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Rhoticity in English

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The distinction between rhoticity and non-rhoticity is one of the most prominent ways in whichvarieties of the English languageare classified. Inrhotic accents,the sound of the historical Englishrhotic consonant,/r/,is preserved in all pronunciation contexts. Innon-rhotic accents,speakers no longer pronounce/r/inpostvocalicenvironments: when it is immediately after a vowel and not followed by another vowel.[1][2]For example, in isolation, a rhotic English speaker pronounces the wordshardandbutteras/ˈhɑːrd/and/ˈbʌtər/,but a non-rhotic speaker "drops" or "deletes" the/r/sound and pronounces them as/ˈhɑːd/and/ˈbʌtə/.[a]When anris at the end of a word but the next word begins with a vowel, as in the phrase "better apples, "most non-rhotic speakers will preserve the/r/in that position (thelinking R) since it is followed by a vowel in this case.[5]

The rhotic dialects of English include most of those inScotland,Ireland,theUnited States,andCanada.As of the 21st century, the non-rhotic dialects include those inWales,AustraliaandSouth Africa,and most of those inEnglandandNew Zealand.Among certain speakers, like some in the northeastern coastal and southern United States,[6][2]rhoticity is asociolinguisticvariable:postvocalic/r/is deleted depending on an array of social factors,[7]such as being more correlated in the 21st century with lower socioeconomic status, greater age, particular ethnic identities, andinformalspeaking contexts. These correlations have varied through the last two centuries.

Evidence from written documents suggests that loss of postvocalic /r/ began sporadically in England during the mid-15th century, but those /r/-less spellings were uncommon and were restricted to private documents, especially those written by women.[2]In the mid-18th century, postvocalic /r/ was still pronounced in most environments, but by the 1740s to the 1770s, it was often deleted entirely, especially afterlow vowels.By the early 19th century, the southern British standard was fully transformed into a non-rhotic variety, but some variation persisted as late as the 1870s.[8]

In the 18th century and possibly the 17th century, the loss of postvocalic/r/in some British English influenced southern and eastern American port cities with close connections to Britain, causing their upper-class pronunciation to become non-rhotic, while other American regions remained rhotic.[9]Non-rhoticity then became the norm more widely in many eastern and southern regions of the United States, as well as generallyprestigious,until the 1860s, when theAmerican Civil Warbegan to shift American centers of wealth and political power to rhotic areas, which had fewer cultural connections to the old colonial and British elites.[10]Non-rhotic American speech continued to hold some level of prestige up until the mid-20th century, but rhotic speech in particular became rapidly prestigious nationwide afterWorld War II,[11]for example as reflected in thenational standardof mass media (like radio, film, and television) being firmly rhotic since the mid-20th century onwards.

History

[edit]

England

[edit]
Red areas indicate where rural English accents were rhotic in the 1950s.[12]
Red areas are where English dialects of the late 20th century were rhotic.[13]

The earliest traces of a loss of/r/in English appear in the early 15th century and occur beforecoronal consonants,especially/s/,giving modernass'buttocks' (Old English:ears,Middle English:ersorars), andbass(fish)(OEbærs,MEbars).[2]A second phase of the loss of/r/began during the 15th century and was characterized by sporadic and lexically variable deletion, such asmonyng'morning' andcadenall'cardinal'.[2]Those spellings without/r/appeared throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, but they were uncommon and were restricted to private documents, especially those written by women.[2]No English authorities described loss of/r/in the standard language before the mid-18th century, and many did not fully accept it until the 1790s.[2]

During the mid-17th century, several sources described/r/as being weakened but still present.[14]The English playwrightBen Jonson'sEnglish Grammar,published posthumously in 1640, recorded that/r/was "sounded firme in the beginning of words, and more liquid in the middle, and ends."[8]The next major documentation of the pronunciation of/r/appeared a century later, in 1740, when the British author of a primer for French students of English said that "in many wordsrbefore a consonant is greatly softened, almost mute, and slightly lengthens the preceding vowel. "[15]

By the 1770s, postvocalic/r/-less pronunciation was becoming common around London even in formal educated speech. The English actor and linguistJohn Walkerused the spellingarto indicate the long vowel ofauntin his 1775 rhyming dictionary.[4]In his influentialCritical Pronouncing Dictionary and Expositor of the English Language(1791), Walker reported, with a strong tone of disapproval, that "therinlard,bard,... is pronounced so much in the throat as to be little more than the middle or Italiana,lengthened intobaa,baad.... "[8]Americans returning to England after theAmerican Revolutionary War,which lasted from 1775 to 1783, reported surprise at the significant changes in the fashionable pronunciation that had taken place.[16]

By the early 19th century, the southern English standard had been fully transformed into a non-rhotic variety, but it continued to be variable in the 1870s.[8]The extent of rhoticity in England in the mid-19th century is summarized as widespread in the bookNew Zealand English: its Origins and Evolution:

[T]he only areas of England... for which we havenoevidence of rhoticity in the mid-nineteenth century lie in two separate corridors. The first runs south from the North Riding of Yorkshire through the Vale of York into north and central Lincolnshire, nearly all of Nottinghamshire, and adjacent areas of Derbyshire, Leicestershire, and Staffordshire. The second includes all of Norfolk, western Suffolk and Essex, eastern Cambridgeshire and Hertfordshire, Middlesex, and northern Surrey and Kent.[17]

In the late 19th century,Alexander John Ellisfound evidence of accents being overwhelmingly rhotic in urban areas that are now firmly non-rhotic, such asBirminghamand theBlack Country,[18]andWakefieldinWest Yorkshire.[19]

TheSurvey of English Dialectsin the 1950s and the 1960s recorded rhotic or partially-rhotic accents in almost every part of England, including in the counties ofWest Yorkshire,[20]East Yorkshire,[21]Lincolnshire[22]andKent,[23]where rhoticity has since disappeared. TheAtlas Linguarum Europaefound that there was still rhoticity in the West Yorkshire site ofGolcaras late as 1976.[24]A study published in 2014 found that there is still some rhoticity amongst older residents ofBerwick upon TweedandCarlisle,both of which are close to the border with rhotic Scotland, but that this was absent from the majority of inhabitants.[25]

United States

[edit]

The loss of postvocalic/r/in the Britishprestige standardin the late 18th and the early 19th centuries influenced the American port cities with close connections to Britain, which caused upper-class pronunciation to become non-rhotic in many Eastern and Southern port cities such asNew York City,Boston,Alexandria,Charleston,andSavannah.[9]Like regional dialects in England, however, the accents of other areas in the United States remained rhotic in a display of linguistic "lag", which preserved the original pronunciation of/r/.[9]

Non-rhotic pronunciation continued to influence American prestige speech until theAmerican Civil Warof the 1860s began shifting the United States centers of wealth and political power to areas with fewer cultural connections to the old colonial and British elites.[10]Still, the non-rhotic prestige persisted in theEastern United Statesand among the upper class even into the early 20th century, by which time many speakers of the East and South were non-rhotic or variably rhotic, often even regardless of their class background.

The most decisive shift of the general American population towards rhoticity (even in previously non-rhotic regions) followed theSecond World War.[11]For instance, rapidly after the 1940s, the standard broadcasting pronunciation heard in national radio and television became firmly rhotic, aligned more with theGeneral American Englishof Midwestern, Western, and non-coastal Americans.[10]The prestige of non-rhoticity thus reversed, with non-rhoticity in the 20th century up until today increasingly associated with lower-class rather than higher-class speakers, as in New York City.

The biggest strongholds of non-rhoticity in the United States have always been eastern New England, New York City, and the former plantation region of the South: a band from the South's Atlantic Coast west to the Mississippi River. However, non-rhoticity has been notably declining in all three of these areas since the mid-20th century. In fact, a strongly articulated /r/, alongside full rhoticity, has been dominant throughout the South since then.[26]African-American Vernacular English,meanwhile, continues to be largely non-rhotic since most African Americans originate from the former plantation region, where non-rhotic speech dominated in the past.[27]

Modern pronunciation

[edit]

In most non-rhotic accents, if a word ending in written "r" is followed immediately by a word beginning with a vowel, the/r/is pronounced, as inwater ice.That phenomenon is referred to as "linking R."Many non-rhotic speakers also insert anepenthetic/r/between vowels when the first vowel is one that can occur before syllable-finalr(drawringfordrawing). The so-called "intrusive R"has been stigmatized, but many speakers ofReceived Pronunciation(RP) now frequently "intrude" anepenthetic/r/at word boundaries, especially if one or both vowels isschwa.For example,the idea of itbecomesthe idea-r-of it,Australia and New ZealandbecomesAustralia-r-and New Zealand,the formerly well-knownIndia-r-Officeand "Laura Norder" (Law and Order). The typical alternative used by RP speakers (and some rhotic speakers as well) is to insert an intrusiveglottal stopwherever an intrusiverwould otherwise have been placed.[28][29]

For non-rhotic speakers, what was once a vowel, followed by/r/,is now usually realized as along vowel.That is calledcompensatory lengthening,which occurs after the elision of a sound. In RP and many other non-rhotic accentscard, fern, bornare thus pronounced[kɑːd],[fɜːn],[bɔːn]or similar (actual pronunciations vary from accent to accent). That length may be retained in phrases and socarpronounced in isolation is[kɑː],butcar owneris[ˈkɑːrəʊnə].A final schwa usually remains short and sowaterin isolation is[wɔːtə].[30]

In RP and similar accents, the vowels/iː/and/uː/(or/ʊ/), when they are followed byr,becomediphthongsthat end in schwa and sonearis[nɪə]andpooris[pʊə].They have other realizations as well, including monophthongal ones. Once again, the pronunciations vary from accent to accent. The same happens to diphthongs followed byr,but they may be considered to end in rhotic speech in/ər/,which reduces to schwa, as usual, in non-rhotic speech. In isolation,tire,is pronounced[taɪə]andsouris[saʊə].[31]For some speakers, some long vowels alternate with adiphthongending in schwa and sowearmay be[wɛə]butwearing[ˈwɛːrɪŋ].

The compensatory lengthening view is challenged by Wells, who stated that during the 17th century, stressed vowels followed by/r/and another consonant orword boundaryunderwent a lengthening process, known as pre-rlengthening. The process was not a compensatory lengthening process but an independent development, which explains modern pronunciations featuring both[ɜː](bird,fur) and[ɜːr](stirring,stir it) according to their positions:[ɜːr]was the regular outcome of the lengthening, which shortened to[ɜː]afterr-dropping occurred in the 18th century. The lengthening involved "mid and open short vowels" and so the lengthening of/ɑː/incarwas not a compensatory process caused byr-dropping.[32]

Even General American commonly drops the/r/in non-final unstressed syllables if another syllable in the same word also contains/r/,which may be referred to asr-dissimilation.Examples include the dropping of the first/r/in the wordssurprise,governor,andcaterpillar.In more careful speech, all/r/sounds are still retained.[33]

Distribution

[edit]
Final post-vocalic/r/infarmerin English rural dialects of the 1950s[34]
[ə](non-rhotic)
[əʴ](alveolar)
[əʵ](retroflex)
[əʵː](retroflex&long)
[əʶ](uvular)
[ɔʶ](back&rounded)

Rhotic accents include most varieties ofScottish English,Irish or Hiberno-English,Canadian English,American English,Barbadian EnglishandPhilippine English.

Non-rhotic accents include most varieties ofEnglish English,Welsh English,Australian English,South African English,Nigerian English,Trinidadian and Tobagonian English,StandardMalaysian EnglishandSingaporean English.

Non-rhotic accents have been dominant inNew Zealand Englishsince the 1870s, but in general rhoticity is increasing quickly. Rhotic New Zealand English was historically restricted toMurihiku(the "Southland burr") but rhoticity now is widely used in a region stretching from South Auckland down into the upper North Island, and elsewhere particularly amongPasifikacommunities. This particular rhoticism manifests itself mostly in thenursevowel, but with theforcevowel often remaining non-rhotic.[35][36][37][38]

Semi-rhotic accents have also been studied, such asJamaican English,in whichris pronounced (as in even non-rhotic accents) before vowels, but also in stressed monosyllables or stressed syllables at the ends of words (e.g. in "car" or "dare" ). It is not pronounced at the end of unstressed syllables (e.g. in "water" ) or before consonants (e.g. "market" ).[39]

Variablyrhotic accents are widely documented, in which deletion ofr(when not before vowels) is optional. In these dialects the probability of deletingrmay vary depending on social, stylistic, and contextual factors. Variably rhotic accents comprise much ofIndian English,[40]Pakistani English,[41]andCaribbean English,for example, as spoken inTobago,Guyana, Antigua and Barbuda, and the Bahamas.[42]They include current-dayNew York City English,[43]most modern varieties ofSouthern American English,New York Latino English,and someEastern New England English,as well as some varieties ofScottish English.[44]

Non-rhotic accents in the Americas include those of the rest of the Caribbean and Belize. There are people with non-rhotic accents who are children of at least one rhotic-accented parent but grew up, or were educated, in non-rhotic countries like Australia, England, New Zealand, South Africa, or Wales. By contrast, people who have at least one non-rhotic-accented parent but were raised or started their education in Canada, any rhotic Caribbean country, Ireland, Scotland, or the United States speak with rhotic accents.

England

[edit]

MostEnglish varieties in Englandare non-rhotic today, which stems from a trend in southeastern England that accelerated from the very late 18th century onwards. Rhotic accents are still found south and west of a line from nearShrewsburyto aroundPortsmouth(especially in theWest Country), in theCorbyarea because of migration fromScotlandin the 1930s,[45]in some ofLancashire(north and west of the centre ofManchester,increasingly among older and rural speakers only), in some parts ofYorkshireandLincolnshire,and in the areas that border Scotland.[46]

The prestige form exerts a steady pressure toward non-rhoticity. Thus, the urban speech ofBristolorSouthamptonis more accurately described as variably rhotic, the degree of rhoticity being reduced as one moves up the class and formality scales.[46]

Scotland

[edit]

Most Scottish accents are rhotic. Non-rhotic speech has been reported inEdinburghsince the 1970s andGlasgowsince the 1980s.[44]

Wales

[edit]

Welsh Englishis mostly non-rhotic, but variable rhoticity is present in accents influenced byWelsh,especially inNorth Wales.Additionally, whilePort Talbot Englishis largely non-rhotic, some speakers may supplant the front vowel ofbirdwith/ɚ/.[47]

United States

[edit]
Red dots show major U.S. cities where the 2006Atlas of North American Englishfound 50% or higher of non-rhotic speech in at least one White speaker within their data sample.[11]Non-rhotic speech may be found in speakers ofAfrican-American Englishthroughout the country.

American Englishis now predominantly rhotic. In the late 19th century, non-rhotic accents were common throughout much of the coastal Eastern and Southern United States, including along theGulf Coast.Non-rhotic accents were established in all major U.S. cities along the Atlantic coast except for theDelaware Valleyarea, centered onPhiladelphiaandBaltimore,because of its earlyScots-Irishrhotic influence.[11]

After the American Civil War and even more intensely during the early-to-mid-20th century, presumably correlated with the Second World War,[11]rhotic accents began to gain social prestige nationwide, even in the aforementioned areas that were traditionally non-rhotic. Thus, non-rhotic accents are increasingly perceived by Americans as sounding foreign or less educated because of an association with working-class or immigrant speakers in Eastern and Southern cities, and rhotic accents are increasingly perceived as sounding more "General American."[48]

Today, non-rhoticity in theAmerican Southamong Whites is found primarily among older speakers and only in some areas such as central and southernAlabama,Savannah, Georgia,andNorfolk, Virginia,[6]as well as in theYataccent ofNew Orleans.It is still very common all across the South and across all age groups among African American speakers.

Thelocal dialects of eastern New England,especiallythat of Boston, Massachusettsand extending into the states ofMaineand (less so)New Hampshire,show some non-rhoticity along with the traditionalRhode Island dialect,although this feature has been receding in recent generations. TheNew York City dialecthas traditionally been non-rhotic, butWilliam Labovmore precisely classifies its current form as variably rhotic,[49]with many of its sub-varieties actually being fully rhotic, such asthat of northeastern New Jersey.

African-American Vernacular English(AAVE) is largely non-rhotic, and in some non-rhotic Southern and AAVE accents, there is nolinkingr;that is,/r/at the end of a word is deleted even when the following word starts with a vowel; thus, "Mister Adams" is pronounced[mɪstə(ʔ)ˈædəmz].[50]In a few such accents, intervocalic/r/is deleted before anunstressedsyllableeven within a word if the following syllable begins with a vowel. In such accents, pronunciations like[kæəˈlaːnə]forCarolina,or[bɛːˈʌp]for "bear up" are heard.[51][52]

This pronunciation occurs in AAVE[53]and occurred for many older non-rhotic Southern speakers.[54]AAVE spoken in areas in which non-AAVE speakers are rhotic is likelier to be rhotic. Rhoticity is generally more common among younger AAVE-speakers.[55]

Typically, even non-rhotic modern varieties of American English pronounce the/r/in/ɜːr/(as in "bird," "work," or "perky" ) and realize it, as in most rhotic varieties, as[ɚ](anr-coloredmid central vowel) or[əɹ](a sequence of a mid central vowel and a postalveolar or retroflex approximant).[citation needed]

Canada

[edit]

Canadian Englishis entirely rhotic except for small isolated areas in southwesternNew Brunswick,parts ofNewfoundland,and theLunenburg Englishvariety spoken inLunenburgandShelburne Counties, Nova Scotia,which may be non-rhotic or variably rhotic.[56]

Ireland

[edit]

The prestige form of English spoken in Ireland is rhotic and most regional accents are rhotic, but some regional accents, particularly in the area around countiesLouthandCavanare notably non-rhotic and many non-prestige accents have touches of non-rhoticity. In Dublin, the traditional local dialect is largely non-rhotic, but the more modern varieties, referred to by Hickey as "mainstream Dublin English" and "fashionable Dublin English", are fully rhotic. Hickey used that as an example of how English in Ireland does not follow prestige trends in England.[57]

Asia

[edit]

The English spoken in Asia is predominantly rhotic. In the case of the Philippines, that may be explained becausePhilippine Englishis heavily influenced by the American dialect and because of Spanish influence in the various Philippine languages. Many East Asians in Mainland China, Japan, Korea, and Taiwan who have a good command of English generally have rhotic accents because of the influence ofAmerican English.That excludesHong Kong,whose English dialectis a result of its almost 150-year history as a British Crown colony and later a British dependent territory.

The lack of consonant /r/ in Cantonese contributes to the phenomenon, but has rhoticity started to exist because of the handover in 1997 and influence by the US and East Asian entertainment industries. Many older and younger speakers among South and East Asians have a non-rhotic accent. Speakers ofSemitic(Arabic,Hebrew,etc.),Turkic(Turkish,Azeri,etc.),Iranian languages(Persian,Kurdish,etc.) inWest Asiaspeak English with a rhotic pronunciation because of the inherent phonotactics of their native languages.

Indian Englishis variably rhotic and can vary between being non-rhotic by most education systems being based onBritish Englishor rhotic from the underlyingphonotacticsof the nativeIndo-AryanandDravidianlanguages and the influence of American English.[40][58]Other Asian regions with non-rhotic English are Malaysia, Singapore, and Brunei.[59]A typical Malaysian's English would be almost totally non-rhotic because of the nonexistence of rhotic endings in both languages of influence. A more educated Malaysian's English may be non-rhotic because Standard Malaysian English is based on RP (Received Pronunciation).[60][61]

The classical English spoken in Brunei is non-rhotic. A change that seems to be taking place is that Brunei English is now becoming rhotic from the influence of American English, from the influence of Standard Malay, which is rhotic, and from influence of the languages ofIndians in Brunei,TamilandPunjabi.Rhoticity is used byChinese Bruneians.The English in the neighboring Malaysia and Singapore remains non-rhotic. In Brunei English, rhoticity is equal to Philippine dialects of English and Scottish and Irish dialects. Non-rhoticity is mostly found in older generations. The phenomenon is almost similar to the status of American English, which has greatly reduced non-rhoticity.[60][61]

A typical teenager's Southeast Asian English would be rhotic,[62]mainly from the prominent influence by American English.[62]Spoken English in Myanmar is non-rhotic,[citation needed]but there are a number of English speakers with a rhotic or partially-rhotic pronunciation.Sri Lankan Englishmay be rhotic.[citation needed]

Africa

[edit]

The English spoken in most of Africa is based on RP and is generally non-rhotic. Pronunciation and variation in African English accents are largely affected by native African language influences, level of education, and exposure to Western influences. The English accents spoken in the coastal areas of West Africa are primarily non-rhotic because of the underlying varieties of Niger-Congo languages that are spoken in that part of West Africa.

Rhoticity may exist in the English that is spoken in the areas in which rhotic Afro-Asiatic or Nilo-Saharan languages are spoken across northern West Africa and in the Nilotic regions of East Africa. More modern trends show an increasing American influence on African English pronunciation particularly among younger urban affluent populations, which may overstress the American rhotic "r", which creates a pseudo-Americanised accent.

By and large, the official spoken English used in post-colonial African countries is non-rhotic. StandardLiberian Englishis also non-rhotic because its liquids are lost at the end of words or before consonants.[63]South African English is mostlynon-rhotic,especially in the Cultivated dialect, which is based on RP, except for some Broad varieties spoken in theCape Province(typically in -ersuffixes, as inwriter). It appears that postvocalic/r/is entering the speech of younger people under the influence of American English and perhaps of the Scottish dialect that was brought by the Scottish settlers.[64][65]

Australia

[edit]

StandardAustralian Englishis non-rhotic. A degree of rhoticity has been observed in a particular sublect of theAustralian Aboriginal Englishspoken on the coast ofSouth Australia,especially in speakers from thePoint PearceandRaukkansettlements. These speakers realise/r/as[ɹ]in the preconsonantalpostvocalicposition (after a vowel and before a consonant), though only withinstems:[boːɹd]"board",[tʃɜɹtʃ]"church",[pɜɹθ]"Perth"; but[flæː]"flour",[dɒktə]"doctor",[jɪəz]"years". It has been speculated that the feature may derive from the fact that many of the first settlers in coastal South Australia, includingCornishtin-miners,Scottishmissionaries, andAmericanwhalers, spoke rhotic varieties.[66]

New Zealand

[edit]

New Zealand English is predominantly non-rhotic.Southlandand parts ofOtagoin the far south of New Zealand'sSouth Islandare rhotic from apparent Scottish influence. Many Māori and Pasifika people, who tend to speak a specific dialect of English, speak with a strong "r," but they are not the only ones to do so.[67]Older Southland speakers use/ɹ/variably after vowels, but younger speakers now use/ɹ/only with theNURSEvowel and occasionally with theLETTERvowel. Younger Southland speakers pronounce/ɹ/inthird term/ˌθɵːɹdˈtɵːɹm/(General NZE pronunciation:/ˌθɵːdˈtɵːm/) but only sometimes infarm cart/ˈfɐːmˌkɐːt/(usually the same as in General NZE).[68]

Non-prevocalic/ɹ/among non-rhotic speakers is sometimes pronounced in a few words, includingIreland/ˈɑɪəɹlənd/,merely/ˈmiəɹli/,err/ɵːɹ/,and the name of the letter R/ɐːɹ/(General NZE pronunciations:/ˈɑɪələnd,ˈmiəli,ɵː,ɐː/).[69]The Māori accent varies from the European-origin New Zealand accent. SomeMāorispeakers are semi-rhotic. That feature is not clearly identified to any particular region or attributed to any definedlanguage shift.TheMāori languagetends to pronounce "r" as usually analveolar tap[ɾ],like in the Scottish dialect.[70]

Mergers characteristic of non-rhotic accents

[edit]

Some phonemic mergers are characteristic of non-rhotic accents and usually include one item that historically contained an R, which has been lost in the non-rhotic accent, and another that never did so.

/ɛə/–/ɛər/ merger

[edit]

A merger of words likebadandbaredoccurs, in some dialects of North American English, as an effect of two historical developments. First, when theTRAPvowel issporadically raised,creating a new phoneme /ɛə/ distinct from /æ/. Second, when this occurs in non-rhotic dialects, there is potential for the /ɛə/ phoneme to merge withSQUARE,causingbadandbaredto become homophones. Thus, the merger occurs almost exclusively in someNew York City English.In extreme cases, these two can also merge withNEAR,causingbadandbaredto become homophonous withbeard.[71]

Homophonous pairs
/ɛə/ /ɛər/ IPA Notes
add aired ɛəd
bad bared bɛəd
cad cared kɛəd
dad dared dɛəd
fad fared fɛəd

/ʌ/–/ɜːr/ merger

[edit]

A merger of words likebudandbird(/ɜːr/and/ʌ/) occurs for some speakers ofJamaican Englishand makesbudandbirdhomophones as/bʌd/.[72]The conversion of/ɜːr/to[ʌ]or[ə]is also found in places scattered around England and Scotland. Some speakers, mostly rural, in the area fromLondontoNorfolkexhibit this conversion, mainly before voiceless fricatives. This gives pronunciation likefirst[fʌst]andworse[wʌs].

Homophonous pairs
/ʌ/ /ɜːr/ IPA Notes
blood blurred ˈblʌd
bud bird ˈbʌd
bug berg ˈbʌɡ
bug burg ˈbʌɡ
bugger burger ˈbʌɡə
bummer Burma ˈbʌmə
bun burn ˈbʌn
bunt burnt ˈbʌnt
bust burst ˈbʌst
cluck clerk ˈklʌk
colo(u)r curler ˈkʌlə
cub curb ˈkʌb
cud curd ˈkʌd
cuddle curdle ˈkʌdəl
cull curl ˈkʌl
cut curt ˈkʌt
duck dirk ˈdʌk
fun fern ˈfʌn
fussed first ˈfʌst
fuzz furs ˈfʌz
gull girl ˈɡʌl
gully girly ˈɡʌli
huddle hurdle ˈhʌdəl
hull hurl ˈhʌl
Hun urn ˈʌn WithH-dropping.
hut hurt ˈhʌt
luck lurk ˈlʌk
muck murk ˈmʌk
puck perk ˈpʌk
pus purse ˈpʌs
putt pert ˈpʌt
shuck shirk ˈʃʌk
shut shirt ˈʃʌt
spun spurn ˈspʌn
stud stirred ˈstʌd
such search ˈsʌtʃ
suck cirque ˈsʌk
suckle circle ˈsʌkəl
suffer surfer ˈsʌfə
sully surly ˈsʌli
ton(ne) tern, turn ˈtʌn
tough turf ˈtʌf
tuck Turk ˈtʌk

Commalettermerger

[edit]

In the terminology ofJohn C. Wells,this consists of the merger of thelexical setscommaandletter.It is found in all or nearly all non-rhotic accents and is present even in some accents that are in other respects rhotic, such as those of some speakers in Jamaica and the Bahamas.[73]

In some accents,syllabificationmay interact with rhoticity and result in homophones for which non-rhotic accents have centering diphthongs. Possibilities includeKorea–career,[74]Shi'a–sheer,andMaia–mire,[75]andskuamay be identical with the second syllable ofobscure.[76]

Homophonous pairs
/ə/ /ər/ IPA Notes
area airier ˈɛəriə
cheetah cheater ˈtʃiːtə
coda coder ˈkoʊdə
coma comber ˈkoʊmə
custody custardy ˈkʌstədi
Ghana garner ˈɡɑːnə
feta fetter ˈfɛtə
formally formerly ˈfɔːməli
karma calmer ˈkɑːmə
Lima lemur ˈliːmə
Luna lunar ˈl(j)uːnə
manna manner, manor ˈmænə
mynah miner, minor ˈmaɪnə
panda pander ˈpændə
parka Parker ˈpɑːkə
pita Peter ˈpiːtə "Pita" may also be pronounced/ˈpɪtə/and therefore not merged.
rota rotor ˈroʊtə
schema schemer ˈskiːmə
taiga tiger ˈtaɪɡə
terra terror ˈtɛrə
tuba tuber ˈt(j)uːbə
tuna tuner ˈt(j)uːnə
Vespa vesper ˈvɛspə
Wanda wander ˈwɒndə
Wicca wicker ˈwɪkə

Polysyllabic morpheme-final /ɪd/–/əd/–/ərd/ merger

[edit]

A merger of words likebattedandbatteredis present in non-rhotic accents which have undergone theweak vowel merger.Such accents include Australian, New Zealand, most South African and some non-rhotic English (e.g. Norfolk, Sheffield) speech. The third edition ofLongman Pronunciation Dictionarylists/əd/(and/əz/mentioned below) as possible (though less common than/ɪd/and/ɪz/) British pronunciations, which means that the merger is an option even in RP.

A large number of homophonous pairs involve the syllabic-esandagentive-erssuffixes, such asmerges-mergersandbleaches-bleachers.Because they are so numerous, they are excluded from the list of homophonous pairs below.

Homophonous pairs
/ɪ̈/ /ər/ IPA Notes
batted battered ˈbætəd
betted bettered ˈbɛtəd
busted bustard ˈbʌstəd
butches butchers ˈbʊtʃəz
butted buttered ˈbʌtəd
charted chartered ˈtʃɑːtəd
chatted chattered ˈtʃætəd
founded foundered ˈfaʊndəd
humid humo(u)red ˈhjuːməd
matted mattered ˈmætəd
patted pattered ˈpætəd
pitches pitchers ˈpɪtʃəz
scatted scattered ˈskætəd
splendid splendo(u)red ˈsplɛndəd
tended tendered ˈtɛndəd

Polysyllabic morpheme-final /oʊ/–/ə/–/ər/ merger

[edit]

A conditioned merger of EME/oː/and/ou/with/ə/and/ər/is similar to theweak vowel merger,and like it occurs only in unstressed positions and only in certain words. In Cockney, the merged vowel is usually[ɐ],so thatfellowis homophonous withfellerandfellaas[ˈfelɐ](phonemically/ˈfɛlə/); thus, words likeyellow,marrow,potato,follow,etc. take a similar path. The mid[ə]occurs in other non-rhotic accents, such as someolder Southern American English.An r-colored/ər/occurs instead in rhotic accents, for instance in parts of the west of England and in some deep Southern American English, likeAppalachian English,preserving the Middle English phonotactic constraint against final/ə/:[ˈjɛlɚ].In other words, in traditional Appalachian dialect, the final/ə/(as indataandsofa) is distinctlyr-colored,thus yielding the same merger as in Cockney but with a distinct phonetic output. Both phenomena are restricted to thebroadestvarieties of English.[77]

In Cockney, the resulting/ə/is subject to/r/-insertion, as intomato and cucumber production[təˈmɑːʔ(ə)ɹənˈkjʉːkʌmbəpɹəˈdʌkʃn̩].[78]

In RP, there are certain prefixes such ascrypto-,electro-andsocio-that have a free variation between/əʊ/and/ə/before consonants, although in some words the unreduced/əʊ/is preferred. Before vowels, only/əʊ/occurs.[79]

Homophonous pairs
/oʊ/ /ər/ IPA Notes
hollow holler ˈhɒlə(r)
pillow pillar ˈpɪlə(r)
winnow winner ˈwɪnə(r)

/eɪ/–/ɛər/–/ɪər/ merger

[edit]

The merger of the lexical setsFACE,SQUAREandNEARis possible in someJamaican Englishand partially also in NorthernEast Anglian English.

In Jamaica, the merger occurs after deletion of the postvocalic/r/in a preconsonantal position, so thatfadecan be homophonous withfearedas[feːd],butday[deː]is normally distinct fromdear[deːɹ],though vowels in both words can be analyzed as belonging to the same phoneme (followed by/r/in the latter case, so that the merger ofFACEandSQUARE/NEARdoes not occur). In Jamaican Patois, the merged vowel is an opening diphthong[iɛ]and that realization can also be heard in Jamaican English, mostly before a sounded/r/(so thatfareandfearcan be both[feːɹ]and[fiɛɹ]), but sometimes also in other positions. Alternatively,/eː/can be laxed to[ɛ]before a sounded/r/,which produces a variableMary-merry merger:[fɛɹ].[80]

It is possible in northern East Anglian varieties (to[e̞ː]), but only in the case of items descended from ME/aː/,such asdaze.Those descended from ME/ai/(such asdays),/ɛi/and/ɛih/have a distinctive/æi/vowel. The merger appears to be receding, as items descended from ME/aː/are being transferred to the/æi/class; in other words, apane-pain mergeris taking place. In the southern dialect area, the pane-pain merger is complete and all three vowels are distinct:FACEis[æi],SQUAREis[ɛː]andNEARis[ɪə].[81]

A near-merger ofFACEandSQUAREis possible in GeneralSouth African English,but the vowels typically remain distinct as[eɪ](forFACE) and[](forSQUARE). The difference between the two phonemes is so sometimes subtle thatthey're[ðeː]can be misheard asthey[ðe̞e~ðee̝](seezero copula). In other varieties the difference is more noticeable, e.g.[ðeː]vs.[ðʌɪ]in Broad SAE and[ðɛə]vs.[ðeɪ]in the Cultivated variety. Even in General SAE,SQUAREcan be[ɛə]or[ɛː],strongly distinguished fromFACE[eɪ].NEARremains distinct in all varieties, typically as[ɪə].[82][83]Kevin Watson reports basically the same, subtle distinction between[eɪ]inFACEand[]inSQUAREinScouse.The latter is used not only forSQUAREbut also in theNURSEset, so thatfuris homophonous withfairas[feː]- seesquare-nurse merger.The vowel is not necessarily as front/close as this and pronunciations such as[fɛː]and[fəː]also occur, with[fəː]being the more traditional variant.[84]

In theCardiff dialectSQUAREcan also be similar to cardinal[e](though long[],as in South Africa), butFACEtypically has a fully close ending point[ei]and thus the vowels are more distinct than in the General South African accent. An alternative realization of the former is an open-mid monophthong[ɛː].Formerly,FACEwas sometimes realized as a narrow diphthong[eɪ],but this has virtually disappeared by the 1990s.NEARis phonemically distinct, normally as[]before any/r/(afleece–near merger) and a disyllabic[iːə]elsewhere.[85]

InGeordie,the merger ofFACEandNEARis recessive and has never been categorical (SQUARE[ɛː]has always been a distinct vowel), asFACEcan instead be pronounced as the closing diphthong[eɪ]or, more commonly, the close-mid front monophthong[].The latter is the most common choice for younger speakers, who tend to reject the centering diphthongs forFACE,which categorically undoes the merger for those speakers. Even whenFACEis realized as an opening-centering diphthong, it may be distinguished fromNEARby the openness of the first element:[ɪə]or[eə]forFACEvs.[iə]forNEAR.[86][87][88]

Some of the words listed below may have different forms in traditional Geordie. For the sake of simplicity, the merged vowel is transcribed with ⟨⟩. For a related merger not involvingFACE,seenear-square merger.

Homophonous pairs
/eɪ/(from ME/aː/) /eɪ/(from ME/ai,ɛi(h)/) /eə/ /ɪə/ IPA Notes
hay hair, hare here, hear ˈeː
aid aired ˈeːd
bade bared beard ˈbeːd
bay bare, bear beer ˈbeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
day dare dear ˈdeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
daze days dares dears ˈdeːz
face fierce ˈfeːs
fade fared feared ˈfeːd
fay fare, fair fear ˈfeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
gay gear ˈɡeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
gaze gays gears ˈɡeːz
hay, hey hair, hair here ˈheː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
haze hays hairs hears ˈheːz
jade jeered ˈdʒeːd
K Kay care ˈkeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
K Kay care ˈkeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
K Kay care ˈkeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
may mare mere ˈmeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
maze maize mares ˈmeːz
nay near ˈneː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
phase fares, fairs fears ˈfeːz
pay pair, pear peer ˈpeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
raid reared ˈreːd
ray rare rear ˈreː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
raze raise, rays rears ˈreːz
shade shared sheared ˈʃeːd
spade spared speared ˈspeːd
staid, stayed stared steered ˈsteːd
stay stare steer ˈsteː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
they their, there ˈðeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
way, weigh wear ˈweː In fully non-rhotic varieties.

/ɑː/–/ɑːr/ merger

[edit]

In Wells' terminology, the /ɑː/–/ɑːr/ merger consists of the merger of the lexical setsPALMandSTART.It is found in the speech of the great majority of non-rhotic speakers, including those of England, Wales, the United States, the Caribbean, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa. It may be absent in some non-rhotic speakers in the Bahamas.[73]

Homophonous pairs resulting from this merger are rare in accents without thefather-bother merger(see below). Two such pairs arefather-fartherandspa-spar[89]

Homophonous pairs
/ɑː/ /ɑːr/ IPA Notes
alms arms ˈɑːmz
balmy barmy ˈbɑːmi
calmer karma ˈkɑːmə Calmercan also be pronounced with/l/:/ˈkɑːlmə/.
father farther ˈfɑːðə
Ghana garner ˈɡɑːnə
lava larva ˈlɑːvə
ma mar ˈmɑː
pa par ˈpɑː
spa spar ˈspɑː

/ɒ/–/ɑːr/ merger

[edit]

In Wells' terminology, the /ɒ/–/ɑːr/ merger is a merger ofLOTandSTART.This merger occurs in accents with the /ɑː/–/ɑːr/ merger described above that have also undergone thefather-bother merger.This includes most non-rhotic American English (in Rhode Island, New York City, some Southern U.S., and some African-American accents, but not theBoston accent).[90]This results in a greatly expanded number of homophonous pairs, such asgod-guard.

Homophonous pairs
/ɒ/ /ɑːr/ IPA Notes
Bob barb ˈbɑːb
bot Bart ˈbɑːt
box barks ˈbɑːks
comma karma ˈkɑːmə
clock Clark;Clarke ˈklɑːk
cod card ˈkɑːd
cop carp ˈkɑːp
cot cart ˈkɑːt
don darn ˈdɑːn
dot dart ˈdɑːt
gobble garble ˈɡɑːbəl
god guard ˈɡɑːd
hock hark ˈhɑːk
hop harp ˈhɑːp
hot heart ˈhɑːt
lock lark ˈlɑːk
lodge large ˈlɑːdʒ
mock mark ˈmɑːk
ox arcs ˈɑːks
Polly parley ˈpɑːli
potty party ˈpɑːti
pox parks ˈpɑːks
shod shard ˈʃɑːd
shock shark ˈʃɑːk
shop sharp ˈʃɑːp
stock stark ˈstɑːk
top tarp ˈtɑːp

/ʌ/–/ɑːr/ merger

[edit]

In Wells' terminology, this consists of the merger of the lexical setsSTRUTandSTART.It occurs in BlackSouth African Englishas a result of itsSTRUT-PALMmerger, co-occurring with the /ɑ/–/ɑːr/ merger described above. The outcome of the merger is an open central vowel[ä]or, less frequently, an open-mid back vowel[ʌ].

In Australia and New Zealand, the two vowels contrast only by length:[äforstrut,andäː]for bothpalmandstart.This (as well asSQUARE-monophthongization in Australian English) introduces phonemic vowel length to those dialects.[91][92]InColchester English,the vowels undergo a qualitative near-merger (with the length contrast preserved) as[ɐ]and[äː],at least for middle-class speakers. A more local pronunciation of/ɑː/is front[].[93]A qualitative near-merger is also possible in contemporary General British English, where the vowels come close as[ʌ̞̈]vs.[ɑ̟ː],with only a slight difference in height in addition to the difference in length.[94]

A three-way merger of/ʌ/,/ɑː/and/æ/is a common pronunciation error among L2 speakers of English whose native language is Italian, Spanish or Catalan. Notably, EFL speakers who aim at the British pronunciation ofcan't/kɑːnt/but fail to lengthen the vowel sufficiently are perceived as uttering a highly-taboo word,cunt/kʌnt/.[95][96][97]

Homophonous pairs
STRUT PALM–START IPA Notes
buck bark ˈbak
bud bard ˈbad
bud barred ˈbad
budge barge ˈbadʒ
bun barn ˈban
butt Bart ˈbat
cup carp ˈkap
cut cart ˈkat
duck dark ˈdak
duckling darkling ˈdaklɪŋ
done darn ˈdan
fuss farce ˈfas
hut heart ˈhat
mud marred ˈmad
putt part ˈpat

/ɔː/–/ɔr/ merger

[edit]

In Wells' terminology, thecaught–courtmerger consists of the merger of the lexical setsTHOUGHTandNORTH.It is found in most of the same accents as thefather–farthermerger described above, including most British English, but is absent from the Bahamas and Guyana.[73]

Labov et al. suggest that, in New York City English, this merger is present in perception not production. As in, although even locals perceive themselves using the same vowel in both cases, they tend to produce theNORTH/FORCEvowel higher and more retracted than the vowel ofTHOUGHT.[98]

Most speakers with the pawn-porn merger also have the same vowels incaughtandcourt(a merger ofTHOUGHTandFORCE), yielding a three-way merger ofawe-or-ore/oar(seehorse-hoarse merger). These include the accents of Southern England (but seeTHOUGHT split), non-rhotic New York City speakers, Trinidad and the Southern hemisphere.

Thelot-cloth split,coupled with those mergers, produces a few more homophones, such asBoss –bourse.Specifically, the phonemic merger of the wordsoftenandorphanwas the basis for a joke in theGilbert and Sullivanmusical,The Pirates of Penzance.

Homophonous pairs
/ɔː/ /ɔr/ /oʊr/ IPA Notes
awe or oar, ore ˈɔː
caught court ˈkɔːt
caulk cork ˈkɔːk
caw corps core ˈkɔː
draw drawer ˈdrɔː
flaw floor ˈflɔː
fought fort ˈfɔːt
gnaw nor ˈnɔː
laud lord ˈlɔːd
law lore ˈlɔː
paw pore, pour ˈpɔː
raw roar ˈrɔː
sauce source ˈsɔːs
saw soar, sore ˈsɔː
sawed soared, sword ˈsɔːd
Sean shorn ˈʃɔːn
sought sort ˈsɔːt
stalk stork ˈstɔːk
talk torque ˈtɔːk
taught, taut tort ˈtɔːt

/ɔː/–/ʊər/ merger

[edit]

In Wells' terminology, thepaw–poororlaw–luremerger consists of the merger of the lexical setsTHOUGHTandCURE.It is found in those non-rhotic accents containing thecaughtcourtmerger that have also undergone thepour–poor merger.Wells lists it unequivocally only for the accent of Trinidad, but it is an option for non-rhotic speakers in England, Australia and New Zealand. Such speakers have a potential four-way mergertawtortoretour.[99]

Homophonous pairs
/ɔː/ /ʊər/ IPA Notes
law lure ˈlɔː Withyod-dropping.
maw moor ˈmɔː
paw poor ˈpɔː

/oʊ/–/oʊr/ merger

[edit]

In Wells' terminology, thedough-doormerger consists of the merger of the lexical setsGOATandFORCE.It may be found in some southern U.S. non-rhotic speech, some speakers ofAfrican American Vernacular English,some speakers in Guyana and some Welsh speech.[73]

Homophonous pairs
/ɔʊ/ /oʊr// IPA Notes
beau boar ˈboʊ
beau bore ˈboʊ
bode board ˈboʊd
bode bored ˈboʊd
bone borne ˈboʊn
bone Bourne ˈboʊn
bow boar ˈboʊ
bow bore ˈboʊ
bowed board ˈboʊd
bowed bored ˈboʊd
chose chores ˈtʃoʊz
coast coursed ˈkoʊst
coat court ˈkoʊt
code cored ˈkoʊd
doe door ˈdoʊ
does doors ˈdoʊz
dough door ˈdoʊ
doze doors ˈdoʊz
floe floor ˈfloʊ
flow floor ˈfloʊ
foe fore ˈfoʊ
foe four ˈfoʊ
go gore ˈɡoʊ
goad gored ˈɡoʊd
hoe whore ˈhoʊ
hoed hoard ˈhoʊd
hoed horde ˈhoʊd
hoed whored ˈhoʊd
hose whores ˈhoʊz
lo lore ˈloʊ
low lore ˈloʊ
moan mourn ˈmoʊn
Moe Moore ˈmoʊ
Moe more ˈmoʊ
Mona mourner ˈmoʊnə
mow Moore ˈmoʊ
mow more ˈmoʊ
mown mourn ˈmoʊn
O oar ˈoʊ
O ore ˈoʊ
ode oared ˈoʊd
oh oar ˈoʊ
oh ore ˈoʊ
owe oar ˈoʊ
owe ore ˈoʊ
owed oared ˈoʊd
Po pore ˈpoʊ
Po pour ˈpoʊ
Poe pore ˈpoʊ
Poe pour ˈpoʊ
poach porch ˈpoʊtʃ
poke pork ˈpoʊk
pose pores ˈpoʊz
pose pours ˈpoʊz
road roared ˈroʊd
rode roared ˈroʊd
roe roar ˈroʊ
rose roars ˈroʊz
row roar ˈroʊ
rowed roared ˈroʊd
sew soar ˈsoʊ
sew sore ˈsoʊ
sewed soared ˈsoʊd
sewed sored ˈsoʊd
sewed sword ˈsoʊd
shone shorn ˈʃoʊn
show shore ˈʃoʊ
shown shorn ˈʃoʊn
snow snore ˈsnoʊ
so soar ˈsoʊ
so sore ˈsoʊ
sow soar ˈsoʊ
sow sore ˈsoʊ
sowed soared ˈsoʊd
sowed sored ˈsoʊd
sowed sword ˈsoʊd
stow store ˈstoʊ
toad toward ˈtoʊd
toe tore ˈtoʊ
toed toward ˈtoʊd
tone torn ˈtoʊn
tow tore ˈtoʊ
towed toward ˈtoʊd
woe wore ˈwoʊ
whoa wore ˈwoʊ Withwine–whine merger.
yo yore ˈjoʊ
yo your ˈjoʊ

/oʊ/–/ʊər/ merger

[edit]

In Wells' terminology, theshow–sureortoad–touredmerger consists of the merger of the lexical setsGOATandCURE.It may be present in those speakers who have both thedough–doormergerdescribed above, and also thepour–poor merger.These include some southern U.S. non-rhotic speakers, some speakers ofAfrican-American English(in both cases towards/oʊ/) and some speakers in Guyana.[73]

InGeordie,the merger (towards/ʊə/,phonetically[uə]) is variable and recessive. It is also not categorical, asGOATcan instead be pronounced as the close-mid monophthongs[]and[ɵː].The central[ɵː]is as stereotypicallyGeordieas the merger itself, though it is still used alongside[]by young, middle-class males who, as younger speakers in general, reject the centering diphthongs for/oː/(females often merge/oː/with/ɔː/instead, seethought-goat merger). This categorically undoes the merger for those speakers. Even whenGOATis realized as an opening-centering diphthong, it may be distinguished fromCUREby the openness of the first element:[ʊə]or[oə]vs.[uə].[86][87][100]

Some of the words listed below may have different forms in traditional Geordie.

Homophonous pairs
/oʊ/ /ʊər/ IPA Notes
bow boor ˈboʊ
low lure ˈloʊ With yod-dropping.
mode moored ˈmoʊd
mow moor ˈmoʊ
show sure ˈʃoʊ
toad toured ˈtoʊd
toe, tow tour ˈtoʊ

Tautosyllabic pre-consonantal /ɔɪ/–/ɜːr/ merger

[edit]

A conditioned merger ofCHOICEandNURSEis famously associated with early 20th-century New York City English; seecoil-curl mergerbelow.

Up-glidingNURSE

[edit]

Up-glidingNURSEis a diphthongized vowel sound,[əɪ],used as the pronunciation of theNURSEphoneme/ɜːr/.This up-gliding variant historically occurred in some completely non-rhotic dialects ofAmerican Englishand is particularly associated with the early twentieth-century (but now extinct or moribund) dialects ofNew York City,New Orleans,andCharleston,[101]likely developing in the prior century. In fact, in speakers born beforeWorld War I,this sound apparently predominated throughout theolder speech of the Southern United Statesthat ranged from "South Carolina to Texas and north to eastern Arkansas and the southern edge of Kentucky."[102]This variant happened only when/ɜːr/was followed by a consonant in the same morpheme; thus, for example,stirwas never[stəɪ];[103]rather,stirwould have been pronounced[stə(ɹ)].

Coil–curl merger

[edit]

In some cases, particularly in New York City, theNURSEsound gliding from a schwa upwards even led to aphonemic mergerof the vowel classes associated with theGeneral Americanphonemes/ɔɪ/as inCHOICEand/ɜːr/as inNURSE;thus, words likecoilandcurl,as well asvoiceandverse,were homophones. The merged vowel was typically a diphthong[əɪ],with a mid central starting point, rather than the back rounded starting point of/ɔɪ/ofCHOICEin most other accents of English. The merger is responsible for the "Brooklynese" stereotypes ofbirdsounding likeboidandthirty-thirdsounding liketoity-toid.This merger is also known for the wordsoitenly,used often by theThree StoogescomedianCurly Howardas a variant ofcertainlyin comedyshortsof the 1930s and 1940s. The songwriterSam M. Lewis,a native New Yorker, rhymedreturningwithjoiningin the lyrics of the English-language version of "Gloomy Sunday".Except forNew Orleans English,[104][105][106]this merger did not occur in the South, despite up-glidingNURSEexisting in some older Southern accents; instead, a distinction between the two phonemes was maintained due to a down-glidingCHOICEsound: something like[ɔɛ].

In 1966, according to a survey that was done byWilliam Labovin New York City, 100% of the people 60 and over used[əɪ]forbird.With each younger age group, however, the percentage got progressively lower: 59% of 50- to 59-year-olds, 33% of 40- to 49-year-olds, 24% of 20- to 39-year-olds, and finally, only 4% of 8- to 19-year-olds used[əɪ]forbird.Nearly all native New Yorkers born since 1950, even those whose speech is otherwisenon-rhotic,now pronouncebirdas[bɚd].[107]However, Labov reports this vowel to be slightly raised compared to other dialects.[108]In addition, a study from 2014 found [əɪ] variably in two participating native New Yorkers, one of whom was born in the early 1990s.[109]

Homophonous pairs
/ɔɪ/ /ɜːr/ IPA Notes
adjoin adjourn əˈdʒəɪn
boil burl ˈbəɪl
Boyd bird ˈbəɪd
Boyle burl ˈbəɪl
coil curl ˈkəɪl
coin kern ˈkəɪn
coitus Curtis ˈkəɪɾəs Withweak vowel merger,normally withintervocalic alveolar flapping.
foil furl ˈfəɪl
goitre; goiter girder ˈɡəɪɾə With thet–d merger.
hoist Hearst ˈhəɪst
hoist hurst; Hurst ˈhəɪst
Hoyle hurl ˈhəɪl
loin learn ˈləɪn
oil earl ˈəɪl
poil pearl ˈpəɪl
poise purrs ˈpəɪz
toyed turd ˈtəɪd
voice verse ˈvəɪs
Voight vert ˈvəɪt

Effect of non-rhotic dialects on orthography

[edit]

Certain words have spellings derived from non-rhotic dialects or renderings of foreign words through non-rhotic pronunciation. In rhotic dialects,spelling pronunciationhas caused these words to be pronounced rhotically anyway. Examples include:

  • ErandErm,used in non-rhotic dialects to indicate afilled pause,which most rhotic dialects would instead convey withuh,eh,andum.
  • The gameParcheesi,from IndianPachisi.
  • British English slang words:
  • InRudyard Kipling's books:
  • The donkeyEeyoreinA.A. Milne's stories, whose name comes from the sound that donkeys make, commonly spelledhee-hawin American English.
  • Southern AmericangooberandpinderfromKiKongoandngubáandmpinda
  • BurmaandMyanmarforBurmese[bəmà]and[mjàmmà]
  • OrluforIgbo[ɔ̀lʊ́]
  • Transliteration of Cantonese words and names, such aschar siu(Chinese:Xá xíu;Jyutping:caa¹ siu¹) andWong Kar-wai(Chinese:Vương gia vệ;Jyutping:Wong⁴ Gaa¹wai⁶)
  • The spelling ofschoolmarmforschool ma'am,which Americans pronounce with the rhotic consonant.
  • The spellingParkfor the Korean surname(pronounced[pak]), which does not contain aliquid consonantin Korean.
  • The English spellingdumsorfor theAkantermdumsɔ.

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^Other terms synonymous with "non-rhotic" include "/r/-deleting",[2]"r-dropping",[3]"r-vocalizing",and"r-less";[4]synonyms for "rhotic" include "/r/-pronouncing","r-constricting",and"r-ful".[2][4]

References

[edit]
  1. ^Paul Skandera, Peter Burleigh,A Manual of English Phonetics and Phonology,Gunter Narr Verlag, 2011, p. 60.
  2. ^abcdefghiLass (1999),p. 114.
  3. ^Wells (1982),p. 216.
  4. ^abcLabov, Ash, and Boberg (2006), p. 47.
  5. ^Gick (1999:31), citingKurath (1964)
  6. ^abLabov, Ash, and Boberg (2006), pp. 47–48.
  7. ^Costa, Davide; Serra, Raffaele (6 May 2022)."Rhoticity in English, a Journey Over Time Through Social Class: A Narrative Review".Frontiers in Sociology.7:902213.doi:10.3389/fsoc.2022.902213.PMC9120598.PMID35602002.
  8. ^abcdLass (1999),p. 115.
  9. ^abcFisher (2001),p. 76.
  10. ^abcFisher (2001),p. 77.
  11. ^abcdeLabov, Ash & Boberg (2006),pp. 5, 47.
  12. ^Based on H. Orton,et al.,Survey of English Dialects(1962–71). Some areas with partial rhoticity, such as parts of theEast Riding of Yorkshire,are not shaded on this map.
  13. ^Based on P. Trudgill,The Dialects of England.
  14. ^Lass (1999),pp. 114–15.
  15. ^Original French:...dans plusieurs mots, l'rdevant une consonne est fort adouci, presque muet, & rend un peu longue la voyale qui le precede.Lass (1999),p. 115.
  16. ^Fisher (2001),p. 73.
  17. ^Gordon, Elizabeth; Campbell, Lyle; Hay, Jennifer; Maclagan, Margaret; Sudbury, Peter; Trudgill, Andrea, eds. (2004).New Zealand English: Its Origins and Evolution.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p.174.ISBN9780521642927.
  18. ^Asprey, Esther (2007). "Investigating residual rhoticity in a non-rhotic accent".Leeds Working Papers in Linguistics and Phonetics.12:78–101.
  19. ^Aveyard, Edward (2019). "Berliner Lautarchiv: the Wakefield Sample".Transactions of the Yorkshire Dialect Society: 1–5.
  20. ^"Golcar, Yorkshire - Survey of English Dialects - Accents and dialects | British Library - Sounds".sounds.bl.uk.Retrieved15 February2022.
  21. ^"Nafferton, Yorkshire - Survey of English Dialects - Accents and dialects | British Library - Sounds".sounds.bl.uk.Retrieved15 February2022.
  22. ^"Wragby, Lincolnshire - Survey of English Dialects - Accents and dialects | British Library - Sounds".sounds.bl.uk.Retrieved14 July2022.
  23. ^"Appledore, Kent - Survey of English Dialects - Accents and dialects | British Library - Sounds".sounds.bl.uk.Archivedfrom the original on 15 February 2022.Retrieved15 February2022.
  24. ^Aveyard, Edward (2023). "The Atlas Linguarum Europae in Great Britain and the Republic of Ireland".Transactions of the Yorkshire Dialect Society.
  25. ^Watt, Dominic; Llamas, Carmen; Johnson, Daniel Ezra (2014)."Sociolinguistic Variation on the Scottish-English Border".Sociolinguistics in Scotland:79–102.
  26. ^*Hayes, Dean (2013).The Southern Accent and 'Bad English': A Comparative Perceptual Study of the Conceptual Network between Southern Linguistic Features and Identity](Thesis).
  27. ^Thomas, Erik R. (2004). "Rural White Southern Accents". In Kortmann, Bernd; Schneider, Edgar Werner (eds.).A Handbook of Varieties of English: A Multimedia Reference Tool.New York: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 316.ISBN3110197189.
  28. ^Wells (1982),pp. 224–225.
  29. ^Cruttenden (2014),pp. 119–120.
  30. ^Shorter Oxford English Dictionary
  31. ^Shorter Oxford English Dictionary
  32. ^Wells (1982),p. 201.
  33. ^Wells (1982),p. 490.
  34. ^Wakelyn, Martin: "Rural dialects in England", in: Trudgill, Peter (1984): Language in the British Isles, p.77
  35. ^https:// wgtn.ac.nz/lals/resources/publications/nzej-backissues/2005-donna-starks-and-hayley-reffell.pdf
  36. ^Ben (19 June 2012)."A New (Rhotic?) Dialect in New Zealand?".Dialect Blog.Retrieved25 February2024.
  37. ^"Stuff".stuff.co.nz.Retrieved25 February2024.
  38. ^"Stuff".stuff.co.nz.Retrieved25 February2024.
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  40. ^abWells (1982),p. 629.
  41. ^Mesthrie, Rajend; Kortmann, Bernd; Schneider, Edgar W., eds. (18 January 2008),"Pakistani English: phonology",Africa, South and Southeast Asia,Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 244–258,doi:10.1515/9783110208429.1.244,ISBN9783110208429,retrieved16 April2019
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  43. ^McClear, Sheila (2 June 2010)."Why the classic Noo Yawk accent is fading away".New York Post.Archivedfrom the original on 11 October 2013.Retrieved13 April2013.
  44. ^abStuart-Smith, Jane (1999). "Glasgow: accent and voice quality". In Foulkes, Paul; Docherty, Gerard (eds.).Urban Voices.Arnold. p. 210.ISBN0-340-70608-2.
  45. ^"Is Corby the most Scottish place in England?".BBC News.11 July 2014.Retrieved15 February2022.
  46. ^abTrudgill, Peter(1984).Language in the British Isles.Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.ISBN978-0-521-28409-7.
  47. ^Coupland, Nikolas; Thomas, Alan Richard (1990a).English in Wales: Diversity, Conflict, and Change - Google Books.ISBN9781853590313.Retrieved16 March2021.[page needed]
  48. ^Milla, Robert McColl (2012).English Historical Sociolinguistics.Edinburgh University Press. pp. 25–26.ISBN978-0-7486-4181-9.
  49. ^Trudgill, Peter (2010).Investigations in Sociohistorical Linguistics.Cambridge University Press.ISBN9781139489799.
  50. ^Gick (1999)
  51. ^Harris (2006), pp. 2–5.
  52. ^Thomas, Erik R. (4 September 2007)."Phonological and Phonetic Characteristics of African American Vernacular English"(PDF).Language and Linguistics Compass.1(5): 450–475 [453–454].doi:10.1111/j.1749-818X.2007.00029.x.Retrieved4 May2023.
  53. ^Pollock et al. (1998).
  54. ^Thomas, Erik R. (2005)."Rural white Southern accents"(PDF).p. 16. Archived fromthe original(PDF)on 22 December 2014.Retrieved4 April2019.
  55. ^Wolfram, Walt; Kohn, Mary E. (forthcoming). "The regional development of African American LanguageArchived2018-11-06 at theWayback Machine".InSonja Lanehart,Lisa Green, and Jennifer Bloomquist (eds.),The Oxford Handbook on African American Language.Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 147.
  56. ^Trudgill, Peter (2000). "Sociohistorical linguistics and dialect survival: a note on another Nova Scotian enclave". In Magnus Leung (ed.).Language Structure and Variation.Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International. p. 197.
  57. ^Hickey, Raymond (1999). "Dublin English: current changes and their motivations". In Foulkes, Paul; Docherty, Gerard (eds.).Urban Voices.Arnold. p. 272.ISBN0-340-70608-2.
  58. ^Reddy, C. Rammanohar."The Readers' Editor writes: Why is American English becoming part of everyday usage in India?".Scroll.in.Retrieved28 March2021.
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  60. ^abSalbrina, S.; Deterding, D. (2010). "Rhoticity in Brunei English".English World-Wide.31(2): 121–137.doi:10.1075/eww.31.2.01sha.
  61. ^abNur Raihan Mohamad (2017)."Rhoticity in Brunei English: A diachronic approach".Southeast Asia.17:1–7.
  62. ^abGupta, Anthea F.; Hiang, Tan Chor (January 1992)."Post-Vocalic /r/ in Singapore English".York Papers in Linguistics.16:139–152.ISSN0307-3238.OCLC2199758.
  63. ^Brinton, Lauren and Leslie Arnovick.The English Language: A Linguistic History.Oxford University Press: Canada, 2006
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  65. ^Lass (2002),p. 121.
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  71. ^Labov, Ash, and Boberg (2006: 234)
  72. ^Wells (1982),pp. 136–37, 203–6, 234, 245–47, 339–40, 400, 419, 443, 576.
  73. ^abcdeWells (1982),p.?.
  74. ^Wells (1982),p. 225.
  75. ^Upton, Clive; Eben Upton (2004).Oxford rhyming dictionary.Oxford University Press. p.59.ISBN0-19-280115-5.
  76. ^Clive and Eben Upton (2004), p.60.
  77. ^Wells (1982),pp. 167, 305, 318.
  78. ^Wells (1982),p. 318.
  79. ^Wells, John C.(2008).Longman Pronunciation Dictionary(3rd ed.). Longman.ISBN978-1-4058-8118-0.
  80. ^Devonish & Harry (2004),pp. 460, 463, 476.
  81. ^Trudgill (2004),pp. 170, 172.
  82. ^Lass (1990),pp. 277–279.
  83. ^Bowerman (2004),p. 938.
  84. ^Watson (2007),p. 358.
  85. ^Collins & Mees (1990),pp. 92–93, 95–97.
  86. ^abWatt (2000),p. 72.
  87. ^abWatt & Allen (2003),pp. 268–269.
  88. ^Beal (2004),pp. 123, 126.
  89. ^Wells (1982),pp. 298, 522, 540, 557.
  90. ^Wells (1982),pp. 504, 544, 577.
  91. ^Bauer et al. (2007),p. 98.
  92. ^Cox & Fletcher (2017),p. 65.
  93. ^Trudgill (2004),pp. 167, 172.
  94. ^Cruttenden (2014),pp. 122, 124.
  95. ^Swan (2001),p. 91.
  96. ^"Italian Speakers' English Pronunciation Errors".22 November 2013.
  97. ^"Suggestionisms".
  98. ^Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006),p. 235
  99. ^Wells (1982),p. 287.
  100. ^Beal (2004),pp. 123–124, 126.
  101. ^Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006),p. 259
  102. ^Thomas (2008),p. 97
  103. ^Wells (1982),pp. 508 ff.
  104. ^Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006),p. 260
  105. ^Canatella, Ray (2011).The YAT Language of New Orleans.iUniverse. p. 67.ISBN978-1-4620-3295-2.MOYCHANDIZE – Translation: Merchandise. "Dat store seem to be selling nutin' but cheap moychandize"
  106. ^Trawick-Smith, Ben (1 September 2011)."On the Hunt for the New Orleans Yat".Dialect Blog.Retrieved1 December2019.
  107. ^Labov, William (1966),The Social Stratification of English in New York City(PDF)(2nd ed.), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, archived fromthe original(PDF)on 24 August 2014,retrieved16 February2023
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  109. ^Newman, MichaelNew York City EnglishBerlin/NY: Mouton DeGruyter

Bibliography

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