Malayisation

3 Warna Melayu(theMalay tricolour), a testament of the 3 core values of the definingMalay identity:Green (Iman- Faith), Yellow (Adat- Custom) and Red (Keberanian- Bravery) displayed inRiau,Indonesia.

Malayisation(Commonwealthspelling) orMalayization(North AmericanandOxfordspelling) is a process ofassimilationandacculturation,that involves acquisition (Malay:Masuk Melayu,literally "embracingMalayness") or imposition (Malay:PemelayuanorMelayuisasi) of elements ofMalay culture,in particular,Islamand theMalay language,as experienced by non-Malay populations of territories fully controlled or partially influenced by historicalMalay sultanatesand modernMalay-speaking countries.It is often described as a process of civilisational expansion, drawing a wide range of indigenous peoples into theMuslim,Malay-speaking polities ofMaritime Southeast Asia.Examples of Malayisation have occurred throughoutAsiaincluding inBrunei,Cambodia,Indonesia,Malaysia,Singapore,andSri Lanka.

Malayisation started to occur during the territorial and commercial expansion ofMelaka Sultanatein the 15th century, which spread thelanguage,culture,andIslamto theMaritime Southeast Asia.Following the demise of Melaka in the early 16th century, instances of this assimilation of people from differentethnic originsintoMalay culture,continued under numeroussultanatesthat emerged inMalay Peninsula,Sumatra,Riau IslandsandBorneo.Malayisation could either be voluntary or forced and is most visible in the case of territories where theMalay languageor culture were dominant or where their adoption could result in increased prestige or social status.

The ultimate manifestation of this cultural influence can be observed in the presentdominantposition ofMalay languageand its variants inMaritime Southeast Asia,the establishment ofethnic Malays realmwithin the region, the forming of new cultures such as thePeranakan,and the development of manyMalay trade and creole languages.

In linguistics, the term Malayisation may refer to the adaptation of oral or written elements of any other language into a form that is more comprehensible to a speaker ofMalay;or in general, of altering something so that it becomesMalayin form or character.

History

Early history

A typical Baju melayu assemble, worn together with thesongket.Baju Melayutraces its origin to the 15th centuryMalacca Sultanate,and today is one of the most important symbol of Malay culture.

There is significant genetic, linguistic, cultural, and social diversity among modern Malay subgroups, mainly attributed to centuries of migration and assimilation of various ethnic groups and tribes withinSoutheast Asia.Historically, the Malays are descended from theMalayic-speakingAustronesians,variousAustroasiatictribes,ChamandFunansettlers of ancient polities in coastal areas of the Malay Peninsula, Sumatra and Borneo;Brunei,Old Kedah,Langkasuka,Gangga Negara,Old Kelantan,Negara Sri Dharmaraja,MalayuandSrivijaya.

The coming of Islam to Southeast Asiaconstituted a new era in Malay history. The new religion transformed many aspects of the old Hindu–Buddhist–animistic cultural practices and beliefs of the people, and imbued it with an Islamic worldview. Beginning 12th century, the old polities were soon gradually superseded by Islamic kingdoms across the region. The most important of these was theMelaka Sultanate,established around 1400 CE. At the zenith of its power in the 15th century, Melaka exercised its special role not only as a trading centre, but also as the centre of Islamic learning, therefore promoting the development of Malay literary traditions.

The blossoming ofMalay literaturein this era had transformed theClassical Malaydialect of Melaka, enabling it to attainlinguistic prestige.As a result, growth in trade between Melaka and the rest of the archipelago led to the dialect spreading beyond the traditional Malay speaking world, and eventually it became alingua francaof maritime Southeast Asia. It was then further evolved intoBahasa Melayu pasar( "Bazaar Malay") orBahasa Melayu rendah( "Low Malay" ),which is generally understood as a form of pidgin influenced by contact between Malay and Chinese traders. The most important development has been that pidgin Malay creolised, creating several new languages such as theAmbonese Malay,Manado MalayandBetawi languages.

TheMalaysand theJavanese,hand-coloured copper engraving fromJan Huyghen van Linschoten's,Itinerario,1596. The legend reads "Inhabitants ofMalacca,the best speakers, the most polite and the most amorous of theEast Indies.Inhabitants ofJava,who are hard-headed and obstinate."

The period of Melaka was also known as the era of Malayethnogenesis,signified by strong infusion of Islamic values into Malay identity, and the flourishing of various important aspects of Malay culture. The term 'Melayu' ( "Malay" ) to refer to a distinct group of people had been clearly defined to describe the cultural preferences of the Melakans as against foreigners from the same region, notably theJavaneseandThais.Thecara Melayu('ways of Malay') were thecara Melaka('ways of Melaka'); in language, dress, manners, entertainments and so forth, these might be referred to as 'Malay', and this Melaka-based culture or civilisation was acknowledged right across the archipelago.The aboriginal communities fromOrang AsliandOrang Lautwho constituted a majority original population of Melaka were also Malayised and incorporated into the hierarchical structure of Melaka. So successfully did Melakan rulers equate the kingdom with "Melayu" that one Malay text describes how, after a defeat, the people of Melaka fled into the jungle where they becameJakun,that isOrang Hulu('upriver people'). It shows that, without the mantle of Melaka's prestige, the local inhabitants were undifferentiated from the other non-Malay elements in neighbouring areas.

The Melakans were described by European travellers as"white", well-proportioned, and proud. The men normally wear cotton garments (sarongs) which cover them only from the waist down, but a few of the more distinguished wear short, silk coats, under which they carrykrises.Their women, who are olive-coloured, comely, and brunette, usually wear fine silk garments and short shirts. Nobody but the Sultan may wear yellow colours without special permission under pain of death. The faces of the natives are broad with wide noses and round eyes. Both sexes are well-mannered and devotees of all forms of refined amusement, especially music, ballads, and poetry. The rich pass life pleasantly in their country homes at Bertam which are surrounded by bountiful orchards. Most of them maintain separate establishments in the city from which they conduct their business. They take offence easily and will not permit anyone to put his hand on their head or shoulders. Often malicious and untruthful, they take pride in their ability to wield the kris adroitly against their personal enemies. In larger engagements they fight in bands with bows and arrows, spears and krises. In their beliefs, they are devout Muslims.Their language"is reported to be the most courteous and seemelie speech of all the Orient." It is readily learned by foreigners, and is the lingua franca for the entire region.

Later Malay sultanates

A copy ofUndang-Undang Melaka('Laws of Melaka'). The Melaka system of justice as enshrined in the text was the first digest of laws, compiled in the Malay world, and became a legal resource for other major regional sultanates likeJohor,Perak,Brunei,PattaniandAceh.

After Melaka wasconqueredby thePortuguesein 1511, and the ruling family had established a successor polity inJohor,it would appear that the 'ways of Malay' continued to be fostered and began to have an influence in surrounding sultanates. Startling even to the Portuguese conquerors was the extent to which most ofSumatra's east coast had been influenced by its neighbour across the straits; almost all urban elites spoke Melakan Malay, and they also acknowledged not only correct speech but also good manners and appropriate behaviour, as Malay custom.The role of Melaka as a model also becomes evident, when comparing itslaw codeswith those of other succeeding Malay sultanates.

Malay language was one aspect of the prestige of the sultanates and considered as a language of the learned in Southeast Asia in 17th and 18th century comments. An 18th-century European account even suggests that one is not considered a very broadly educated man in the east unless he understands Malay.Such observations on the influence of the Malay language and kingship concepts relate to the inter-monarchical context. At the local level, individual Malay sultanates all over the archipelago that usually based on rivers and often close to the coast, exercised sufficient attractiveness, or suasion, to foster a process of assimilation. They were operating on a range of frontiers – in Sumatra, Borneo and the peninsula – where non-Muslim peoples, in many cases the tribal communities, were gradually being brought into Malay realm: learning to speak the Malay language, adopting Islam, changing their customs and style of dress and assuming roles of one type or another within the expanding sultanates.

In an early example from eastern Sumatra, the 15th century Sultanate of Aru, believed to be the precursor of MalaySultanate of Deli,is described in the Melaka-Johor chronicle as being ofBatakorigin. European observations on the same region from the 19th century suggests that people further upstream on the rivers of Deli, people who had long had a trading relationships with the coast, and were later calledKaro Batak,were being incorporated in the Deli Sultanate. The Batak and Malay distinction was not racial but cultural, and by converting to Islam and taking on Malay dress and culture, the Batak could become Malay.Both European and Malay writings show them being tutored in the new culture, receiving Malay titles such asOrang Kaya Sri di Rajaas part of the process of conversion. Similar developments were underway inAsahan,to the south, and on theBarusfrontier in the northwest of Sumatra where entry to the new sphere entailed not only a change in manners an clothing styles, but also the adoption of the Islamic religion and the Malay language.

On the peninsula, the effects of the continued contacts between the non-Malays with Malay-dominated centre is suggested in a 19th-century account ofPahang,which mentions that some of the natives who had strong trading ties with the Malays had begun to emulate their speech and dress.The population ofPattanialso has been described as partly aboriginal in origin. In the case ofJohor,the aboriginal people who were reported in the 19th century to be speakingAslian languages,were called 'Malay' a century later. It has been suggested that these people would probably have joined theJakunfirst before becoming Malay. The Jakun are described as being similar to Malays in their kinship arrangements, but resistant to aspects of social structure as well as the Islamic religion of the Malays.In 17th centuryCambodia,a polity renowned for itsBuddhism,kingRamathipadi I converted to Islam, took the name Muhammad Ibrahim, married a Malay Muslim of a princely Cham family,had his courtiers wearkrissesand used Malay language in correspondence. During the same century inChampa,a once powerful Indianized polity but by that time retreating before the advancingVietnamese,the rulers held the titlePaduka Seri Sultanwhich is so common in the Malay polities. These rulers were in close contact with the peninsula, in particularKelantan.French missionaries reported the presence of scribes and religious scholars from Kelantan right into the 19th century. It was believed that Kelantanese who eventually helped to give the Cham struggle against the Vietnamese, the character of areligious crusade.

InBrunei Sultanate,many of the Muslim subjects of the Sultan were converts from localDayakgroups. Acculturation had also taken place inSarawakand Northern Borneo (modern daySabah), where Brunei Sultanate and by the 18th century the Sulu Sultanate were collecting products for China and other markets, and establishing a fairly loose, river based governmental presence. Dayak chiefs were incorporated into the Brunei hierarchy, being givenMalay titlessuch asDatuk,TemenggongandOrang Kaya.What had once been independent villages were gradually built into wider units, and their leaders co-opted into the hierarchy of the polity. A colonial writing about Sarawak, observed that many non-Malays would be amazed to learn the degree to which the present Malay population derives from the local native sources, and among the latter are Sea (Iban) and Land Dayaks (Bidayuh). Innortheastern Borneo,theBulunganMalays appear to be ofKayanorigin. Further down theeast coast,thePaserpolity had extended its influence into theBarito-speaking Dayak, and some of these people became Muslim and were eventually referred to as 'Paser Malays'. Insouthern Borneo,the Malay-speakingSultanate of Banjarhad been pushing inland since the 17th century, bringing Dayaks into its Muslim culture. In thewest,the development of such sultanates ofSambas,SukadanaandLandaktells a similar tale of recruitment among Dayak people.

Malay culture also influenced manyPhilippinekingdoms where things may have only developed differently after Christianisation and cultural separation due toSpanish conquestand subsequent policies. By 1521, it is certain that the Malay language was extensively used for international communication, making it established that the Philippines was part of linguistically diverse Southeast Asia that used Malay as a common language among the ruling classes. Besides the use of Malay when Filipinos first interacted with Spaniards and other Europeans, other Malayan cultural influence is also evidenced by the use of the Malay language in titles and other diplomatic and religious terms in Philippine kingdoms, as was the case for much of the rest of Malayan Southeast Asia. These include titles such asdatuandlaksamana,as well as the terms for 'rank' (pangkat), 'sitting legs crossed' (bersila), 'treason' (derhaka), 'magical chanting' (mantera) and 'story' (hikayat).As for specific diplomatic ties, the influence of the Brunei sultanate on theKingdom of Luzon,for example, is well recorded.King Ache the Oldof Luzon, orRaja Matanda,who resided inManilain 1521, was said to be a grandson ofSultan Bolkiahof Brunei. Borneans were described to have taught Islam to people ofBalayan,Manila,Mindoroand Bonbon. Borneans and Luzonians were also described as 'almost one people', and their clothing styles and ceremonies and customs were certainly similar.

Malayisation also occurred in the form of acculturation, in addition to complete assimilation into Malay identity. In this way, it shaped the ethnocultural development ofcreoleethnic group such asBetawi,Banjar,Peranakan,Jawi Peranakan,Kristang,Chittyand so forth. Such acculturation process was also reflected by assimilation of immigrants from other part of Maritime Southeast Asia, commonly known asanak dagang('traders'), into the established Malay communities, aided by similarity in lifestyle and common religion (Islam). Among these immigrant communities, some cultural elements of Malay origin were later combined in various forms and degrees with their own elements, which partly retained. Notable groups including theJavanese,MinangkabauandBugisMalays.

Contemporary events

Malaysia

Siti Nurhaliza,the most prominent Malay pop star of her era, performing in full traditional Malay costume. She is credited with having introduced and popularised the Malay traditional pop culture throughout theMalay world.

The Malay Peninsula, now an important part of Malaysia, has been the stronghold of Malay sultanates for centuries. As the entire peninsula was consolidated under Melaka's rule in the 15th century, it became the core of theMalay worldsince then, thus earning its nameTanah Melayu( "Malay land" ) in Malay language. The traditional institutions ofsultanatesin the peninsula survived thecolonisation,and were incorporated into the blueprints of the modern state in 1948. Ultimately,Malay rulersremained at the highest hierarchical order of the society. Malayness has been conceived as fundamental basis for state's ideology and it became the main driving force forMalay nationalismin a struggle against British colonisation.The state itself is largely organised around the idea of maintaining the special status of Malays as the first among equals of theBumiputracommunities.The historical identification of the Malays with Islam was entrenched in theArticle 160 of the Constitution of Malaysia.The article defines specifically a "Malay" as a person who professes the religion of Islam, habitually speaks the Malay language and conforms to Malay custom. The Malaysian government also has taken the step of defining Malaysian Culture through the 1971National Culture Policy,which defined what was considered official culture, basing it around Malay culture and integrating Islamic influences. The government has historically made little distinction between "Malay culture" and "Malaysian culture".

Although it has been a subject of criticismeven by the Malays themselves, the notion of becoming a Muslim meansMasuk Melayu(entering Malayness) remains popular. This could have been caused by the centuries-old unclear distinction between "Islamisation" and "Malayisation", for there is a high tendency of the new revertees having eventually Malayised by the dominant Malay-Muslim culture.

Peninsular Malaysiais home to a small indigenous tribal populations, collectively known asOrang Asli.The Malayic speakers among them, already share a common cultural-historical background with the Malays, who can therefore easily see them as "incomplete" Malays, requiring only Islam and an acceptance of social hierarchy to make them "complete". There are also those who speak languages unrelated to Malay, such as Aslian-speakers, are not quite so easily seen as incomplete Malays, but the gap can be closed to a considerable extent by conversion to Islam. Governmental agencies, both state and federal, including for many years the JHEOA (now known asJAKOA) itself, have accordingly spent much effort in converting the Orang Asli to Islam. The motivation for this is sometimes authentically religious, but it is more usually seen primarily as the means of Malayisation. Governmental policy towards Orang Asli has long proposed their integration into the broader Malaysian community should be brought about by assimilating them specifically into the Malay community, which by local custom and national law is Sunni Muslim by religion. JHEOA officers have been heard to comment that the Orang Asli "problem" - usually defined as that of poverty - would disappear if they became Muslims, and hence Malays. In September 1996, for example, the Secretary General of the Ministry of Land and Co-operative Development, Nik Mohamed Zain Nik Yusof, gave the following justification for the Federal government's newly announced review of legislation relating to Orang Asli land rights: "If these amendments are made, Orang Asli can be more easily integrated into Malay society. It will help them to embrace Islam and follow Malay customs too". The impact of this institutionalised assimilation efforts has been tremendous to the demographics in certain area of the peninsula. One instance was in theSedilivalley, where modern anthropologists discovered in the 1970s that villages formerly reported by travellers to be Jakun, are now Malay communities.

In the multi-ethnic state ofSabah,the period ofMustapha Harunleadership (1967–1976) saw the processes of Malayisation and Islamisation, which from the federal government's view appeared to be a check on Kadazandusun nationalism and was therefore perceived as an integration and unifying process with the other native Muslim society, namely the Bajaus, Bruneis, Sungei and Ida'an. The then-mostly pagan Kadazandusun traditionally formed minority of a third of the state population and inhabited the western shores of Sabah. The successorBerjayagovernment underHarris Sallehcontinued the same policies. The state government promoted Malay language in government-aided schools, sponsored theQuran-reading competitions and organised variousdawahactivities. All these the Berjaya government considered to be in line with the spirit of Article 12(2) of theConstitution of Malaysiathat provide legitimacy for the state to promote and assist in the funding of Islamic institutions and instruction, the core of which was to be derived from Malay-Muslim elements.

Brunei

The traditional Malay notion of fealty to a ruler, charged to protect Islam in his territory, is still central in both Malaysia and Brunei. In Brunei, this has been institutionalised under the state ideology ofMelayu Islam Beraja( "Malay Islamic Monarchy" ). As a still functioning Malay sultanate, Brunei places Islamic institutions at the centre of the state's interest. It retains an elaborated Malay social hierarchy central to the community. As a result, there are two kind of Malayness in Brunei: the general Malay cultural pattern to which most of the population have by now assimilated, and the higher ranking social position labelled as "Berunai" which distinguishes some of those cultural-Malays from others.The other main community, theKedayans,still rank lower, despite being Muslims and living in a manner virtually identical to that of theOrang Berunai.Thus, unlike what happens elsewhere, assimilation to Malay cultural pattern in Brunei does not necessarily eradicate difference.

Singapore

Singaporewas once the powerhouse of sophisticated Malay cultural production, untilKuala Lumpurtook over in the 1970s.Malays were the most urbanised of the island's three main races, and there was no such concentration of urbanised Malays anywhere else in the Malay world.Here were produced a high proportion of the modernist Malay writings, including novels and newspapers, that generated Malay nationalism. The emergence of Singapore-Malay community was added to by intermarriage withArabs,Indian Muslimsand Peninsula Malays immigrants, as well as the adoption of Chinese babies. In other words, Singapore's Malayness was a creolised culture, closer in character to thePesisir(coastal) Malay culture that had developed elsewhere in the archipelago than to the kind of Malayness that characterised the Malay world proper of the peninsula and Sumatra. In Singapore itself, assimilation to Malayness was and is purely cultural, with no guiding hand to facilitate the process.

Indonesia

Maimun PalaceinMedan,a reminder of 19th century opulence of MalayDeli Sultanate.Although today the sultanate still crowned their sultan, he holds no actual political power, absorbed intoNorth Sumatranprovincial government.

Historically, Indonesia was home to a number of Malay sultanates that were involved in the process of Malayisation throughout the archipelago. Three main elements of Malayisation; Malay monarchy or fealty to Malay ruling sultan, the preeminence of Malay identity (which include superiority of ethnic Malay and Malay language), and supremacy of Islam as the official religion, has no official recognition in modern Indonesian statehood. This is mostly because thepluralismanddiversitypolicy enshrined in thePancasilanational ideology avoids domination of certain group over another.

Contrary to Brunei and Malaysia, a major component of Malayness — fealty to a ruling sultan — was removed from the modern Indonesianrepublicanideology. Indonesian republican outlook regardmonarchyas a form of ancientfeudalismand incompatible to moderndemocraticstatehood envisioned by Indonesian founding fathers. The movement against ruling monarch mainly led byleftistandnationalistthat seek to dismantle traditional royal institution. In March 1946, amajor uprisingbroke out against several Malay-Muslim Sultanates and rich Malay classes in East Sumatra, removing the traditional feudal social structure in the region.Today, several regional kingdoms or sultanate survive, despite holding no actual political power and without real authority, being replaced by provincial governatorial administration. The exception is the JavaneseYogyakarta Sultanatethat won special region status, mostly owed to the sultanate's bid and support for the Indonesian Republic during theIndonesian National Revolution.These sultanates and kingdoms are only recognised as the custody of local culture, arts and traditions, although they might still enjoy prestige and held in high esteem especially among the local community.

Officially, Malayness has no special position in Indonesian state ideology, except as one of the constituent regional cultures — which tend to be represented on a province-by-province basis. Loyalty for a certain ethnic group was overshadowed with the new inter-ethnic loyalty, advocating the importance of the national unity and national identity ofBangsa Indonesia( "Indonesian nation" ) instead. Despite having widespread influence in the archipelago,ethnic Malayis only recognised as one of myriadIndonesian ethnic groups,which enjoy equal status with other Indonesians such asJavanese,Sundanese,Minang,Dayak,Chinese Indonesian,AmboneseandPapuan.

Despite being the source of theIndonesian national language,Malay itself has been degraded as a mere local dialect in Sumatra, equal in status withMinangkabau,AcehneseandBataklanguages. Compared to local Malay dialects in Sumatra, Indonesian developed further which absorbed terminology and vocabulary from other native Indonesian languages, as well as variations of local dialects across Indonesia.

Despite being the overwhelmingly majority religion,Islamis recognized just as one among six officialreligions recognized in Indonesia,together withProtestantism,Catholicism,Hinduism,BuddhismandConfucianism.There is also no legal law, apart from family and peer pressure, to restrictMalay Indonesiansto Islam.The strength of nationalist sentiments, rapidly progressing democracy, the destruction of the sultanates, and rampantJavanisation,ushered in a prolonged period of Malay political acquiescence, significantly reducing the momentum of Malayisation in Indonesia.

Cambodia

Cham girls, wearingBaju Kurung.

The strong influence of Malaysia in religious education has involved a degree of Malayisation among theChamcommunity inCambodia,including the wearing of Malay dress and the study of the Malay language. The many thousands of Chams who were allowed into Malaysia as refugees fromthe war in Indochinatended to be referred to by Malays in Malaysia asMelayu Champa( "Champa Malays" ) orMelayu Kemboja( "Cambodian Malays" ).Another community in Cambodia, the Chvea who tend to live in villages in the southern region ofKampot,are a separate community from the Chams, who have illustrious historic roots inVietnam.TheKhmer-speaking Chvea are distinct from the Cham, and preferred to be called as 'Khmer Islam', so as not to draw attention to their foreignness. Nevertheless, they use Malay language religious materials, write in the Jawi script, and many also speak Malay. Both Chvea and Cham have in recent years been drawn into pan-Malay conferences and networks promoted primarily by Malaysia.

Sri Lanka

Sri Lankan Malay Father and Son, 19th century

There is a sizeableMalay communityin Sri Lanka, descended from soldiers, convicts, and political exiles brought from theDutch East IndiesandBritish Malaya.TheSri Lankan Creole Malayvarieties spoken by the community, are currently endangered as they are no longer spoken by the younger generation.However, in recent years, there have been efforts in sharpening the sense of Malay identity by promoting the usage of 'standard Malay' language. This move was favoured by the urban segment of the community as it enables them to feel linked to the larger Malay groups in Southeast Asia. The community's effort to teach standard Malay to its members is largely aided by theMalaysian governmentthrough its high commission inColombo.The high commission conducted courses in standard Malay, exclusively for members of the Malay community, and those who fared the best were trained as language teachers in Malaysia. They were then expected to teach 'standard' Malay to their respective communities in Sri Lanka. These initiatives were welcomed and appreciated by the community. The language programmes and trips to Malaysia were made possible through the offices of theGabungan Persatuan Penulis Nasional(GAPENA - the Federation of National Writers' Association of Malaysia). The Malaysian government, chose to conduct the second GAPENA conference in Colombo in 1985. The Malaysian government also arranges periodic visits by representatives of the Malaysian government to the Malay Club in Colombo where grants are given for various community projects, and finances occasional trips to Malaysia for members of the community to attend conferences and seminars paid for by Malaysia.The Indonesian government, does not seem to have similar aggressive efforts through its embassy in Colombo.As a result, although the Sri Lankan Malays are predominantly of Indonesian origins (especiallyJavanese), an attempt by a Sri Lanka Indonesian organization to reconstitute them as 'Indonesians', was not successful.

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