work or during their ceremonies,something which somemudangregard asreligious discrimination.

Mudangbegan appearing in South Korean film in the 1960s.Early portrayals in the 1960s and 1970s generally showed them as harmful, frightening, and anti-modern figures, as inSsal(1963),Munyŏdo(1972) andIŏdo(1977).From the mid-2000s, films increasingly portrayed them as members of a living tradition situated in modern urban environments, as inCh'ŏngham Posal(2009) andPaksu Kŏndal(2013).The 2000s also saw several successful documentaries aboutmudangappear in Korean cinemas,as well as increasing appearances ofmudangon Korean television.Korean artists who have citedmusokrituals as an influence on their work includeNam June Paik,who recreated an exorcismkutfor several performances from the late 1970s.Musokhas also been presented in museums, although often with emphasis placed on its folkloric and aesthetic value rather than its role as a religious practice.South Korea's government often embracekutas a traditional performing artform, but marginalise its religious function.

Musokhas influenced some Korean new religions, such asCheondoismandJeungsanism,and some Christian churches in Koreamake use of practices rooted inmusok.

See also

• Asian witchcraft
• Gasin faith
• Korean folklore
• Korean numismatic charm
• Korean traditional festivals
• Jongmyo jerye
• Religion in Korea
• Samgong bon-puri
• Taoism in Korea

References

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