Old Korean
Old Korean | |
---|---|
Silla(n) | |
Region | Southern and centralKorea |
Era | Evolved intoMiddle Koreanin the tenth or thirteenth century |
Koreanic
| |
Early form | |
Idu,Hyangchal,Gugyeol | |
Language codes | |
ISO 639-3 | oko |
oko | |
Glottolog | sill1240 |
Korean name | |
Hangul | 고대 한국어 |
Hanja | Cổ đại Hàn Quốc ngữ |
Revised Romanization | Godae hangugeo |
McCune–Reischauer | Kodae han'gugŏ |
North Korean name | |
Hangul | 고대 조선어 |
Hanja | Cổ đại Triều Tiên ngữ |
Revised Romanization | Godae joseoneo |
McCune–Reischauer | Kodae chosŏnŏ |
Old Korean(North Korean name:고대 조선어;South Korean name:고대 한국어) is the first historically documented stage of theKorean language,[1]typified by the language of theUnified Sillaperiod (668–935).
The boundaries of Old Korean periodization remain in dispute. Some linguists classify the sparsely attested languages of theThree Kingdoms of Koreaas variants of Old Korean, while others reserve the term for the language ofSillaalone. Old Korean traditionally ends with the fall of Silla in 935. This too has recently been challenged by South Korean linguists who argue for extending the Old Korean period to the mid-thirteenth century, although this new periodization is not yet fully accepted. This article focuses on the language of Silla before the tenth century.
Old Korean is poorly attested. Due to the paucity and poor quality of sources, modern linguists have "little more than a vague outline"[2]of the characteristics of Old Korean. The only surviving literary works are a little more than a dozen vernacular poems calledhyangga.Hyangga usehyangchalwriting. Other sources include inscriptions on steles and wooden tablets, glosses to Buddhistsutras,and the transcription of personal and place names in works otherwise in Classical Chinese. All methods of Old Korean writing rely on logographicChinese characters,used to either gloss the meaning or approximate the sound of the Korean words. Thus, the phonetic value of surviving Old Korean texts is opaque. Its phoneme inventory seems to have included fewer consonants but more vowels thanMiddle Korean.In its typology, it was asubject-object-verb,agglutinativelanguage, like both Middle and Modern Korean. However, Old Korean is thought to have differed from its descendants in certain typological features, including the existence of clausal nominalization and the ability of inflecting verb roots to appear in isolation.
Despite attempts to link the language to the putativeAltaic familyand especially to theJaponic languages,no links between Old Korean and any non-Koreanic languagehave been uncontroversially demonstrated.
History and periodization
[edit]![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/16/History_of_Korea-576.png/220px-History_of_Korea-576.png)
Old Korean is generally defined as the ancient Koreanic language of theSillastate (BCE 57–CE 936),[3]especially in itsUnified period(668–936).[4][5]Proto-Koreanic,the hypothetical ancestor of the Koreanic languages understood largely through theinternal reconstructionof later forms of Korean,[6]is to be distinguished from the actually historically attested language of Old Korean.[7]
Old Korean semantic influence may be present in even the oldest discovered Silla inscription, a Classical Chinese-language stele dated to 441 or 501.[8]Korean syntax and morphemes are visibly attested for the first time in Silla texts of the mid- to late sixth century,[9][10]and the use of such vernacular elements becomes more extensive by the Unified period.[11]
Initially only one of theThree Kingdoms of Korea,Silla rose to ascendancy in the sixth century under monarchsBeopheungandJinheung.[12]After another century of conflict, the kings of Silla allied withTang Chinato destroy the other two kingdoms—Baekjein 660, andGoguryeoin 668—and to unite the southern two-thirds of the Korean Peninsula under their rule.[13]This political consolidation allowed the language of Silla to become thelingua francaof the peninsula and ultimately drove the languages of Baekje and Goguryeo to extinction, leaving the latter only assubstratain later Korean dialects.[14]Middle Korean, and hence Modern Korean, are thus direct descendants of the Old Korean language of Silla.[15][16][a]
Little data on the languages of the other two kingdoms survive,[19]but most linguists agree that both were related to the language of Silla.[20][21][22][b]Opinion differs as to whether to classify the Goguryeo and Baekje languages as Old Korean variants, or as related but independent languages. Lee Ki-Moon and S. Roberts Ramsey argue in 2011 that evidence for mutual intelligibility is insufficient, and that linguists ought to "treat the fragments of the three languages as representing three separate corpora".[25]Earlier in 2000, Ramsey and Iksop Lee note that the three languages are often grouped as Old Korean, but point to "obvious dissimilarities" and identify Sillan as Old Korean "in the truest sense".[26]Nam Pung-hyun andAlexander Vovin,on the other hand, classify the languages of all three kingdoms as regional dialects of Old Korean.[22][27]Other linguists, such as Lee Seungjae, group the languages of Silla and Baekje together as Old Korean while excluding that of Goguryeo.[28]TheLINGUIST Listgives Silla as a synonym for Old Korean while acknowledging that the term is "often used to refer to three distinct languages".[29]
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/f/ff/Historical_capitals_of_Korea_since_668.png/407px-Historical_capitals_of_Korea_since_668.png)
Silla began a protracted decline in the late eighth century. By the early tenth century, the Korean Peninsula wasonce more divided into three warring polities:the rump Silla state, and two new kingdoms founded by local magnates.Goryeo,one of the latter, obtained the surrender of the Silla court in 935 and reunited the country the next year.[30]Korea's political and cultural center henceforth became the Goryeo capital of Gaegyeong (modernGaeseong), located in central Korea. Theprestige dialectof Korean also shifted from the language of Silla's southeastern heartland to the central dialect of Gaegyeong during this time.[15][16]Following Lee Ki-Moon's work in the 1970s, the end of Old Korean is traditionally associated with this tenth-century change in the country's political center.[5][31]
In 2003, South Korean linguist Nam Pung-hyun proposed that the Old Korean period should be extended into the mid-thirteenth century.[27]Nam's arguments center on Korean-language glosses to the Buddhist canon. He identifies grammatical commonalities between Silla-period texts and glosses from before the thirteenth century, which contrast with the structures of post-thirteenth century glosses and of fifteenth-century Middle Korean. Such thirteenth-century changes include the invention of dedicatedconditional moodmarkers, the restriction of the formernominalizingsuffixes-nand-ltoattributivefunctions alone, the erasing of distinctions between nominal and verbal negation, and the loss of the essentiality-marking suffix-ms.[32]
Nam's thesis has been increasingly influential in Korean academia.[33][34]In a 2012 review, Kim Yupum notes that "recent studies have a tendency to make the thirteenth century the end date [for Old Korean]... One thinks that the general periodization of Korean language history, in which [only the language] prior to the founding of Goryeo is considered Old Korean, is in need of revision."[33]The Russian-American linguist Alexander Vovin also considers twelfth-century data to be examples of "Late Old Korean".[35][36]On the other hand, linguists such as Lee Seungjae and Hwang Seon-yeop[37]continue to use the older periodization, as do major recent English-language sources such as the 2011History of the Korean Language[15]and the 2015Blackwell Handbook of Korean Linguistics.[4]
Sources of Old Korean
[edit]Hyanggaliterature
[edit]![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/2/2f/%EC%82%BC%EA%B5%AD%EC%9C%A0%EC%82%AC.jpg/287px-%EC%82%BC%EA%B5%AD%EC%9C%A0%EC%82%AC.jpg)
The only Korean-language literature that survives from Silla are vernacular poems now calledhyangga(Korean:향가;Hanja:Hương ca), literally "local songs".[38]
Hyanggaappears to have been a flourishing genre in the Silla period, with a royally commissioned anthology published in 888.[38]That anthology is now lost, and only twenty-five works survive. Fourteen are recorded in theSamguk yusa,a history compiled in the 1280s by the monkIryeon,[39]along with prose introductions that detail how the poem came to be composed.[40]These introductions date the works to between 600 and 879. The majority ofSamguk yusapoems, however, are from the eighth century.[38]Eleven additionalhyangga,composed in the 960s by the Buddhist monkGyunyeo,[38]are preserved in a 1075 biography of the master.[41]Lee Ki-Moon and Ramsey consider Gyunyeo'shyanggato also represent "Silla poetry",[38]although Nam Pung-hyun insists on significant grammatical differences between the works of theSamguk yusaand those of Gyunyeo.[42]
Because centuries passed between the composition ofhyanggaworks and the compilation of the works where they now survive, textual corruption may have occurred.[43][44]Some poems that Iryeon attributes to the Silla period are now believed to beGoryeo-era works.[45][46]Nam Pung-hyun nevertheless considers most of theSamguk yusapoems to be reliable sources for Old Korean because Iryeon would have learned the Buddhist canon through a "very conservative" dialect and thus fully understood the Silla language.[47]Other scholars, such as Park Yongsik, point to thirteenth-century grammatical elements in the poems while acknowledging that the overall framework of thehyanggatexts is Old Korean.[48]
Thehyanggacould no longer be read by theJoseonperiod (1392–1910).[49]The modern study of Old Korean poetry began with Japanese scholars during theJapanese colonial period(1910–1945), withShinpei Ogurapioneering the first reconstructions of all twenty-fivehyanggain 1929.[50][51]The earliest reconstructions by a Korean scholar were made by Yang Chu-dong in 1942 and corrected many of Ogura's errors, for instance properly identifyingChỉas a phonogram for *-k.[52]The analyses of Kim Wan-jin in 1980 established many general principles ofhyanggaorthography.[53][54]Interpretations ofhyanggaafter the 1990s, such as those of Nam Pung-hyun in the 2010s, draw on new understandings of early Korean grammar provided by newly discovered Goryeo texts.[55][56]
Nevertheless, many poems remain poorly understood, and their phonology is particularly unclear.[57]Due to the opaqueness of data, it has been convention since the earliest Japanese researchers[58]for scholars to transcribe theirhyanggareconstructions using the Middle Koreanlexicon,and some linguists continue to anachronistically project even non-lexical Middle Korean elements in their analyses.[59]
Epigraphic sources
[edit]Silla inscriptions also document Old Korean elements. Idiosyncratic Chinese vocabulary suggestive of vernacular influence is found even in the oldest surviving Silla inscription, a stele inPohangdated toeither 441 or 501.[8]These early inscriptions, however, involved "little more than subtle alterations of Classical Chinese syntax".[9]
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/a/a1/%EC%9E%84%EC%8B%A0%EC%84%9C%EA%B8%B0%EC%84%9D.jpg/283px-%EC%9E%84%EC%8B%A0%EC%84%9C%EA%B8%B0%EC%84%9D.jpg)
Inscriptions of the sixth and seventh centuries show more fully developed strategies of representing Korean with Chinese characters. Some inscriptions represent functional morphemes directly through semantic Chinese equivalents.[9]Others use only Classical Chinese vocabulary, but reorder them fully according to Korean syntax. A 551 stele commemorating the construction of a fort inGyeongju,for instance, writes "begin to build" asLàm thủy(lit. "build begin" ) rather than the correct Classical Chinese,Thủy làm(lit. "begin build" ), reflecting theSubject-object-verbword order of Korean.[60]The Imsin Vow Stone, raised in either 552 or 612,[9]is also illustrative:
English[c] | We swear to learn in turn theClassic of Poetry,theEsteemed Documents,theBook of Rites,and theZuo zhuanfor three years. |
Original text | Thơ thượng thư truyền luân 淂 thề ba năm |
Gloss | PoetryEsteemed DocumentsRitesZhuanin-turn learn swear three years |
Classical Chinese[61] | Thề ba năm luân 淂 thơ thượng thư truyền |
Gloss | swear three years in-turn learnPoetryEsteemed DocumentsRitesZhuan |
Other sixth-century epigraphs that arrange Chinese vocabulary using Korean syntax and employ Chinese semantic equivalents for certain Korean functional morphemes have been discovered, including stelae bearing royal edicts or celebrating public works and sixth-century rock inscriptions left atUljuby royals on tour.[62][63]Some inscriptions of the Unified Silla period continue to use only words from Classical Chinese, even as they order them according to Korean grammar.[64]However, most inscriptions of the period write Old Korean morphemes more explicitly,relying on Chinese semantic and phonetic equivalents.[11]These Unified-era inscriptions are often Buddhist in nature and include material carved on Buddha statues,temple bells,andpagodas.[64]
Mokgansources
[edit]![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/8/82/Haman_Mokgan.jpg/295px-Haman_Mokgan.jpg)
Ancient Korean scribes often wrote on bamboo and wooden slips calledmokgan.[65]By 2016, archaeologists had discovered 647mokgan,out of which 431 slips were from Silla.[66]Mokganare valuable primary sources because they were largely written by and reflect the concerns of low-ranking officials, unlike other texts that are dominated by the high elite.[65]Since the majority of discovered texts are inventories of products, they also provide otherwise rare information about numerals,classifiers,and common nouns.[67]
Modernmokganresearch began in 1975.[68]With the development ofinfraredimaging sciencein the 1990s, it became possible to read many formerly indecipherable texts,[69]and a comprehensive catalog of hitherto discovered slips was published in 2004. Since its publication, scholars have actively relied on themokgandata as an important primary source.[70]
Mokganare classified into two general categories.[71]Most surviving slips are tagmokgan,[72]which were attached to goods during transport and contain quantitative data about the product in question.[72]Documentmokgan,on the other hand, contain administrative reports by local officials.[71]Documentmokganof extended length were common prior to Silla's conquest of the other kingdoms, butmokganof the Unified period are primarily tagmokgan.[73]A small number of texts belong to neither group; these include a fragmentaryhyanggapoem discovered in 2000[71]and what may be a ritual text associated withDragon Kingworship.[74][d]
The earliest direct attestation of Old Korean comes from a mid-sixth century documentmokganfirst deciphered in full by Lee Seungjae in 2017.[10]This slip, which contains a report by a village chieftain to a higher-ranking official,[76]is composed according to Korean syntax and includes four uncontroversial examples of Old Korean functional morphemes (given below in bold), as well as several potential content words.[10]
Mokgan No. 221 | Reconstruction (Lee S. 2017) | Gloss (Lee S. 2017) | Translation (Lee S. 2017)[77] |
---|---|---|---|
丨 sam từỞ | *tasəm từ -kje-n | five hurry-HON-NMR | five planned to hurry |
NgườiNàyNgười minh | * người -iNgười minh | people-CONNpeople grieve | the people were all grieved |
Không đượcKhiển ẤtBạch | * không được -kje-n-ulBạch | NEGgo-HON-NMR-ACCreport | "unable to go", [I] report |
Other textual sources
[edit]Old Korean glosses have been discovered on eighth-century editions of Chinese-language Buddhist works.[78][79]Similar to the Japanesekanbuntradition,[80]these glosses provide Old Koreannoun casemarkers,inflectional suffixes,and phonograms that would have helped Korean learners read out the Classical Chinese text in their own language.[81]Examples of these three uses of glossing found in a 740 edition of theAvatamsaka Sutra(now preserved inTōdai-ji,Japan) are given below.[81]
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/a/a0/National_Treasure_of_South_Korea_196_%28Avatamsaka_sutra_in_ink_on_white_paper%29.jpg/309px-National_Treasure_of_South_Korea_196_%28Avatamsaka_sutra_in_ink_on_white_paper%29.jpg)
Classical Chinese original | Nhĩ khi tinh tiến tuệ Bồ Tát bạch pháp tuệ Bồ Tát ngôn |
English gloss | that time Jingjinhuibodhisattvaask Fahui bodhisattva speech |
Old Korean glossed text | Nhĩ khi tinhLươngTiến tuệ Bồ Tát bạch pháp tuệ Bồ Tát ngôn |
English gloss | that time-LOCJingjinhui bodhisattva ask Fahui bodhisattva speech |
Translation | At that time, the Jingjinhui Bodhisattva asked the Fahui Bodhisattva...[82] |
Classical Chinese original | Tắc vi không tịnh tắc vi nhưng 猒 |
English gloss | then be not clean then be can dislike |
Old Korean glossed text | Tắc vi không tịnh厼Tắc vi nhưng 猒 |
English gloss | then be not clean-CONNthen be can dislike |
Translation | [That] it is an unclean thing and [that] it is a disliked thing...[83] |
Classical Chinese original | Vô biên đủ loại cảnh giới |
English gloss | not.exist edge kind kind border boundary |
Old Korean glossed text | Vô biên đủ loạiSấtCảnh giới |
Purpose of gloss | Shows that đủ loại is to be read as a native Korean word with final *-s[e] |
Translation | The many kinds of endless boundaries...[85] |
Portions of a Silla census register with Old Korean elements, likely from 755 butpossibly also 695, 815, or 875,have also been discovered at Tōdai-ji.[86]
Though in Classical Chinese, the Korean historiesSamguk sagiandSamguk yusaoffer Old Korean etymologies for certain native terms. The reliability of these etymologies remains in dispute.[87]
Non-Korean texts also provide information on Old Korean. A passage of theBook of Liang,a seventh-century Chinese history, transcribes seven Silla words: a term for "fortification", two terms for "village", and four clothing-related terms. Three of the clothing words have Middle Korean cognates, but the other four words remain "uninterpretable".[88]The eighth-century Japanese historyNihon Shokialso preserves a single sentence in the Silla language, apparently some sort of oath, although its meaning can only be guessed from context.[89]
Proper nouns
[edit]TheSamguk sagi,theSamguk yusa,and Chinese and Japanese sources transcribe many proper nouns from Silla, including personal names, place names, and titles. These are often given in two variant forms: one that transcribes the Old Korean phonemes, using Chinese characters asphonograms,and one that translates the Old Korean morphemes, using Chinese characters aslogograms.This is especially true for place names; they were standardized by royal decree in 757, but the sources preserve forms from both before and after this date. By comparing the two, linguists can infer the value of many Old Korean morphemes.[90]
Period | Place name | Transliteration[f] | Gloss |
---|---|---|---|
Post-757 | Vĩnh cùng quận | Yengtwong County | long same county |
Pre-757 | Cát cùng quận | Kiltwong County | auspicious same county |
Cát is a phonogram for the Old Korean morpheme *kil- "long", represented after 757 by the logogram vĩnh and cognate to Middle Korean길kil-"id."[91] | |||
Post-757 | Mật thành quận | Milseng County | dense fortress county |
Pre-757 | Đẩy hỏa quận | Chwuhwoa County | push fire county |
Đẩy is a logogram for the Old Korean morpheme *mil- "push", represented after 757 by the phonogram mậtmiland cognate to Middle Korean밀mil-"id."[91] |
Non-textual sources
[edit]The modern Korean language has its own pronunciations for Chinese characters, called Sino-Korean.[92]Although some Sino-Korean forms reflectOld ChineseorEarly Mandarinpronunciations, the majority of modern linguists believe that the dominant layer of Sino-Korean descends from theMiddle Chineseprestige dialect ofChang'anduring theTang dynasty.[93][94][95][g]
As Sino-Korean originates in Old Korean speakers' perception of Middle Chinesephones,[97]elements of Old Korean phonology may be inferred from a comparison of Sino-Korean with Middle Chinese.[9]For instance, Middle Chinese, Middle Korean, and Modern Korean all have aphonemicdistinction between the non-aspiratedvelar stop/k/and its aspirated equivalent,/kʰ/.However, both are regularly reflected in Sino-Korean as/k/.This suggests that/kʰ/was absent in Old Korean.[98]
Old Korean phonology can also be examined via Old Korean loanwords in other languages, includingMiddle Mongol[99]and especiallyOld Japanese.[100]
Orthography
[edit]All Old Korean was written withSinographic systems,where Chinese characters are borrowed for both their semantic and phonetic values to represent the vernacular language.[101]The earliest texts with Old Korean elements use only Classical Chinese words, reordered to fit Korean syntax, and do not represent native morphemes directly.[9]Eventually, Korean scribes developed four strategies to write their language with Chinese characters:
- Directly-adapted logograms (DALs oreumdokjaCách đọc tự ), used for all morphemes loaned from Classical Chinese and perceived as such. A character adapted as a DAL retains both the semantic and phonetic values of the original Chinese.[102]
- Semantically-adapted logograms (SALs orhundokjaHuấn đọc tự ), where native Korean morphemes, including loanwords perceived as native words, are written with Chinese semantic equivalents. A character adapted as a SAL retains only the semantic value of the original Chinese.[103]
- Phonetically-adapted phonograms (PAPs oreumgajaÂm giả tự ), where native Korean morphemes, typically grammatical or semi-grammatical elements, are written with Chinese phonological equivalents. A character adapted as a PAP retains only the phonetic value of the original Chinese.[104]
- Semantically-adapted phonograms (SAPs orhungajaHuấn giả tự ), where native Korean morphemes are written with a Chinese character whose Korean semantic equivalent is phonologically similar to the morpheme.[105]A SAP retains neither the semantic nor the phonetic value of the Chinese.
It is often difficult to discern which of the transcription methods a certain character in a given text is using.[106]For example, Nam 2019 gives the following interpretation of the final line of thehyanggapoemAnmin-ga(756):[107]
Original script | Quốc | Ác | Quá | Bình | Hận | Âm | Sất | Như |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Meaning of characters | country | evil | great | peace | regret | sound | scold | like |
Modern Sino-Korean reading | kwuk | ak | thay | phyeng | han | um | cil | ye |
Korean word with same meaning | nala | ta | ||||||
Phonetic adaptation | a | ho | m | s | ta | |||
Reconstructed text | nala | thayphyeng-ho-ms-ta | ||||||
Gloss | country | great.peace-do-ESSEN-DEC | ||||||
Translation | 'The country will deservedly be greatly peaceful.' |
The text of this line uses all four strategies:
- The Sino-Korean wordsthayandphyengare written with the corresponding Chinese characters (DAL).
- The native Korean wordnalais written with a Chinese character having the same meaning (SAL).
- The Korean affixes-ho-msare spelled out using characters whose Sino-Korean reading contain those sounds (PAP).
- The Korean verb endingtais written with a Chinese character having the same meaning as *ta'like', which is not attested but is presumably an ancestor of LMKtapta'to be like' (SAP).
In Old Korean, mostcontent morphemesare written with SALs, while PAPs are used forfunctional suffixes.[108]In Korean scholarship, this practice is calledhunju eumjong(Korean:훈주음종;Hanja:Huấn chủ âm từ), literally "logogram is principal, phonograms follow".[109]In the eighth-century poemHeonhwa-gagiven below,for instance, the inflected verbHiến chăng lý âm nhưgive-INTENT-PROSP-ESSEN-DECbegins with the SALHiến"to give" and is followed by three PAPs and a final SAP that mark mood, aspect, and essentiality.[110]Hunju eumjongis a defining characteristic of Silla orthography[111]and appears not to be found in Baekjemokgan.[112]
Another tendency of Old Korean writing is calledmareum cheomgi(Korean:말음첨기;Hanja:Mạt âm thêm nhớ), literally "final sounds transcribed in addition". A phonogram is used to mark the final syllable orcoda consonantof a Korean word already represented by a logogram.[113]Handel uses an analogy to "-st" in English1stfor "first".[114]Because the final phonogram can represent a single consonant, Old Korean writing hasAlpha beticproperties.[115]Examples ofmareum cheomgiare given below.
English | Old Korean | Logogram | Phonogram | Value of consonant phonogram[116] | Modern Sino-Korean reading[f] | Middle Korean cognate[f] |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Night | Đêm âm(Mojukjirang-ga)[117] | Đêm | Âm | *-m | 야음yaum | 밤pam |
Road | Nói thi(Mojukjirang-ga)[118] | Nói | Thi | *-l | 도시twosi | 길kil |
Fortress | Thành sất(Hyeseong-ga)[119] | Thành | Sất | *-s | 성질sengcil | 잣cas |
Thousand | Ngàn ẩn(Docheonsugwaneum-ga)[120] | Ngàn | Ẩn | *-n | 천은chenun | 즈믄cumun |
Only | Duy chỉ(Ujeok-ga)[121] | Duy | Chỉ | *-k | 유지ywuci | 오직wocik |
Sixty (Chinese loan) | 60𢀳(Haman Seongsan Sanseong Mokgan No. 221)[122] | 60 | 𢀳 | *-p | 육십읍ywuk sipup | 륙십lywuksip |
Stream | Xuyên lý(Chan'giparang-ga)[113] | Xuyên | Lý | syllabic | 천리chenli | 나리nali |
Rock | Nham chăng(Heonhwa-ga)[113] | Nham | Chăng | syllabic | 암호amhwo | 바회pahwoy |
Unlike modern Sino-Korean, most of which descends from Middle Chinese, Old Korean phonograms were based on theOld Chinesepronunciation of characters. For instance, characters with Middle Chinese initial*jwere used to transcribe an Old Koreanliquid,reflecting the fact that initial*jarose from Old Chinese*l.The charactersSởandSóchad the same vowel in Old Korean orthography, which was true in Old Chinese where both had*a,but not in Middle Chinese, where the former had the diphthong*ɨʌand the latter*ʌ.[123]
Partly because of this archaism, some of the most common Old Korean phonograms are only partially connected to the Middle Chinese or Sino-Korean phonetic value of the character. Ki-Moon Lee and S. Robert Ramsey cites six notable examples of these "problematic phonograms", given below.[124]
"Problematic phonogram" | Old Korean[f] | Modern Sino-Korean[f] | Middle Chinese (Baxter's transcription)[125] | Old Chinese (Baxter-Sagart 2014)[125][h] | Explanation |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Lương | *a~e | lyang | ljang | *[r]aŋ | May have been read as *la~le instead,[126]althoughmokgandata supports *a.[127]May also be a SAP.[127] |
旀 | *mye | mye | mjie | *m-nə[r] | Lee and Ramsey consider this phonogram problematic because MCmjiehad lost its diphthong by the eighth century, and so the Korean reading reflects "an especially old pronunciation".[124] |
Khiển | *kwo | kyen | khjienX | *[k]ʰe[n]ʔ | May have been read as *kye or *kyen instead,[128][129]but evidence for *kwo is quite strong.[130] |
Thi | *-l | si | syij | *l̥[ə]j | Preserves theOld Chineselateral-initial pronunciation.[131][132] |
Sất | *-s | cil | N/A | N/A | "Probably"[133]preserves an older reading ofSấtwith initial *s-.[134]Alternately, may be a Korean creation independent of the Chinese glyphSất,perhaps a simplification ofKhi(MdSKsi).[135]May also be due to influence from Chinese Buddhist transcription systems forSanskrit.[136] |
Chỉ | *ki / *-k | ci | N/A | N/A | May preserve an Old Chinese pronunciation that includedvelars.[137] |
Silla scribes also developedtheir own charactersnot found in China. These could be both logograms and phonograms, as seen in the examples below.[138]
Silla-developed character | Use | Origin |
---|---|---|
Quá | Logogram for "bean"[i] | Compound ideogramofĐại"big" andĐậu"bean" |
Lương | Logogram for "grain storehouse"[j] | Compound ideogram ofMộc"wood" andKinh"capital" |
丨 | Phonogram for *ta[k] | Graphic simplification ofNhư,SAP for *ta |
𢀳 | Phonogram for *-p | Graphic simplification ofẤp,PAP for *-p |
Korean Sinographic writing is traditionally classified into three major systems:idu,gugyeol,andhyangchal.The first,idu,was used primarily for translation. In its completed form after the Old Korean period, it involved reordering Classical Chinese text into Korean syntax and adding Korean functional morphemes as necessary, with the result that "a highly Sinicized formal form of written Korean" was produced.[139][140]Thegugyeolsystem was created to aid the comprehension of Classical Chinese texts by providing Korean glosses.[141]It is divided into pre-thirteenth century interpretivegugyeol,where the glosses provide enough information to read the Chinese text in the Korean vernacular, and later consecutivegugyeol,which is insufficient for a full translation.[142]Finally,hyangchalrefers to the system used to write purely Old Korean texts without a Classical Chinese reference.[143]However, Lee Ki-Moon and S. Robert Ramsey note that in the Old Korean period,iduandhyangchalwere "different in intent" but involved the "same transcription strategies".[143]Suh Jong-hak's 2011 review of the Korean scholarship also suggests that most modern Korean linguists consider the three to involve the "same concepts" and the main differences between them to be purpose rather than any structural difference.[144]
Phonology
[edit]The phonological system of Old Korean cannot be established "with any certainty",[145]and its study relies largely on tracing back elements of Middle Korean (MK) phonology.[146]
Prosody
[edit]Fifteenth-century Middle Korean was atonalorpitch accentlanguage whose orthography distinguished between three tones: high, rising, and low.[147]The rising tone is analyzed as a low tone followed by a high tone within abimoraicsyllable.[148]
Middle Chinese was also a tonal language, withfour tones:level, rising, departing, and entering. The tones of fifteenth-century Sino-Korean partially correspond to Middle Chinese ones. Chinese syllables with level tone have low tone in Middle Korean; those with rising or departing tones, rising tone; and those with entering tone, high tone. These correspondences suggest that Old Korean had some form ofsuprasegmentalsconsistent with those of Middle Chinese, perhaps a tonal system similar to that of Middle Korean.[149]Phonetic glosses in Silla Buddhist texts show that as early as the eighth century, Sino-Korean involved three tonal categories and failed to distinguish rising and departing tones.[150]
On the other hand, linguists such as Lee Ki-Moon and S. Roberts Ramsey argue that Old Korean originally had a simpler prosody than Middle Korean, and that influence from Chinese tones was among the reasons for Korean tonogenesis.[151]The hypothesis that Old Korean originally lacked phonemic tone is supported by the fact that most Middle Korean nouns conform to a tonal pattern,[151]the tendency for ancient Korean scribes to transcribe Old Korean proper nouns with Chinese level-tone characters,[152]and the accent marks on Korean proper nouns given by the Japanese historyNihon Shoki,which suggest that ancient Koreans distinguished only the entering tone among the four Chinese tones.[153]
Syllable structure
[edit]Middle Korean had a complexsyllable structurethat allowed clusters of up to three consonants in initial[154]and two consonants in terminal position,[155]as well as vowel triphthongs.[156]But many syllables with complex structures arose from the merger of multiple syllables, as seen below.
Attestation and source language | English | Pre-Middle Korean form | Reconstruction | Fifteenth-century form[f] |
---|---|---|---|---|
Hyanggatexts[157] | old times | Cũ lý | *niäri | 녜nyey |
body | Thân vạn | *muma | 몸mwom | |
Korean transcription of Early Middle Korean[158] | arbormonkshood | Năm đến phù đến | *wotwokputuk | 오독ᄠᅩ기wotwokptwoki |
Songtranscription of Early Middle Korean[159] | earth | Hạt hi | *holki | ᄒᆞᆰholk |
day | Vê tể | *nacay | 낮nac | |
Japanese and Korean transcription ofBaekje[160] | front | アリヒシ | *arIpIsI | 앒alph |
stone | Trân ác | *tərak | 돓twolh | |
belt | シトロ | *sItOrO | ᄯᅴstuy |
Middle Koreanclosed syllableswith bimoraic "rising tone" reflect an originally bisyllabic CVCV form in which the final vowel was reduced,[161]and some linguists propose that Old Korean or its precursor originally had a CV syllable structure like that of Japanese, with all clusters and coda consonants forming due to vowel reduction later on.[162]However, there is strong evidence for the existence of coda consonants in even the earliest attestations of Korean, especially inmareum cheomgiorthography.[163]
On the other hand, Middle Korean consonant clusters are believed not to have existed in Old Korean and to have formed after the twelfth century with the loss of intervening vowels.[158]Old Korean thus had a simpler syllable structure than Middle Korean.
Consonants
[edit]The consonant inventory of fifteenth-century Middle Korean is given here to help readers understand the following sections on Old Korean consonants. These are not the consonants ofOldKorean, but of its fifteenth-century descendant.
Bilabial | Alveolar | Velar | Glottal | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Nasal | mㅁ | nㄴ | ŋㆁ | |||
Stopandaffricate[l] | plain | pㅂ | tㄷ | tsㅈ | kㄱ | |
aspirated | pʰㅍ | tʰㅌ | tsʰㅊ | kʰㅋ | ||
Voicedfricative | βㅸ | zㅿ | ɣㅇ | |||
Voiceless fricative | plain | sㅅ | hㅎ | |||
reinforced | s͈ㅆ | h͈ㆅ[m] | ||||
Liquid | l~ɾㄹ |
Three of the nineteen Middle Korean consonants could not occur in word-initial position:/ŋ/,/β/,and/ɣ/.[167]Only nine consonants were permitted in the syllable coda. Aspiration was lost in coda position; coda/ts/merged with/s/;[168]and/β/,/ɣ/,/h/,and the reinforced consonants could not occur as the coda.[169]Coda/z/was preserved only word-internally and when followed by another voiced fricative; otherwise it merged with/s/.[168]
Nasals
[edit]Sino-Korean evidence suggests that there were no major differences between Old Korean and Middle Korean nasals.[170]
Middle Chinese onset*ŋis reflected in Sino-Korean as a null initial, while both Chinese and Korean transcriptions of Old Korean terms systematically avoid characters with onset*ŋ.Middle Koreanphonotacticrestrictions on/ŋ/thus seem to have held true for Old Korean as well.[171]
TheSamguk Sagisometimes alternates between nasal-initial and liquid-initial characters in transcribing the same syllable of the same proper noun. This suggests that Old Korean may have had asandhirule in which nasals could become liquids, or vice versa, under certain circumstances.[172]
Aspirate consonants
[edit]The Middle Korean series ofaspiratedstops and affricates developed from mergers of consonant clusters involving /h/ or avelarobstruent,which in turn had formed from the loss of intervening vowels.[173]To what extent this process had occurred in the Old Korean period is still debated.
Middle Chinese had a phonemic distinction between aspirated and unaspirated stops. This is reflected somewhat irregularly in Sino-Korean.
Middle Chinese phoneme |
Middle Sino-Korean reflex | Frequency of reflexes | Percentage |
---|---|---|---|
*kʰ | /k/ | 164 | 88.6% |
/kʰ/ | 1 | 0.5% | |
Other | 20 | 10.8% | |
*pʰ | /pʰ/ | 34 | 52.3% |
/p/ | 31 | 47.7% | |
*tʰ | /tʰ/ | 70 | 73.6% |
/t/ | 25 | 26.4% | |
*tsʰ | /tsʰ/ | 81 | 76.4% |
/ts/ | 23 | 21.7% | |
Other | 2 | 1.9% |
Based on this variable reflection of Middle Chinese aspirates, Korean is thought to have developed the dental aspirates*tsʰand*tʰfirst, followed by*pʰand finally*kʰ.[175]*kʰis often believed to have been absent when Sino-Korean was established.[175]
Silla scribes used the aspirate-initial characters only infrequently.[176]When they did, the aspirates were often replaced with unaspirated equivalents. For instance, the 757 standardization of place names sometimes involved changing aspirated phonograms for unaspirated ones, or vice versa.[177]This suggests that aspiration of any sort may have been absent in Old Korean,[176]or that aspirate stops may have existed infree variationwith unaspirated ones but were not distinct phonemes.[177]On the other hand, Ki-Moon Lee and S. Roberts Ramsey argue that Silla orthography confirms the existence in Old Korean of at least the dental aspirates as phonemes.[175]
Meanwhile, Nam Pung-hyun believes that Old Korean had*kʰand*tsʰbut may have lacked*pʰand*tʰ,while noting that thefunctional loadof the aspirates was "extremely low".[146]
Origin of MK /h/
[edit]Some characters with initial*kin Middle Chinese are reflected in Sino-Korean as/h/.Conversely, some instances of the Middle Chinese initial*ɣ~*ɦ,usually loaned as Sino-Korean/h/,are found as Sino-Korean/k/.This may be because Koreans mistakenly assigned the same initial consonant to characters which do share a phoneticradicalbut in practice had different Middle Chinese initials.[178]On the other hand, this may reflect avelarvalue for the Old Korean ancestor of Middle Korean/h/.Korean scholars often propose an Old Koreanvelar fricative*xas ancestral to Middle Korean/h/.[179][180]
Some orthographic alternations suggest that Silla writers did not distinguish between Middle Chinese initial*kand initial*ɣ~*ɦ,although linguist Marc Miyake is skeptical of the evidence,[181]while some Middle Koreanallomorphsalternate between/h/and a velar. Linguist Wei Guofeng suggests that the Old Korean phonemes*kand*hhad overlapping distributions, with allophones such as*xbeing shared by both phonemes.[182]Alexander Vovin also argues viainternal reconstructionthat intervocalic*kin earlier Koreanlenitedto Middle Korean/h/.[183]
Origin of MK lenited phonemes
[edit]Sibilants
[edit]In some pre-Unified Silla transcriptions of Korean proper nouns, Chineseaffricateandfricativesibilantsappear interchangeable. This has been interpreted as some stage of Old Korean having lacked the Middle Korean distinction between/ts/and/s/.Thehyanggapoems, however, differentiate affricates and fricatives consistently, while the Chinese distinction between the two is faithfully preserved in Sino-Korean phonology. Koreans thus clearly distinguished/ts/from/s/by the eighth century, and Marc Miyake casts doubt on the notion that Korean ever had a stage where affricates and fricatives were not distinct.[184]
Liquids
[edit]Middle Korean had only oneliquidphoneme, which varied between[l]and[ɾ].Old Korean, however, had two separate liquid phonemes. In Old Korean orthography, this first liquid phoneme was represented by the PAPThi,whose Old Chinese value was *l̥[ə]j, and the second phoneme by the PAPẤt,whose Old Chinese value was *qrət.[125][185]Besides this orthographic variation, the distinction between the liquid phonemes is also suggested by the tonal behavior of Middle Korean verb stems ending in/l/.[186]
According to Alexander Vovin, Lee Ki-Moon asserts thatThirepresented/r/and thatẤtrepresented/l/.Vovin considers this claim "unacceptable" and "counterintuitive", especially given the reconstructed Old Chinese pronunciations of both characters, and suggests instead thatThirepresented/l/whileẤtstood for arhotic.[187]Ramsey and Nam Pung-hyun both agree with Vovin's hypothesis.[186][188]
Coda consonants
[edit]![]() | This sectionneeds expansion.You can help byadding to it.(May 2020) |
Vowels
[edit]Front | Back | |
---|---|---|
Close | iː | uː |
Mid | e̞ | o̞ |
Open | æ | ɒː |
Grammar
[edit]![]() | This sectionneeds expansion.You can help byadding to it.(May 2020) |
Thecase markersin Old Korean are the following:
Nominative case Y / là(-i) Genitive case Y / rồi(-ʌj),Sất(-s) Accusative case Ất(-l) Dative case Trung,Lương trung(-aj/-ej,-hʌj/-ahʌjinIdu script) Instrumental case Lưu(-ro~-ʌro) Comitative case Quả(-wa/-ɡwa) Vocative case Lương,Cũng(-a,-ja),Hạ(-ha)
Other affixes are:
Topic marker Ẩn(-n~-nʌn~-ʌn) Additive Trí(-do) Honorific Ban(-si-) Humble Bạch(-sʌv-)
The pronunciations written in parentheses are fromMiddle Korean( trung thế quốc ngữ, 중세국어). The letter ʌ is used to represent the pronunciation of "ㆍ"(arae-a), which is obsolete in Modern Korean.
Vocabulary
[edit]Numerals
[edit]Three Old Korean numerals are attested in thehyanggatexts: those for one, two, and thousand. All three are found in theDocheonsugwaneum-ga,while the word for one is also attested identically in theJemangmae-ga.[189]TheCheoyong-gauses a somewhat different form for "two",[189]though it is unlikely to be authentically Silla.[190]Themokgandata, discussed in Lee Seungjae 2017, suggests that multiples of ten may have been referred to with Chinese loanwords but that indigenous terms were used for single-digit numbers.[191]Lee's work onmokganyields Silla words for four of the latter: one, three, four, and five.[192]The orthography of Old Korean numerals, in bothhyanggaand themokgantexts, is marked by thehunju eumjongprinciple typical of Silla.[193]
The Old Korean single-digit numerals are given with fifteenth-century and Modern Korean equivalents below. The Modern Korean terms used to refer to the ages of cattle, which Lee Seungjae considers more closely related to Old Korean forms, are also provided.[194]
English | Old Korean[189][192] | Reconstruction[192] | Middle Korean (15th c.)[195][f] | Modern Korean[f] | Modern Korean for ages of cattle[194][f] | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
One | Nhất đẳng(hyanggadata) | *hədən | ᄒᆞ낳honah | 하나hana | 하릅halup | |
( ngồi ) già đệ𢀳(mokgandata) | *gadəp | |||||
Two | Nhị thi(Docheonsugwaneum-ga) | *tubər | *twuɣul[196] | 둟twulh | 둘twul | 이듭itup |
Nhị 肹(Cheoyong-ga) | *twuɣur[196] | |||||
Three | Tam [missing character] | *sadəp | 셓seyh | 셋seys | 사릅salup | |
Four | Bốn đao | *neri | 넿neyh | 넷neys | 나릅nalup | |
Five | 丨 sam | *tasəm | 다ᄉᆞᆺtasos | 다섯tases | 다습tasup | |
丨 sa [missing character] | *tasap |
Relationship to other languages
[edit]![]() | This sectionneeds expansion.You can help byadding to it.(May 2020) |
Some linguists suggest that Old Korean may form part of the now discredited language-family proposalAltaic languages,although this claim is controversial and not accepted by modern linguists.[197]Another hypothesis says that Old Korean is related to theJaponic languages,[198]but this claim is generally not accepted, either.[199]A lesser known and obsolete hypothesis proposes a relationship to theDravidian languages(seeDravido-Korean).[200]
Sample text
[edit]TheHeonhwa-gais a four-linehyanggafrom the early eighth century, preserved in theSamguk yusa.TheSamguk yusanarrative recounts that Lady Suro, the beautiful wife of a local magistrate, once came upon a cliff a thousandzhanghigh topped byazaleablooms. Lady Suro asked if any of her entourage would pick her some of the azaleas, but none were willing. Upon hearing her words, however, an old man who had been leading a cow beside the cliff presented the flowers to her while singing theHeonhwa-ga.[201][202]Nam Pung-hyun considers the song "of relatively easy interpretation" due to its short length, the context provided, and its consistenthunju eumjongorthography.[202]
This article's reconstruction of theHeonhwa-gafollows the work of Nam 2010,[110]partly translated into English by Nicolas Tranter in Nam 2012b.[45]Nam's decipherment reproduces the grammar of Old Korean, but with Middle Korean values for Old Korean morphemes. Elements in bold are phonograms.[45][n]
Old Korean original | ModernSino-Koreanreading | Reconstruction (Nam 2010) |
---|---|---|
TímBốNhamChăngBiênHi ChấpÂm chăngTay mẫu ngưu phóngGiáo khiển NgôHậtKhông喩ThẹnHật y ban chờ HoaHậtChiếtSất nhưngHiếnChăng lý âm như |
caphoamhopyenhuy cipum hosu mo wu pangkyo kyen ohilpwulywuchamhil i sa tung hoahilcelcil kahenho li um ye |
ᄃᆞᆯ뵈 바희 ᄀᆞᆺᄋᆡ 잡ᄋᆞᆷ 혼 손 암쇼 놓이시고 나ᄅᆞᆯ 안디 븟그리ᄉᆞᆫ ᄃᆞᆫ 곶ᄋᆞᆯ 것거 받오림ㅅ다 |
Romanization | Interlinear gloss | Translation (Nam 2012b) |
---|---|---|
tólpoypahuykós-óy cap-óm[ho]-nson amsyo noh-kisi-ko na-lólantipuskuli-só-n tó-n koc-ólkesk-epat-o-li-ms-ta |
purple rock edge-LOC hold-DUR[do]-NMRhand cow-ACClet.go-HON-CONJ I-ACCNEGbe.ashamed-HON-NMRfact-TOP flower-ACCpick-INFgive-INTENT-PROSP-ESSEN-DEC |
Beside the purple rock [of azaleas] You made me let loose the cows [because of your beauty] And if you do not feel ashamed of me I shall pick a flower and give it to you.[o] |
Notes
[edit]- ^In 1995, on the basis of his phonological reconstruction of thehyanggatexts,Alexander Vovintook the dissenting view that the language of Silla left no direct descendants.[17]However, in 2003, Vovin refers to the Silla language as "roughly speaking, the ancestor of Middle and Modern Korean.[18]
- ^Christopher Beckwithcontends that Goguryeo was related to Japanese but not Korean.[23]Thomas Pellard points to serious methodological flaws in Beckwith's arguments, including idiosyncraticMiddle Chinesereconstructions and "questionable or unrealistic semantics".[24]
- ^FromLee & Ramsey 2011,p. 55. The titles of the Chinese classics are translated here for the sake of English readers' convenience.
- ^Thismokganis addressed to the "Great Dragon King", but Lee Seungjae 2017 also suggests that this may be a documentmokganconferring the honorific "great dragon" to a human nobleman.[75]
- ^cf. Middle Korean갓갓kaskas"many kind of"[84]
- ^abcdefghiInYale Romanization,the standard for Korean linguistics
- ^Some scholars hold that the dominant layer comes from the somewhat earlier Middle Chinese of theQieyun,or from the late Old Chinese of theNorthern and Southern dynasties.[96]
- ^In Baxter-Sagart's reconstruction, brackets refer to uncertain phonetic identity; for instance, coda [t] may actually have been /p/, both of which were reflected in Middle Chinese as /t/.
- ^Unrelated to the Chinese characterQuáidentical in appearance and meaning "great"
- ^Unrelated to the Chinese characterLươngidentical in appearance and meaning "dogwood"
- ^Unrelated to the very rare Chinese character丨meaning "to pierce"
- ^The consonant clusters/sk/,/sp/,and/st/also hadallophonicvalues[k͈],[p͈],and[t͈].[165]
- ^/h͈/only occurred in a single verb root,hhye-"to pull".[166]
- ^The romanization given is in a variant ofYale romanization,the standard system of Korean linguistics, but with <o> and <ó> instead of conventional <wo> and <o> for Middle Korean vowels/o/and/ʌ/.
- ^In Nam 2010's analysis, the Modern Korean translation of theHeonhwa-gais given as "진달래꽃(또는 철쭉꽃)이 흐드러지게 피어 붉게 뒤덮은 바위 가에 / (부인의 아름다움이 나로 하여금) 잡고 있던 손이 암소를 놓게 하시고 / 나를 안 부끄러워 하시는 것, 바로 그것이라면 / 꽃을 꺾어 반드시 바치겠습니다."[203]
A more literal translation than Nam 2012 of the Korean is "At the edge of the rock where azaleas have bloomed splendidly and mantled with red / [The lady's beauty] makes the hand that was holding let loose the cow / Not being ashamed of me, if indeed it is such / I will pick a flower and present it without fail."
References
[edit]Citations
[edit]- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,p. 4.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,p. 50.
- ^"The Silla language was the direct ancestor of Middle Korean, and for that reason is most properly called 'Old Korean.'"Lee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 47–48
- ^abWhitman 2015,p. 421.
- ^ab"한편 삼국시대를 국어의 형성시대, 통일신라시대를 고대국어 시대, 고려시대를 전기중세국어 시대로 분류하는 방법이 오랜 동안 설득력을 가지고 통용되어 왔다."(Meanwhile, the method of classifying the Three Kingdoms period as the formative period of Korean, the Unified Silla period as the Old Korean period, and theGoryeoperiod as the Early Middle Korean period has long been used convincingly.)Nam 2003,p. 2
- ^Martin 1996.
- ^"후대의 한국어를 활용하여 재구한 가상적 한국어 즉 Proto-Korean..."(" Proto-Korean, that is, the hypothetical Korean reconstructed using the Korean of later times... ")Lee S. 2015,p. 39
- ^abChoe 2016,pp. 41–42.
- ^abcdefLee & Ramsey 2011,p. 55.
- ^abcLee S. 2017,pp. 183–191.
- ^ab"통일신라시대의 이두문은 토( phun )가 발달한 것이 특징이다." ( "Idu[vernacular] texts of the Unified Silla period are characterized by their developedto[explicit orthographic representation of Old Korean morphemes]. ")Nam 1995
- ^Seth 2011,pp. 38–39.
- ^Seth 2011,pp. 42–46.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 47–48.
- ^abcLee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 77–79.
- ^abSohn 2015,p. 440.
- ^Vovin 1995,pp. 232–233.
- ^Vovin 2002,pp. 24–25.
- ^"Other than placenames...... with all of their problems of interpretation, linguistic data on the languages of Koguryŏ and Paekche are vanishingly scarce."Whitman 2015,p. 423
- ^"Koguryŏan, and especially Paekchean, appear to have borne close relationships to Sillan."Lee & Ramsey 2011,p. 48
- ^"At least from a contemporary Chinese standpoint, the languages of the three kingdoms were similar."Whitman 2015,p. 423
- ^abVovin 2005.
- ^Beckwith 2004.
- ^Pellard 2005.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,p. 48.
- ^Lee I. & Ramsey 2000,pp. 274, 276.
- ^abNam 2012b,p. 51.
- ^Lee S. 2017,pp. 18–19.
- ^The LINGUIST List 2016.
- ^Seth 2011,pp. 69–74.
- ^Lee S. 2015,pp. 40–41.
- ^Nam 2003,pp. 18–19.
- ^ab"최근의 연구들에서는 13세기를 하한선으로 보려는 경향이 나타난다. 이러한 사실은 고대국어의 연구가 깊이를 더해가고 있음과 더불어 고려 건국 이전까지를 고대국어로 간주해 온 일반화된 국어사의 시대 구분에 대한 수정이 필요함을 생각하게 된다. "Kim Y. P. 2012,pp. 42–43
- ^"차자표기 자료의 연구가 진행될수록 고려시대의 언어 현상들은 중세국어 쪽이 아닌, 고대국어의 범주로 포함시키려는 경향이 강하다."(The more the study of sources transcribed with Sinographic systems [chaja] progresses, the stronger the tendency to classify the linguistic phenomena of the Goryeo period within the framework of Old Korean, not Middle Korean.)Kim J. 2019,pp. 113–114
- ^"The earliest attestation of the word in question is LOK [Late Old Korean] Bồ Tát 'rice' (Kyeyrim #183)."Vovin 2015,pp. 230–231
- ^Vovin 2013. "Mongolian names for 'Korea' and 'Korean' and their significance for the history of the Korean language" in "STUDIES IN KOREAN LINGUISTICS AND LANGUAGE PEDAGOGY Festschrift for Ho-min Sohn".
- ^Hwang 2018,pp. 19–21.
- ^abcdeLee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 50–51, 57–58.
- ^Lee P. 2003,pp. 134.
- ^Hwang 2015,pp. 43–65.
- ^Nam 2012a,pp. 6–7.
- ^Nam 2012a.
- ^Kim W. 1980,pp. 34–52.
- ^Handel 2019,p. 79.
- ^abcNam 2012b,p. 45.
- ^Vovin 2013,p. 202.
- ^"고려시대의 석독구결이 매우 보수적이어서 이를 기초로 경전을 습득하였다면 một nhiên 은 신라시대의 언어에 대하여 정확한 이해를 하고 있었던 것으로 보아야 한다." (If the interpretivegugyeolof the Goryeo period was very conservative, and this was the basis of learning the canons, Iryeon should be seen as having accurately understood the language of the Silla period.)Nam 2018,pp. 2–3, 24–25
- ^Park Y. 2005.
- ^Miller 1987,pp. 13–14.
- ^Lim 2008,pp. 377–381.
- ^Park J. 2018,pp. 54–59.
- ^Park J. 2018,pp. 59–65.
- ^Kim W. 1980.
- ^Park J. 2018,p. 65.
- ^Nam 2010,p. 63.
- ^Nam 2019.
- ^"Interpretation of thehyanggaremains a monumental task. We quite honestly do not know what somehyanggamean, much less what they sounded like. "Lee & Ramsey 2011,p. 57
- ^Lim 2008,pp. 381–382.
- ^Handel 2019,pp. 92–93.
- ^Choe 2016,p. 46.
- ^Choe 2016,p. 52.
- ^Choe 2016,pp. 45–49.
- ^Nam 1995.
- ^abNam 2012b,pp. 42–43.
- ^abLee S. 2017,pp. 17–20.
- ^Yoon 2016,pp. 392–393.
- ^Lee S. 2017,pp. 484–486.
- ^Kim C. 2014,p. 199.
- ^Yoon 2016,p. 389.
- ^Jeon 2012,p. 168.
- ^abcLee S. 2017,pp. 208–209.
- ^abLee S. 2017,pp. 471, 477.
- ^Jung 2015,pp. 37, 41, 62.
- ^Jung 2015,pp. 66–77.
- ^Lee S. 2017,p. 206.
- ^Lee S. 2017,pp. 180–181.
- ^Lee S. 2017,pp. 489–490.
- ^Nam 2012b,p. 43.
- ^Whitman 2011,p. 105.
- ^Whitman 2014,pp. 3–4.
- ^abNam 2013.
- ^Translated from Nam 2013's Korean translation, "그 때 tinh tiến tuệ Bồ Tát 이 pháp tuệ Bồ Tát 에게 물었다"Nam 2013,pp. 60–61
- ^Translated from Nam 2013's Korean translation, "부정한 것이며 싫은 것이며"Nam 2013,pp. 72–73
- ^Nam 2013,pp. 69–70.
- ^Translated from Nam 2013's Korean translation, "끝없는 여러 가지 경계"Nam 2013,pp. 69–70
- ^Lee Y. 2015,pp. 65–66, 77–79.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 52–53.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,p. 58.
- ^Miller 1979,p. 42.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 37–40, 51.
- ^abLee & Ramsey 2011,p. 52.
- ^Sohn 2001,pp. 123–124.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 68–70.
- ^Wei 2017,pp. 216–221.
- ^Qian 2018,pp. 13–15, 209–211.
- ^Qian 2018,pp. 13–15.
- ^Wei 2017,pp. 26–31.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 64–65.
- ^Vovin 2013.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 58–59.
- ^Handel 2019,p. 62.
- ^Handel 2019,p. 98.
- ^Handel 2019,p. 99.
- ^Handel 2019,p. 100.
- ^Handel 2019,p. 101.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,p. 59.
- ^Nam 2019,p. 45.
- ^Handel 2019,p. 91.
- ^Kim W. 1980,pp. 12–17.
- ^abNam 2010.
- ^Lee S. 2017,pp. 262–275.
- ^Lee S. 2017,pp. 275–283.
- ^abcShin 1998,pp. 85–89.
- ^Handel 2019,pp. 103–105.
- ^Handel 2019,pp. 119–120.
- ^Lee S. 2017,pp. 379–280.
- ^Shin 1998,p. 92.
- ^Shin 1998,p. 93.
- ^Shin 1998,pp. 93–94.
- ^Shin 1998,p. 94.
- ^Shin 1998,pp. 94–95.
- ^Lee S. 2017,p. 383.
- ^Wei 2017,pp. 65–67.
- ^abLee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 60–62.
- ^abcBaxter & Sagart 2014.
- ^Cho 2009,pp. 107–120.
- ^abKim Y. W. 2012,pp. 36–39.
- ^Hwang 2002.
- ^Jang 2005,pp. 125–133.
- ^Nam 2018,pp. 15–16.
- ^Miyake 1998,pp. 347–348.
- ^Vovin 2013,pp. 200–201.
- ^Handel 2019,p. 94.
- ^Yang 2016.
- ^Kim W. 1985,pp. 5–6.
- ^Wei 2014.
- ^Wei 2013,pp. 167–182.
- ^Lee S. 2017,pp. 329–342, 444–448.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 53–56.
- ^Handel 2019,pp. 110–113.
- ^Handel 2019,pp. 82–87.
- ^Nam 2012b,p. 46.
- ^abLee & Ramsey 2011,p. 57.
- ^"거의 대부분의 학자가 lại đọc 와 hương trát ( khẩu quyết 까지도)을 같은 개념으로 생각하고 있었다." (Almost all scholars were consideringiduandhyangchal(evengugyeol) to be the same concept.)Suh 2011,pp. 50–52
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,p. 63.
- ^abNam 2012b,pp. 56–57.
- ^Handel 2019,p. 73.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 163–165.
- ^Whitman 2015,pp. 432–433.
- ^Kwon 2014,p. 152–155.
- ^abLee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 168–169.
- ^Kwon 2016,p. 27.
- ^Kwon 2005,pp. 340–342.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 131–135.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,p. 155.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,p. 161.
- ^Nam 2012b,p. 63.
- ^abLee & Ramsey 2011,p. 89.
- ^Vovin 2010,p. 164.
- ^Bentley 2000.
- ^Lee S. 2017,p. 363.
- ^Handel 2019,p. 74.
- ^Lee S. 2017,pp. 364–384.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 128–153.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,p. 128.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,p. 130.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 143 (/β/), 146 (/ɣ/), 150 (/ŋ/)
- ^abLee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 153–154.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 129–130 (reinforced consonants), 143 (/β/), 146 (/ɣ/)
- ^Wei 2017,pp. 224–226.
- ^Wei 2017,pp. 74–75.
- ^Miyake 2000,pp. 8–9.
- ^Ramsey 1991,pp. 230–231.
- ^Qian 2018,pp. 62–63, 78, 88, 94.
- ^abcLee & Ramsey 2011,p. 65.
- ^abMiyake 2000,pp. 6–7.
- ^abEom 1994,pp. 409–410.
- ^Qian 2018,pp. 63–64.
- ^Park D. 1995,p. 244.
- ^Park C. 2002,p. 181.
- ^Miyake 2000,p. 11
- ^Wei 2017,pp. 241–251.
- ^Vovin 2010,p. 29.
- ^Miyake 2000,pp. 9–11.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 66–67.
- ^abRamsey 2004,pp. 342–347.
- ^Vovin 2013,p. 200.
- ^Nam 2012b,p. 57.
- ^abcLee & Ramsey 2011,pp. 73–74.
- ^Nam 2012a,pp. 8.
- ^Lee S. 2017,pp. 188–189.
- ^abcLee S. 2017,pp. 407–410, 453–454, 503–505.
- ^Lee S. 2017,pp. 285–286.
- ^abLee S. 2017,pp. 88–89.
- ^Lee & Ramsey 2011,p. 175.
- ^abVovin 2013,pp. 201–202.
- ^Kim (2004), p. 80.
- ^"Alexander Francis-Ratte".www2.furman.edu.Archived fromthe originalon 2019-03-26.Retrieved2019-03-26.
- ^Vovin, Alexander (26 September 2017). "Origins of the Japanese Language".Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Linguistics.Oxford University Press.doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780199384655.013.277.ISBN978-0-19-938465-5.
- ^Kim, Chin-Wu (1974).The Making of the Korean Language.Center of Korean Studies, University of Hawai'i.
- ^O'Rourke 2006,p. 15.
- ^abNam 2010,pp. 63–64.
- ^Nam 2010,pp. 74–75.
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