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National Liberal Party–Brătianu

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This article is about a political party whose members are sometimes called Georgists. For the philosophy associated with Henry George, seeGeorgism.
National Liberal Party–Brătianu
Partidul Național Liberal–Brătianu
LeaderGheorghe I. Brătianu
Founded15 June 1930
Dissolved10 January 1938
Split fromNational Liberal Party
Merged intoNational Liberal Party
IdeologyNational liberalism
Laissez-faire
Social conservatism
Political positionRight-wing
ColoursBeige

TheNational Liberal Party–Brătianu(Romanian:Partidul Național Liberal-Brătianu,PNL;[1]also known asGeorgiști- "Georgists", from the name of their leader,Gheorghe I. Brătianu)[2]was aright-wingpolitical partyinRomania,formed as a splinter group from the mainliberalfaction, thenational liberals.For its symbol, PNL-Brătianu chose three vertical bars, placed at equal distance from each other. The Georgists' official voice wasMișcarea,a journal that supported an eponymouspublishing house;[3]notably,Mișcareapublished art chronicles contributed by the writerTudor Arghezi.[4]

The National Liberal Party–Brătianu was active between June 15, 1930 and January 10, 1938.[5]Notable members of the group, other than its founder Brătianu, included the historiansȘtefan Ciobanu,Constantin C. Giurescu,Scarlat Lambrino,Constantin S. Nicolăescu-Plopşor,Petre P. Panaitescu,Victor Papacostea,andAurelian Sacerdoţeanu,the geographerSimion Mehedinți,the novelistMihail Sadoveanu,the actor and poetMihail Codreanu,the linguistAlexandru Rosetti,the juristPaul Negulescu,theRomanian ArmygeneralArtur Văitoianu,and the lawyerMihai Antonescu;[6]it was primarilyintellectualin appeal, and was especially involved in recruiting members of social and culturalelites,whom it placed at the top of its political hierarchy.[7]

Unlike the main PNL's program ofprotectionismand selectiveinterventionism,Gheorghe I. Brătianu's party advocatedeconomic liberalism.It fused these ideals withnationalistdemands, including, in reference to belonging to the many businesses owned byethnic minoritybusinessmen, theRomanianizationofindustry.[8]However, as theGreat Depressionbegan to affect Romania, it recommended agovernment monopolyover thefinancial market;[9]Its nationalist discourse was itself tempered from inside the group: while welcoming minorities inside its structures,[10]it condemned thefar rightandanti-Semiticdoctrines (including, notably, theJewish quotaproposed byRomanian Frontand theNational Christian Party).[11]

History[edit]

Emergence[edit]

The clash between Gheorghe I. Brătianu and the main party occurred in 1930, as, in the period following the death ofIon I. C. Brătianuand at the start ofVintilă Brătianu's leadership, the party had lost power to the most important opposition group—theNational Peasants' Party(PNŢ)—being crushed in the elections of 1928 (when it obtained only 6.5% of the vote).[12]The PNL had become factionalized over issues related to policy, with the most radical of the new currents beingJean Th. Florescu'sFree Man Grouping(after openly attacking Vintilă Brătianu, the latter split in 1931 to create theLiberal Democratic Party).[12]

In Gheorghe I. Brătianu's case, the cause for conflict was his uncle Vintilă's decision to stand by his commitment to the rule ofKingMihai Iand theRegency(formed aroundPrince Nicholas of Romania), at the moment when the PNȚPremierGheorghe Mironescuhad ensured the unexpected return ofCarol II(who replaced his son on the throne during the month of June); Gheorghe I. Brătianu, who was head of theIași Countysection of the PNL, voiced his full support for the new monarch, and, despite his energetic protests, was soon after excluded from the party.[13]Nevertheless, Vintilă Brătianu and Carol normalized their relations in July, just a six months before the former's unexpected death.[14]The main PNL was subsequently led byIon G. Duca,who was assisted by the future leader of the so-called "young liberals" (supporting bothfree tradeand anauthoritarianrule over the country around the king's person),Gheorghe Tătărescu.[15]

Pro-German stance[edit]

In 1933, asAdolf Hitlercame to power inGermany,Gheorghe I. Brătianu publicly declared his admiration for him—this partial assimilation offascismwas a discourse also present with several otherintellectuals(the historianNicolae Iorgaand the poetOctavian Goga).[16]Duca's premiership, begun in November of the same year, saw an exodus of Georgists back to the PNL, after a failed attempt to have the party itself reunite with the latter.[3]At around the same time, PNL-Brătianu began moving away from supporting the king, as its leader refused to compromise with thecamarillaforming around Carol.[14]Gheorghe I. Brătianu turned down multiple offers to become premier, at a time when Carol sought new solutions to combat the rise in popularity of thefascistIron Guard.[17]

After 1934, Brătianu visitedBerlinseveral times, and began talks withNaziauthorities over the guidelines of Romanian external policies, which he wanted to divert from their focus on aFranco-Britishalliance (and its Eastern European reflections—theLittle Ententeand thePolish–Romanian alliance).[18]He was also suspicious of the planned appeasement between Romania and theSoviet Union,and claimed that theForeign MinisterNicolae Titulescuwas campaigning in favour of a pact withJoseph Stalin,which potentially threatened the territorial gains (Greater Romania) by failing to guarantee forBessarabiaandBukovina.[19]Although he was initially received with interest, Brătianu's plans were ultimately rejected by the Germans, who chose to maintain a closer relationship withHungary,Romania's rival.[18]

When Duca was assassinated by the Iron Guard on December 30, 1933, Tătărescu's succession to the premiership effectively led to a change in political programs, as the new executive was open to collaboration with Carol. In the new context, Brătianu became an opponent of the monarch, and, in front of Carol's attempts to have the1923 Constitutionamended by authoritarian legislation, was a supporter of legal traditions;[20]the Georgists also expressed reserve towards the outlawing of the Iron Guard, viewing it as a dangerous precedent.[21]The PNL-Brătianu found itself in a bitter rivalry with the "young liberals", whose presence in the forefront blocked all negotiations between the two.[22]

Electoral results and reunion with the PNL[edit]

Present in all but one electoral district by 1933, Brătianu's group won only 6.5% of the vote in the 1932 elections (when it chose not to form anyelectoral alliance).[23]With just 14 to 16 representatives to theChamber of Deputiesthroughout its existence, the Georgists still ranked consistently as the fourth or sixth most successful party in the country.[24]In 1934, together withAlexandru Averescu'sPeople's Party,it created theConstitutional Front,which soon (but briefly) includedMihai Stelescu'sCrusade of Romanianism(emerged as an offshoot of the Iron Guard, it disappeared a short while after its leader was assassinated) andGrigore Forțu's minorCitizen Bloc.[25]It disbanded it 1936.

In elections of November 1937, the Georgists joined with theNational Peasants' Partyand the Iron Guard in the electoral pact that was meant to protect the opposition from all possible interference of the Tătărescu government in the results of the voting.[26]The uniquely indecisive results of the voting allowed Carol to form a loyal executive around thefar rightNational Christian Partyand its leaders,Octavian GogaandA. C. Cuza;the Georgists remained in opposition to the new government, and began talks for a reconciliation with the PNL, after the defeated Tătărescu lost ground to the "old liberal" leadership aroundDinu Brătianu(the second brother ofIon I. C.and the uncle of Gheorghe). The reunion occurred exactly a month before Carol dismissed the Goga government and, nominally outlawing all parties to create theNational Renaissance Front,established his own dictatorship.[27]When Tătărescu chose to back the regime and was expelled, Gheorghe I. Brătianu became replaced his rival as the second most important figure of the semi-clandestine party, and agreed to join the National Peasants' Party in voicing criticism of Carol's authoritarian policies.[28]

Legacy[edit]

After the outbreak ofWorld War II,Romania was, despite its neutrality, a target for the hostility of both Germany and the Soviet Union after theMolotov–Ribbentrop Pact(seRomania during World War II). Gheorghe I. Brătianu attempted to determine moreAxissympathy towards Greater Romania's borders by discussing the matter with theGerman Foreign MinisterJoachim von Ribbentrop—consequently, he was placed under surveillance bySiguranţa Statului,on Carol's direct orders.[29]In 1940, Greater Romania was disestablished through the Soviet annexation ofBessarabiaandNorthern Bukovina,thecessionofNorthern Transylvaniato Hungary, and that ofSouthern DobrujatoBulgaria.Although being, as himself later pointed out, "aGermanophile",[30]Gheorghe I. Brătianu signed his name to a protest regarding the German-enforced Arbitration,[31]and later stated that he had "preferred Germany's hostility to its scorn".[30]

In September 1940, the newly created Iron Guard regime (theNational Legionary State) offered the PNL places in the government, upon the pressures ofIon Antonescu(who had becomeConducător,sharing power with the Guard) and of his assistant, the former GeorgistMihai Antonescu;talks failed due to Brătianu's excessive ambitions, amounting to virtual Liberal control over the executive (according toZ. Ornea,his demand was merely a procedure through which he intended to politely avoid all association with the Guard).[32]When Antonescu's regime joined Germany in itsinvasion of the Soviet Union(1941), Brătianu was drafted in theRomanian Army,serving as an officer for several months under GeneralNicolae Mazarini.[33]Supportive of the Bessarabian expedition, he expressed criticism of Romania'sTransnistrianconquests.[34]

Starting in 1944, when Romania wasplaced under Soviet influence,Brătianu's early platform was attacked by theRomanian Communist Partyas a sign offascistinfluences, and the issue of his support for an alliance with Germany was interpreted in the same sense; it was also alleged that he had been, in fact, ananti-communistvolunteer in the war against the Soviets.[33]These accusations were partly the basis for his arrest, and contributed to his death in custody atSighet prisonafter the establishment of theRomanian communist regime.[35]

Electoral history[edit]

Legislative elections[edit]

Election Votes % Assembly Senate Position
1931 173,586 6.1
12 / 387
0 / 108
 3rd
1932 195,048 6.7
14 / 387
0 / 108
 3rd
1933 147,665 5.1
10 / 387
0 / 108
 4th
1937 119,361 3.9
16 / 414
0 / 113
 6th

Notes[edit]

  1. ^To its followers, the party was simply known as theNational Liberal Party,and the acronymPNLwas kept to refer to both groupings;Brătianuor, occasionally,Gheorghe I. Brătianu,was only added to the name in order avoid confusion. The competition over legitimacy, with its implications in naming, was similar with the one experienced later by theNational Liberal Party-Tătărescu.
  2. ^Commonly rendered asGeorgeinstead ofGheorghe.
  3. ^abGruber, Cap.II
  4. ^G.M.Cantacuzino
  5. ^Scurtu, p.16, 17
  6. ^Achim, p.158; Gruber, Cap.II; Ornea, p.328; Otu, "Adevărul...", p.26
  7. ^Gruber, Cap.I
  8. ^Gruber, Cap.III
  9. ^Gruber, Cap.IV
  10. ^Achim, p.158; Gruber, Cap.VI
  11. ^Gruber, Cap.VI
  12. ^abScurtu, p.15
  13. ^Gruber, Cap.I, Cap.VI; Otu, "Adevărul...", p.26; Scurtu, p.15–16
  14. ^abScurtu, p.16
  15. ^Veiga, p.212
  16. ^Veiga, p.133-134
  17. ^Gruber, Cap.IV; Scurtu, p.16
  18. ^abHîncu; Otu, "Ianuarie-august..."
  19. ^Gruber, Cap. VII; Hîncu; Otu, "Adevărul...", p.27
  20. ^Gruber, Cap IV, Cap.VI; Scurtu, p.16
  21. ^Gruber, p.VI
  22. ^Gruber, Cap.V; Scurtu, p.17
  23. ^Gruber, Cap.V; Hîncu; Otu, "Adevărul...", p.26
  24. ^Gruber, Cap.V; Otu, "Adevărul...", p.26
  25. ^Gruber, Cap.V, Cap.VI
  26. ^Gruber, Cap. VI; Ornea, p.312; Otu, "Adevărul...", p.26; Scurtu, p.17
  27. ^Gruber, Cap.VIII; Otu, "Adevărul...", p.26
  28. ^Gruber, Cap.VIII; Otu, "Adevărul...", p.26; Scurtu, p.17-18
  29. ^Otu, "Ianuarie-august..."
  30. ^abGh. I. Brătianu, in Otu, "Ianuarie-august..."
  31. ^Gruber, Cap.VIII; Otu, "Ianuarie-august..."; Scurtu, p.18
  32. ^Ornea, p.328; Petre Otu also indicates that Brătianu "was dissatisfied with the role attributed to the Iron Guard" ( "Adevărul...", p.27).
  33. ^abOtu, "Adevărul...", p.28
  34. ^Gruber, Cap.IX
  35. ^Gruber, Cap.X; Otu, "Adevărul...", p.28; Scurtu, p.19

References[edit]

  • (in Romanian)G.M.Cantacuzino. Notă biografică( "G. M. Cantacuzino. Biographical Notes" ) at the Iași Faculty of Architecture site
  • Viorel Achim,The Roma in Romanian History,Central European University Press, 2004ISBN963-9241-84-9
  • (in Romanian)Victoria Gabriela Gruber, Summary ofPartidul Național Liberal (Gheorghe Brătianu)(PDF file)
  • (in Romanian)Dumitru Hîncu, "O vizita controversată la Berlin, în 1936: Gheorghe Brătianu" ( "A Controversial Visit to Berlin: Gheorghe Brătianu",inMagazin Istoric
  • Z. Ornea,Anii treizeci. Extrema dreaptă românească( "The Thirties: the Far Right in Romania" ), Ed. Fundației Culturale Române, Bucharest, 1995,ISBN973-9155-43-X
  • Petre Otu,
  • Ioan Scurtu, "«Politica: (...) culegi mai multă nedreptate decât răsplată». Rolul politic al Brătienilor în istoria României" ( "«Politics: (...) One Reaps More Injustices Than Rewards». The Political Role of the Brătianus in Romania's History" ), inDosarele Istoriei,1/VI, 2001
  • Francisco Veiga,Istoria Gărzii de Fier, 1919-1941: Mistica ultranaționalismului( "History of the Iron Guard, 1919-1941: The Mystique of Ultra-Nationalism" ),Humanitas,Bucharest, 1993 (Romanian-language version of the 1989 Spanish editionLa mística del ultranacionalismo (Historia de la Guardia de Hierro) Rumania, 1919–1941,Publicacions de laUniversitat Autònoma de Barcelona,BellaterraISBN84-7488-497-7)
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