Jump to content

Politics of Argentina

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Politics of Argentina
Polity typeFederalpresidentialrepresentative republic
ConstitutionConstitution of Argentina
Legislative branch
NameNational Congress
TypeBicameral
Meeting placePalace of the Argentine National Congress
Upper house
NameSenate
Presiding officerVictoria Villarruel,Vice President of Argentina & President of the Senate
Lower house
NameChamber of Deputies
Presiding officerMartín Menem
Executive branch
Head of Stateand Government
TitlePresident
CurrentlyJavier Milei
Cabinet
Current cabinetCabinet of Javier Milei
HeadquartersCasa Rosada
Ministries10
Judicial branch
NameJudiciary of Argentina
Supreme Court
Chief judgeHoracio Rosatti

Thepolitics of Argentinatake place in the framework of what theConstitutiondefines as afederalpresidentialrepresentative democraticrepublic,where thePresident of Argentinais bothHead of StateandHead of Government.Legislative poweris vested in the two chambers of theArgentine National Congress.TheJudiciaryis independent, as are the Executive and the Legislature. Elections take place regularly on amulti-party system.

In the 20th century,Argentinaexperienced significant political turmoil and democratic reversals.[1][2][3]Between 1930 and 1976, thearmed forcesoverthrew six governments in Argentina;[2]and the country alternated periods of democracy (1912–1930, 1946–1955, and 1973–1976) with periods of restricted democracy andmilitary rule.[1]

Following atransitionthat began in 1983,[4]full-scale democracy in Argentina was reestablished.[1][2]Argentina's democracy endured through the2001–02 crisisand to the present day; it is regarded as more robust than both its pre-1983 predecessors and other democracies inLatin America.[2]

National government[edit]

The government structure of Argentina is a democracy; it contains the three branches of government.[5]

Executive branch[edit]

The current Chief of State and Head of Government isPresidentJavier Milei.[6]

Pink House,seats theexecutive power.

Legislative branch[edit]

Legislative Branch is a bicameralCongress,which consists of theSenate(72 seats), presided by the vice-president, and theChamber of Deputies(257 seats), currently presided byMartín Menemof theLa Rioja Province.The General Auditing Office of the Nation and theOmbudsmanare also part of this branch. Deputies serve for 4 years, while Senators serve for 6 years.[7]

Argentine National Congress,seats theChamber of Deputiesand theSenate.

Judiciary branch[edit]

The Judiciary Branch is composed of federal judges and others with different jurisdictions, and aSupreme Courtwith five judges, appointed by the President with approval of the Senate, who may be deposed by Congress.[8]

Supreme Court of Argentina.

Provincial and municipal governments[edit]

Argentina is divided into 23Provinces,the equivalent ofStates,and oneautonomous district,CABA,inside theBuenos Aires province.Because of Argentina’sfederal structure,every province has its own constitution, and authorities.[9]

Each province, except forBuenos Aires Province,is divided intodepartments(departamentos), or districts, which are in turn divided intomunicipalities.The Buenos Aires Province is different, its territory is divided into 134 districts calledpartidos,not municipalities.[9]

History[edit]

Argentina's first government, autonomous from the Spanish Crown, can be traced back to May 1810 and theMay Revolution,where an assembly of Argentines, calledPrimera Junta,took power.[10]Because at the time it was difficult to find the right form of government, and even more difficult to consolidate a Republic, Argentina experimented with different forms of assembly, likejuntasandtriumvirates.[10]The 9th of July 1816, half of Argentina's provinces signed a declaration of independence.[11]The beginnings of Argentine state building were rough and many provinces refused to answer to a central government and sign the first constitution of 1826. In 1853, after several years of centralist power, a new constitution was passed, this one consolidated, almost fully, the Argentine Nation. Buenos Aires, still refused to be considered part of the country. After theBattle of Pavónin 1861, Buenos Aires set terms for its inclusion in the Constitution and the Republic of Argentina was born, withBartolome Mitreas the President.[10]

Argentina is an example where institutional instability was established after an initial period of historical contingencies. Some random insignificant historical event favors one set of institutions at the beginning. Organizations became dependent on the framework of current institutions and made further investments to profit, making it undesirably costly to switch to other types of institutions.[12]This means that the other potentially better alternative will be unable to catch up later.[13]Consequently, increasing returns gradually locks the economy (or political institutions) to an outcome that is not necessarily superior. People altered their expectations and stopped investing in the system as the country experienced decades of regime changes after the 1930s, seeing both rules and rule-making processes being repeatedly overturned.[14]

Weakly enforced institutions are by design in some cases for domestic support.[15]For example, anti-abortion was a punitive law in Argentina because many people recognize it as morally legitimate. The government put no resources into enforcing the rules, which allows the middle class to abort pregnancies in private clinics.[16]On the other hand, strong enforcement might undermine the stability of regimes. Between 1930 and 1943, Argentine conservatives maintained power via fraud-ridden elections. After 1943, electoral rules were followed, leading to powerful actors repeatedly modifying the electoral institutions for their benefit.[17]

Liberal state[edit]

From 1852 until 1930 Argentina experienced liberal government with first oligarchic and then democratic tendencies.[18]From 1852 to 1916 the government, run by the landowning elite, controlled the outcome of elections by committing fraud. This was contested by the rising middle-class and working-class sectors. This fueled the creation of more unions and political parties, including theRadical Civic Union(UCR), which represented the emergent middle-class.[18]In 1912, Law 8871, or theSáenz Peña Lawestablished universal, secret and obligatory male suffrage, which marked themiddle classesentering the government, and displacing the landowning elite.[19]

Welfare state[edit]

Since the 1930scoups d'étathave disrupted this democracy. AfterWorld War IIandJuan Perón's presidency, recurring economic and institutional crises fostered the rise ofmilitary regimes.In 1930, the elected presidentHipolito Yrigoyenwas ousted by a right-wing led coup.[10]In 1931 the new government held controlled elections and blocked the participation of Yrigoyen's party. This alleged elections gave way to theConcordancia,a three-party regime. They controlled the Argentine government, through fraud and rigged elections, until 1943.[10]Several factors, including the deaths of the most prominent leaders and World War II, led to another coup that ended the Concordancia regime.[10]This coup was led by the army, which supported the Axis powers, and modeled the new government after Italy's fascist regime.[18]Among the military leaders wasJuan Perón,who was in charge of the Secretariat of Labor and Social Welfare. He veered off the path set by the conservative army and set forth to improve the living and working conditions of workers, including givingLabor Unionssupport and governmental positions. He was jailed briefly, but after mass protests, he became president in the elections of 1946. His regime is known as a populist one, aided by the figure of his second wife,Eva Perón,or "Evita". Their regime produced economic growth and improvements on living and working conditions. It also passed female suffrage (1947), and nationalized the central bank, electricity and gas, urban transport, railroads, and the telephone.[18]After the death of his wife, Perón started losing support. He was ousted in 1955 by another coup. Peronism lives on in Argentina. The next stage of the Social State was one characterized by both economic and political instability.[18]Peron regained power in 1973, but died a year later. His third wife,Isabel,became president. She could not run the country and the military took power once again in 1976.[18]

Neoliberal state[edit]

Jorge Rafael Videla'sdictatorshipbegan in 1976 but fell into decline in 1982 after a defeat in theFalklands War(Spanish:Guerra de las Malvinas/Guerra del Atlántico Sur,1982), and ended in 1983 with the democratic election ofPresidentRaúl Alfonsínof theRadical Civic Unionparty (UCR). Alfonsín faced significant challenges, including a militaryuprising,and resigned in 1989, six months before the end of his term, but the country was not in clear danger of becoming subject to a dictatorship again.Carlos Menemof theJusticialist Party(Peronist) served as president for ten years (1989-1999) and madea pactwith Alfonsín in order to achievea 1994 constitutional reformthat would allow him to be re-elected. Following aneoliberalprogram, he ruled until 1999, and thenFernando de la Rúaof theAlianza,led by the UCR, won election. This was the first time that a Peronist president properly finished his term and passed on his charge to another democratically elected president.[20]

De la Rúa mismanaged the1998–2002 Argentine great depressionand resigned on December 21, 2001, amidviolent riots.Several short-lived interim presidents came and went until Congress choseEduardo Duhaldeof theJusticialist Party(Peronist) to rule until some sort of social and economic peace could be restored. Duhalde took care of the most critical matters and called for democratic elections, whichNéstor Kirchnerof theJusticialist Partywon (in the first use of theballotagesystem). Kirchner took office on 25 May 2003. He did not run for re-election and, in December 2007, his wifeCristina Fernández de Kirchnerwon the 2007 elections.[21]

Elections and voting[edit]

Elections[edit]

Elections in Argentinahave been regular since the reinstitution of democracy in 1983. Because it is a "federal" republic Argentina has national, provincial, municipal and Ciudad de Buenos Aires elections.[22]For legislative positions elections are every two years, and for the executive power and governors every 4.[22]

Apart from General elections, and ballotage, Argentines also vote in P.A.S.O. elections (Primary, open, simultaneous, and obligatory elections). This is an instance before every type of election, to decide which candidates will participate in the general elections. Political parties need to get at least 1,5% of valid votes to compete in general elections.[23]

There are 16,508 elected public service positions. In the National level: President and Vice President, 72 senators and 257 deputies. In the Provincial level: 48 positions for Governor and Deputy Governor, 232 senators, 944 deputies and 72 other elective positions in the provinces of Tierra del Fuego, Córdoba, Mendoza, and La Pampa. Out of the 23 provinces and CABA, 15 have unicameral legislatures, they do not have senatorial elections, and 9 have bicameral legislatures. In the Municipal level: 1.122 mayors and 8.488 city councils. Other authorities add up to 5.271 positions, such as the ones in municipal commissions in 10 provinces, and members of school commissions and accounts tribunals in 5 provinces.[24]

In 2017 Argentina passed a bill that imposed gender parity in national elections in order to reach equal participation in Congress. The bill stipulates that all the lists of candidates for Congress must alternate between male and female candidates, and that half of the list of candidates for national positions have to be made up of women.[25]

Voting[edit]

In Argentina voting is obligatory for any Argentine, either native or naturalized, that is 18 years old. In November 2012, the government passed a new law that allowed Argentines between the ages of 16–18 to vote optionally.[26]

In the 2015 national elections, voter turnout was particularly high: Chamber of Deputies 74.18%, Senate 79.83%, Presidential (1st Round) 78.66%, Presidential (2nd Round) 80.90%.[27]

Political parties[edit]

Political parties[edit]

Argentina's two largest political parties are theJusticialist Party(Partido Justicialista,PJ), which evolved out ofJuan Perón's efforts in the 1940s to expand the role of labor in the political process (seePeronism), and theRadical Civic Union(Unión Cívica Radical,UCR), founded in 1891. Traditionally, the UCR had more urban middle-class support and the PJ more labor support, but as of 2011both parties are broadly based. Most of the numerous political parties that emerged in the past two decades have their origins or even the bulk of their identity tied to them.

Smaller parties occupy various positions on the political spectrum and a number of them operate only in certain districts. In the years after Perón's first years in office, several provincial parties emerged, often as a vehicle for the continued activities of Peronists, whose party was then banned, or as coalitions of politicians from all sectors wishing to take forward provincial interests. Provincial parties grew in popularity and number after the return of democracy in 1983, and took several of the provincial governor positions. Both these parties and the provincial branches of the UCR and PJ have frequently been dominated by moderncaudillosand family dynasties, such as the Sapags ofNeuquénand the Rodríguez Saá's ofSan Luis.This has in turn been a factor in the ongoing factionalism within the two principal parties at national and local levels.

Historically, theorganized labor(largely tied to the Justicialist Party) and the armed forces have also played significant roles in national life. Labor's political power was significantly weakened by free market reforms during the 1990s, as well as the cooptation of its leaders by the Menem administration. They now seem to be returning to their former position, since the current government focuses on a productive model with local industry as one of the top priorities.

The armed forces are firmly undercivilian control.Repudiated by the public after a period of military rule marked byhuman rightsviolations, economic decline, and military defeat, the Argentine military today is a downsized, volunteer force focused largely on international peacekeeping. While Menem and de la Rúa simply reduced their funding, Kirchner has effected an "ideological cleansing", removing a large portion of the top ranks and replacing them with younger leaders with an explicit commitment to preserve human rights and submit to the decisions of the civilian government.

A grouping of left-leaning parties and dissident Peronists –theFront for a Country in Solidarity(Frente por un País Solidario,FREPASO)– emerged in the 1990s as a serious third party, coming second in the 1995 Presidential elections. In August 1997 the UCR and FREPASO joined in a coalition calledAlliance for Work, Justice and Education(informallyAlianza,Alliance). The Alliance succeeded in takingFernando de la Rúa(UCR) to the presidency in 1999, withCarlosChachoÁlvarez(FrePaSo) as vice president. Shortly after, in October 2000 Álvarez resigned after a scandal related to presidential bribes in the Senate (the President's party refused to support or investigate the accusations), so the Alliance (and even the FrePaSo) effectively broke down. Moreover, in the midst ofserious economic crisisandriots,PresidentFernando de la Rúaresigned on December 21, 2001, leaving the UCR reputation severely damaged. The centennial party lost many of its supporters and a bunch of smaller parties emerged from its ashes.

Two of them scored well in the2003 presidential election:Support for an Egalitarian Republic(ARI), formed on the initiative of DeputyElisa Carrió,presented itself as a non-compromising front against corruption and for progressive ideas. ARI somewhat took the center left positions of the defunct Alliance in the ideological spectrum. In those elections, Carrió came a close fourth in. Her influence diminished afterward, as the Néstor Kirchner administration -running on center left policies- succeeded, and she took a more conservative stance, eventually dividing her party and founding a new alliance, theCivic Coalition.In June 2007, Fabiana Ríos, a National Deputy enrolled in ARI, was elected Governor of theProvince of Tierra del Fuego,becoming the first governor belonging to this party.

The other splinter UCR party, calledRecrear,was led by former De la Rúa Minister of EconomyRicardo López Murphy.Recrear captured the urban moderate right-wing spectrum of voters. López Murphy came third in the 2003 presidential elections, with a platform that emphasized transparency, polarizing with former PresidentCarlos Menem.After meagre results for his 2005 senatorial candidacy, and ahead of the2007 elections,he joined a group of Province-based parties and Macri'sCommitment to Changein a new centre-right coalition dubbedRepublican Proposal(Propuesta Republicana,PRO). On that ticket, Macri was electedChief of government of Buenos Aires Autonomous City.

Since the2008 agricultural sector strikes,political support for PresidentCristina Fernández de Kirchnerand her husband, ex-president Néstor Kirchner, diminished considerably. The tax on agricultural exports divided the National Congress as much as the public opinion. On 27 July 2008, the tax reform was put down by a votation at the Senate, which came to be decided by the vote ofVice PresidentJulio Cobos,effectively breaking the governmental coalitionPlural Consensus.Since then, a fraction of dissident peronists allied with conservativePRO,Julio Cobos -throughFederal Consensus (ConFe)- started negotiations with his former party,UCR.The Radical Civic Union, in turn, formalized an alliance with theSocialist Partyand Elisa Carrió'sCivic Coalition,styled theCivic and Social Agreement(Acuerdo Cívico y Social,ACyS).

For the2009 legislative elections,former President Kirchner ran himself as a candidate to National Deputy on top of theFront for Victory(Frente para la Victoria,FPV) party in theProvince of Buenos Aires.After the defeat of FPV in the 2015 presidential elections, Cristina Kirchen decided to form another party calledCitizen's Unity.She ran as senator ofSanta Cruzwith this party and won.[28]

Latest presidential elections[edit]

Summary of the2023 Argentine general election

CandidateRunning matePartyFirst roundSecond round
Votes%Votes%
Sergio MassaAgustín RossiUnion for the Homeland9,853,49236.7811,598,72044.35
Javier MileiVictoria VillarruelLa Libertad Avanza8,034,99029.9914,554,56055.65
Patricia BullrichLuis PetriJuntos por el Cambio6,379,02323.81
Juan SchiarettiFlorencio RandazzoHacemos por Nuestro País1,802,0686.73
Myriam BregmanNicolás del CañoWorkers' Left Front722,0612.70
Total26,791,634100.0026,153,280100.00
Valid votes26,791,63496.8626,153,28096.79
Invalid votes451,4861.63450,7461.67
Blank votes415,7371.50417,5741.55
Total votes27,658,857100.0027,021,600100.00
Registered voters/turnout35,854,12277.1435,405,39876.32
Source:[29][30][31]

Policy[edit]

Policy in Argentina after the several military dictatorships has been varied and has aimed at stabilizing the country. As stated above, Argentina's politics do not lead to a particular side, but instead take the country in many directions. Since the lastmilitary juntagave up its power in 1983, each administration that has been in power has had different priorities. PresidentAlfonsíntook office in 1983 and his main task was to ensure a peaceful transition. In the end he was overcome by an economic crisis that led to a bout ofhyperinflation.

AfterAlfonsin,came PresidentMenemwho had to control inflation and stabilize the economy. He did so by adopting a series of radical measures includingfixed paritybetween theArgentine pesoand theU.S. dollar.He then engaged in a program to move Argentina's economy towards aliberal model.This plan included theprivatizationof the previously state-owned telecommunications company, oil conglomerate (YPF), airline (Aerolíneas Argentinas), railroads and utilities. As a result, large foreign direct investment flowed into Argentina for a short time, improving in some isolated cases the infrastructure and quality of service of those companies. His policies culminated in the highest unemployment rates of Argentine history and the doubling of external debt.

In the social arena, Menempardonedmilitary officers serving sentences forhuman rightsabuses of theDirty War.To balance the unpopular decision, he also pardoned some of the insurgents convicted of guerrilla attacks in the 1970s. The public scandal after the assassination of the soldier Omar Carrasco forced Menem to end compulsory militaryconscription.

Fernando de la Rúa's term was notoriously ineffective on many accounts. Elected with a popular mandate to reinvigorate the economy and crack down on the corruption of the Menem administration, de la Rúa was unable or unwilling to perform these tasks. He continued on the same economic course of Menem, which ultimately led to the2001 economic crashand de la Rúa's resignation. TheFrePaSoministers of the administration, elected on a wave of hope for social changes, also disappointed with a perceived lack of investment in social schemes.

Eduardo Duhalde's interim term was strongly limited by a highly mobilized society. It was marked by the need to pacify the country and soften the impact of the crisis after the forceddevaluationof the local currency, the peso, which had lost three quarters of its value in a matter of months. Duhalde employed a mixture of traditionalPeronistpolitics (in the form of a monetary subsidy for heads of families) and neo-Keynesianeconomic principles to stabilize the economy and bring peace to the streets.

Néstor Kirchner,who belonged to the moderate center-left wing of Peronism (rooted in the leftist Peronist factions of the 1970s), continued Duhalde's measures (even keeping his Minister of Economy,Roberto Lavagna) and added someheterodox economics.Heavy taxes on exports have served to keep local prices of valuable commodities in check, while collecting huge revenues (especially fromoilproducts and agricultural exports likesoybeans). The restrictive monetary policy of the 1990s has become aggressively expansive; theCentral Bankhas injected large amounts of cash into the economy and bought dollars from the free currency market in order to accumulate reserves. The fiscal policy is also expansive; the government has raised private and public salaries by decree on several occasions, and has encouraged negotiations between the private sector and the labor movements. Inflation has again become a concern. The government has struck price-freezing agreements with certain sectors of the economy (producers of milk, some foods, natural gas, etc.) and put heavy pressure on others. Failure to comply on the part ofArgentine beefproducers has been met witha punitive suspension of exports,starting March 2006, intended to increase domestic supply (this was then softened to aquotasystem).

Cristina Fernández de Kirchnercame after her husband with even more liberal policies. She strictly imposed import regulations to encourage local production and exports. She started talks with financial officials to pay off Argentina's debt and promised foreign investment. In 2012, the move to nationalizeYPF,an oil firm, scared off the foreign investors.[32]She launched a conditional cash transfer program as well, calledAsignación Universal por Hijo(AUH), which provided financial incentives to low-income or poor citizens for them to send their children to school and get vaccinated. During her presidency, same-sex marriage was legalized, and a new law was passed that allowed name and sex change in official documents for transgender people, even if they had not undergone sex reassignment surgery.[33]

Mauricio Macriwas elected in 2015 and he came in as a more conservative politician. Besides this, he did not implement any conservative policy. He only cut subsidies to the energy, but did not cut taxes, did not cut federal spending, did not reduce the national deficit and did not try to free the market. Because of his inability to take in serious reforms, he ordered a 50 billion dollar bailout to the IMF in order to restore the economy, which is currently in an economic crisis.[34]

On10 December 2019,the Centre-LeftAlberto Fernándezof theJusticialist Partywas inaugurated President, after defeating the incumbentMauricio Macriin the2019 Argentine general election.[35]

On 14 November 2021, the center-left coalition of Argentina's ruling Peronist party,Frente de Todos(Front for Everyone), lost its majority in Congress, for the first time in almost 40 years, in midtermlegislative elections.The election victory of the center-right coalition,Juntos por el Cambio(Together for Change), meant a tough final two years in office for President Alberto Fernandez. Losing control of the Senate made it difficult for him to make key appointments, including to the judiciary. It also forced him to negotiate with the opposition every initiative he sends to the legislature.[36][37]

In April 2023, President Alberto Fernandez announced that he will not seek re-election in the nextpresidential election.[38]The 19 November 2023electionrun-off vote ended in a win for far-right outsiderJavier Mileiwith close to 56% of the vote against 44% of the ruling coalition candidateSergio Massa.[39]On 10 December 2023, Javier Milei was sworn in as new president of Argentina.[40]At the time of Milei’s inauguration, Argentina’s economy was suffering 143 percent annual inflation, the currency had plunged and four out of 10 Argentines were in poverty.[41]

Abortion[edit]

In March 2018, a draft for an abortion law was debated in Parliament. The law allowed legal abortion until the 14th week of pregnancy if pregnant women were in danger of physical, psychological or social danger as well as pregnancy caused by rape or invalid fetuses. On 14 June, Parliament accepted the law with a slim majority of 129–123. The debates surrounding the bill caused demonstrations of supporters and opponents. The question of abortion is still contentious in society due to the strong influence of the Catholic Church.[42]

Political pressure groups[edit]

Some of the most important political-pressure groups in Argentina include: theArgentine Association of Pharmaceutical Labs(CILFA); theArgentine Industrial Union(manufacturers' association);Argentine Rural SocietyandCARBAP(landowners' associations); theGeneral Confederation of Laboror CGT (Peronist-leaning umbrella labor organization); theRoman Catholic Church;students.[43]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^abcRobinson, James; Acemoglu, Daron (2006).Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy.Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 7–8.
  2. ^abcdLevitsky, Steven; Murillo, María Victoria (2005)."Introduction".In Levitsky, Steven; Murillo, María Victoria (eds.).Argentine Democracy: The Politics of Institutional Weakness.Penn State University Press. pp. 1–2.ISBN0271046341.
  3. ^García Holgado, Benjamín; Mainwaring, Scott (2023)."Why Democracy Survives Presidential Encroachments: Argentina Since 1983".Comparative Politics.55(4): 525–548.doi:10.5129/001041523X16729343375086.
  4. ^Anderson, Leslie E. (2016).Democratization by Institutions: Argentina's Transition Years in Comparative Perspective.University of Michigan Press. p. 15.
  5. ^"Argentina: A South American Power Struggles for Stability".Council on Foreign Relations.Retrieved2023-03-14.
  6. ^"Alberto Fernández asumió la presidencia".Casarosada.gob.ar(in Spanish).Retrieved2019-10-12.
  7. ^"Dirección Nacional Electoral (DINE)".Argentina.gob.ar(in Spanish). 2 May 2017.Retrieved2018-10-21.
  8. ^"Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación Argentina | Gobierno Abierto Judicial".csjn.gov.ar.Retrieved2018-10-01.
  9. ^ab"City Mayors: Local government in Argentina".citymayors.Retrieved2018-11-17.
  10. ^abcdefLewis, Daniel (2001).The History of Argentina.Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press.ISBN0313312567.
  11. ^"Acta de la Independencia de Argentina: 9 de julio de 1816 • El Sur del Sur".El Sur del Sur(in European Spanish). 2016-06-25.Retrieved2018-11-17.
  12. ^North, Douglass C. (2012).Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance.Cambridge University Press. p. 7.ISBN9780511808678.
  13. ^Arthur, W. Brian (March 1989)."Competing Technologies, Increasing Returns, and Lock-In by Historical Events".The Economic Journal.99(394): 121.doi:10.2307/2234208.JSTOR2234208– via JSTOR.
  14. ^Spiller, Pablo; Tommasi, Mariano (2007).The Institutional Foundations of Public Policy in Argentina.Cambridge University Press.ISBN9780511818219.
  15. ^Levitsky, Steven; Murillo, Mar ́ıa Victoria (2009-06-01)."Variation in Institutional Strength".Annual Review of Political Science.12(1): 120.doi:10.1146/annurev.polisci.11.091106.121756.
  16. ^Htun, Mala (2003).Sex and the State: Abortion, Divorce, and the Family under Latin American Dictatorships and Democracies.Cambridge University Press. pp. 153–154.ISBN9780511615627.
  17. ^Alston, Lee J.; Gallo, Andrés A. (April 2010)."Electoral Fraud, the Rise of Peron and Demise of Checks and Balances in Argentina".Explorations in Economic History.47(2): 179–197.doi:10.1016/j.eeh.2009.09.002.
  18. ^abcdefKline, Harvey F.; Wade, Christine J.; Wiarda, Howard J. (2018).Latin American Politics and Development.New York: Westview Press. pp. 103–122.ISBN978-0-8133-5050-9.
  19. ^"Sáenz Peña Law | Encyclopedia".encyclopedia.Retrieved2018-10-15.
  20. ^Carlos Ares (December 11, 1999)."Menem, primer presidente peronista que entrega el poder democráticamente"[Menem, first Peronist president who transfers power democratically] (in Spanish). El país.RetrievedJune 4,2024.
  21. ^Romero, Luis Alberto (2013) [1994].A History of Argentina in the Twentieth Century.United States: The Pennsylvania University Press. p. 355.ISBN978-0-271-06228-0.
  22. ^ab"Constitución Nacional".2013-04-12. Archived fromthe originalon 2013-04-12.Retrieved2018-11-17.
  23. ^"Electores Preguntas Frecuentes"(PDF).Argentina Gobierno.
  24. ^"Hay 16.508 cargos electivos en la Argentina".nuevamayoria.Retrieved2018-11-17.
  25. ^"Lawmakers Impose Gender Parity in Argentina's Congress, By Surprise | Inter Press Service".ipsnews.net.December 2017.Retrieved2018-11-17.
  26. ^"Sin la oposición y en una sesión polémica, el kirchnerismo convirtió en ley el voto joven en Diputados"(in Spanish). 2012-10-31.Retrieved2018-11-17.
  27. ^"IFES Election Guide | Country Profile: Argentina".electionguide.org.Retrieved2018-11-17.
  28. ^Clarín."Cristina Kirchner candidata: relanza Unidad Ciudadana y se planta ante los tres PJ"(in Spanish).Retrieved2018-11-17.
  29. ^"Consulta de Escrutinios Definitivos".padron.gob.ar.Archivedfrom the original on 23 September 2023.Retrieved30 October2023.
  30. ^"Actas de escrutinio definitivo - GENERALES 2023".Cámara Nacional Electoral.Archivedfrom the original on 23 November 2023.Retrieved23 November2023.
  31. ^"Actas de escrutinio definitivo - SEGUNDA VUELTA 2023".Cámara Nacional Electoral.Archivedfrom the original on 5 December 2023.Retrieved1 December2023.
  32. ^"The CFK psychodrama".The Economist.Retrieved2018-11-17.
  33. ^"Five Years of Presidency, What Should be Remembered of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner?".Retrieved2018-11-17.
  34. ^Price Waterhouse & Co."The Macri Administration: Into the second part of the Presidential Term"(PDF).
  35. ^Goñi, Uki (2019-10-28)."Argentina election: Macri out as Cristina Fernández de Kirchner returns to office as VP".The Guardian.ISSN0261-3077.Retrieved2020-05-02.
  36. ^"Peronists may lose Argentina Congress for first time in 40 years".aljazeera.
  37. ^Bronstein, Hugh; Misculin, Nicolás (15 November 2021)."Argentina's Peronists on the ropes after bruising midterm defeat".Reuters.
  38. ^"Argentina's President Fernandez will not seek re-election".aljazeera.
  39. ^"Javier Milei: Argentina's far-right outsider wins presidential election".BBC News.2023-11-19.Retrieved2023-11-24.
  40. ^"Javier Milei: New president tells Argentina 'shock treatment' looms".2023-12-11.Retrieved2023-12-11.
  41. ^"Argentina's newly sworn-in President Milei warns of shock adjustment to economy".PBS NewsHour.2023-12-10.Retrieved2023-12-11.
  42. ^Fischer Weltalmanach 2019 - Zahlen Daten Fakten.Frankfurt am Main: Fischer. 1 July 2018. p. 43.ISBN978-3-596-72019-4.
  43. ^"Argentina Political pressure groups and leaders - Government".indexmundi.Retrieved2018-10-19.

External links[edit]