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Treaty of Rapallo (1920)

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Not to be confused withTreaty of Rapallo (1922).
Multiple geographical names mentioned below changed in the discussed period. The article uses modern English or local names.

Treaty of Rapallo
Treaty between the Kingdom of Italy and the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes signed at Rapallo, 12 November 1920
Prime ministers Giolitti and Vesnić with other conference delegates after signing of the Treaty of Rapallo
TypeBorder agreement
ContextFirst World War
Signed12 November 1920(1920-11-12)
LocationRapallo,Italy
Replaced byTreaty of Rome (1924)
Signatories
Parties
LanguageItalian,Serbo-Croatian
Events leading to World War II
1910s
1920s
1930s

TheTreaty of Rapallowas an agreement between theKingdom of Italyand theKingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenesin the aftermath of theFirst World War.It was intended to settle theAdriatic question,which referred to Italian claims over territories promised to the country in return for its entry into the war againstAustria-Hungary,claims that were made on the basis of the 1915Treaty of London.The wartime pact promised Italy large areas of the easternAdriatic.The treaty, signed on 12 November 1920 inRapallo,Italy, generally redeemed the promises of territorial gains in the former Austrian Littoral by awarding Italy territories generally corresponding to the peninsula ofIstriaand the formerPrincely County of Gorizia and Gradisca,with the addition of theSnežnik Plateau,in addition to what was promised by the London treaty. The articles regardingDalmatiawere largely ignored. Instead, in Dalmatia, Italy received the city ofZadarand several islands. Other provisions of the treaty contained safeguards for the rights of Italian nationals remaining in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and provisions for commissions to demarcate the new border, and facilitate economic and educational cooperation. The treaty also established theFree State of Fiume,thecity-stateconsisting of the former Austro-HungarianCorpus separatumthat consisted ofRijekaand a strip of coast giving the new state a land border with Italy at Istria.

The treaty was met with a degree of popular disapproval in both countries. In the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes it was unpopular withSlovenesandCroats,as it represented a loss of national territory where about a half million Slovenes and Croats lived. Zadar lost significance when it became an Italiansemi-enclave,which allowedSplitto overtake it in significance in Dalmatia. ThePort of Rijekasuffered from the loss of trade with the hinterland, causing an economic decline. In Italy, the claim to Dalmatia relinquished in the Treaty of Rapallo contributed to fueling the myth of themutilated victory.The myth was created during theParis Peace Conference,where the Italian delegation was unable to enforce the Treaty of London, and perpetuated the view that Italy had won the war but its victory was compromised by an unjust peace.

The Treaty of Rapallo was also condemned by the Italian generalGabriele d'Annunzio,who previously had seized Rijeka with his troops, establishing there a state known as theItalian Regency of Carnaro.He resisted efforts to remove him from the city until theItalian Navydrove him out in the clash known asBloody Christmas,so that the Free State of Fiume could be established. The city-state was abolished when Italy annexed the city four years later under theTreaty of Rome.

Background

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Treaty of London

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Main article:Treaty of London (1915)
Territories promised to Italy, by the Entente, in theSouth Tyrol,theAustrian Littoral,andDalmatia(tan), and theSnežnik Plateauarea (green). However, after WWI, Dalmatia was assigned not to Italy but toYugoslavia

In 1915, theKingdom of ItalyenteredWorld War Ion the side of theEntente,following the signing of theTreaty of London,which promised Italy territorial gains at the expense ofAustria-Hungary.The treaty was opposed by representatives of theSouth Slavsliving in Austria-Hungary, who were organised as theYugoslav Committee.[1]

Following the 3 November 1918Armistice of Villa Giusti,the Austro-Hungarian surrender,[2]Italian troops moved to occupy parts of the EasternAdriaticshore promised to Italy under the Treaty of London, ahead of theParis Peace Conference.[3]TheState of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs,carved from areas of Austria-Hungary populated by the South Slavs, authorised the Yugoslav Committee to represent it abroad,[4]and the short-lived state, shortly before it sought union with theKingdom of Serbiato establish theKingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes,laid a competing claim to the eastern Adriatic to counter the Italian demands.[5]This claim was supported by deployment of theRoyal Serbian Armyto the area.[6]TheUnited States Navyalso deployed an occupying force to the coast.[7]

Occupation of the Eastern Adriatic

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Residents ofFiumecheering the arrival ofGabriele D'Annunzio and hisLegionariin September 1919

The Entente powers arranged zones-of-occupation of the eastern Adriatic shores as follows: the United Kingdom was to control theKvarner Gulf,while the northern parts of Dalmatia were the Italian zone. The southern Dalmatian coast was to be occupied by the United States, while the shores of theKingdom of Montenegroand thePrincipality of Albania,further to the south, were the responsibility of the French. The occupation forces were to be coordinated by the Naval Committee for the Adriatic, which consisted of admirals delegated by the four powers. The committee initially met in the city ofRijeka(Italian:Fiume), but it subsequently moved toVeniceandRome.The occupation plan was never fully enforced, as only Italy deployed a large force to the area.[8]The local Croatian population often expressed dissatisfaction with the Italian military presence, and several minor clashes occurred in 1919.[9]There were frequent cases of deportations of the non-Italian population by the Italian forces.[10]

By the end of 1918, the Italian troops occupiedIstriaand Rijeka, as well as a part of theDalmatiancoast extending between, and including, the cities ofZadarandŠibenik,with the hinterland extending toKninandDrniš.Additionally, they captured the islands ofHvar,Vis,Korčula,Mljet,Lastovo,andPag.The US presence was largely confined toSplit,while the Serbian army controlled the rest of the coast.[11]In 1919, a group of Italian veterans led byGabriele d'Annunzioseized Rijeka, establishing a short-lived state there known as theItalian Regency of Carnaro.[12]

Paris Peace Conference

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Main article:Paris Peace Conference (1919–1920)

The problem of establishing the border between Italy and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes—known as theAdriatic question—and the futurestatus of Rijekabecame major points of dispute at the Paris Peace Conference.[13]Since 1917, Italy used the issue of the annexation of Montenegro by Serbia, or the unification of the countries, known as theMontenegrin question,to pressure Serbia into making concessions regarding Italian demands.[14]Similarly, in 1920 and 1921, negotiations were conducted and agreements made—between theCroatian Committeeof émigrés opposing establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and D'Annunzio's representatives—offering territory to Italy in exchange for support for the Croatian Committee's work.[15]

While the Italian representatives at the peace conference were demanding enforcement of the Treaty of London and the additional award of Rijeka,Woodrow Wilsonopposed their demands and put forward hisFourteen Points,which favoured a solution that relied on localself-determination,[16]arguing that the Treaty of London was invalid.[17]Instead, Wilson proposed a division of the Istrian peninsula along the Wilson Line that largely corresponded to the ethnic makeup of the population,[13]and a free-city status for Rijeka based on the city's legal position of aCorpus separatumwithin Austria-Hungary.[18]The British and French did not support enforcement of the treaty, as they thought Italy deserved relatively little due to its neutrality early in the war.[16]Specifically, they were dismissive of Italian claims in Dalmatia. TheBritish prime ministerDavid Lloyd Georgeonly supported afree-city statusfor Zadar and Šibenik, while theFrench prime ministerGeorges Clemenceauonly supported such a status for Zadar.[19]

By late 1919, representatives of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, led by former Prime MinisterNikola Pašićand foreign ministerAnte Trumbić,could not agree with Italian diplomats on the border question. In response, they were instructed to settle the issue through direct negotiations after the Paris Peace Conference.[20]A particular obstacle to any agreement was D'Annunzio's occupation of Rijeka, which caused the Italian government to reject a draft agreement submitted by the UK, the US, and France. Pašić's and Trumbić's refusal to agree to the plan provoked the French and British to threaten that the Treaty of London would be enforced unless they supported the allied proposal. In turn, Wilson blocked the Franco-British move by threatening to stop ratification of theTreaty of Versaillesby the US.[21]

Rapallo Conference

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Negotiations

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Changes to the Italian eastern border from 1920 to 1975.
TheAustrian Littoral,later renamedVenezia Giulia,that was assigned to Italy in 1920, with the Treaty of Rapallo (with adjustments of its border in 1924 after theTreaty of Rome), and that was then ceded to Yugoslavia in 1947 with theTreaty of Paris
Areas annexed to Italy in 1920, and remaining Italian after 1947
Areas annexed to Italy in 1920, passed to theFree Territory of Triestein 1947 with the Paris treaties, and definitively assigned to Italy in 1975 with theTreaty of Osimo
Areas annexed to Italy in 1920, passed to the Free Territory of Trieste in 1947 with the Treaties of Paris, and definitively assigned to Yugoslavia in 1975 with the Treaty of Osimo

From spring 1920, the United Kingdom and France applied pressure on the prime minister of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes,Milenko Radomar Vesnić,and foreign minister Trumbić to resolve the Adriatic question, claiming that it represented a threat to peace in Europe.[22]At the same time, theItalian foreign minister,Carlo Sforza,indicated he was ready to trade Italian claims in Dalmatia for British and French backing of Italian territorial demands further north in Istria.[23]In September 1920, Sforza told thePresident of France,Alexandre Millerand,that he only wanted to enforce the Treaty of London regarding Istria and that he wanted none of Dalmatia except the city of Zadar.[24]Following the1920 presidential election,US support for Wilson's ideas appeared to have ended,[25]compelling Vesnić and Trumbić into bilateral negotiations with Sforza.[23]Moreover,Prince Regent Alexander I,of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, wanted an agreement with Italy at any cost,[22]wanting to achieve political stability in the country.[26]According to Sforza, Vesnić later told him he was advised not to resist Italian demands for fear that Italy might impose a solution unilaterally.[27]

A delegation from the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was dispatched toSanta Margherita Ligure,in Italy, for bilateral negotiations.[22]It was led by Vesnić, but the designated chief negotiatior was Trumbić. According toSvetozar Pribićević,this arrangement was made in Belgrade, in order to avoid the appearance that the Serbs were ceding to Italy territories inhabited byCroatsandSlovenes.Therefore, Trumbić, as a Croat, would negotiate the treaty involving inevitable territorial concessions to Italy.[28]Sforza's most recent proposal was supported by the British and French, while the US remained silent on the matter, leaving Belgrade isolated.[24]In addition to Prime Minister Vesnić and Foreign Minister Trumbić, the ambassador of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes to RomeVojislav Antonijević[sr]was also among the principal members of that delegation. The principal members of the Italian negotiating team included Sforza, as well asMinister of WarIvanoe BonomiandGiuseppe Volpi.Other members of the delegation included Marcello Roddolo,Francesco Salata,Alessandro Mattioli Pasqualini[it],and GeneralPietro Badoglio.[29]During the negotiations, Sforza demanded Istria and theSnežnik(Italian:Monte Nevoso), claiming their symbolic significance to Italy and stating that they would not be relinquished by the Italian army in any case. In return, he offered Italian friendship.[22]Negotiations took place between 9–11 November 1920, resulting in the treaty being signed on 12 November,[30]in theVilla Spinola.The treaty is named after thecomuneofRapallowhere the villa is located.[31]Italian Prime MinisterGiovanni Giolitticame from Rome for the signing.[29]

Terms

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Article 1 of the treaty dealt with national borders in the northern Adriatic basin, giving Italy Istria and the territory to the north of the peninsula, demarcated by a line indicated by reference to prominent peaks in the area, running from the area ofTarvisioviaTriglavto the east ofIdrijaandPostojna,to Snežnik, and then to the Kvarner Gulf just to the west of Rijeka. Thus, the major cities ofTrieste,Pula,andGoriziawere acquired by Italy.[32]Article 2 gave to Italy the city of Zadar (as theProvince of Zara), in northern Dalmatia, and defined thesemi-enclave's land boundaries by reference to surrounding peaks, villages, and tax-commune territories. Article 3 gave to Italy the islands ofCres,Lošinj,Lastovo, andPalagruža(referred to as Cherso, Lussin, Lagosta, and Pelagosta) with surrounding islets.[33]

Article 4 of the treaty established the independentFree State of Fiume,defining its boundaries as those of the former Austro-HungarianCorpus separatum,with the addition of a strip of land connecting it to the Italian territory in Istria between the Kvarner Gulf and the town ofKastav.This arrangement left the suburb ofSušakto the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes since it was situated across theRječina River,just outside theCorpus separatum.Article 5 determined that the marking of the border on the ground would be carried out by a bilateral commission and that any disputes would be referred to thePresident of the Swiss Confederation.Article 6 required the parties to the treaty to convene, within two months, a conference of experts to draw up proposals for economic and financial cooperation between the parties to the treaty.[34]

Article 7 of the treaty determined that Italian entities established in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, as well as Italians residing in that country, would retain all existing economic authorisations issued to them by the Kingdom or any of its predecessor-state governments. The same article allowed ethnic Italians to opt for Italian citizenship within a year. Those choosing Italian citizenship were guaranteed the right to remain residents of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes,property rights,andfreedom of religion.Finally, the same article provided that the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes would recognise anyacademic degreesobtained by Italian citizens as if they were obtained from institutions in that country. Article 8 called for enhanced educational cooperation between the parties to the treaty. Article 9 stated that the treaty was drawn up inItalianandSerbo-Croatian,but provided that the Italian version would be definitive in cases of dispute. The treaty was signed by Giolitti, Sforza, and Bonomi on behalf of Italy, and by Vesnić, Trumbić, and finance ministerKosta Stojanović[sr]on behalf of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.[35]

Aftermath

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Map of the Italian territory of Zara, 1920-1947

A significant portion of the Treaty of Rapallo consisted of provisions regulating the status of Italians in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, but their number was low, estimated to be several hundred. On the other hand, the addition of the new Italian territory meant the addition of about a half a million South Slavs (mostly Slovenes and Croats) to the country's population.[36]Even though the extent of the Italian territorial expansion was reduced in comparison to that promised by the Treaty of London, the Italian military was satisfied with the defensible land border and the naval facilities in Pula. It thought of Dalmatia as problematic to defend and primarily wanted to deny it to theRussian Empire,but the Russian threat was no longer a realistic prospect since the 1917October Revolution.Politically, an agreement similar to the Treaty of Rapallo was likely possible at the Paris Peace Conference.[37]However, the inability of the Italian delegation at that conference to enforce the Treaty of London, and annex Rijeka, fueled the nationalistic myth of themutilated victory.[38]Following the Treaty of Rapallo, the myth persisted and the perception of political failure weakened liberal politicians.[39]

On 6 December 1920, less than a month after resigning from the post of foreign minister, Trumbić gave a speech in Split where he remarked that grief over the loss of national territory was expected, adding that it was an inevitable outcome of the peace conference and the subsequent bilateral negotiations, though most of the Italian territorial gains were reversed in the aftermath ofWorld War II.[40]The Treaty of Rapallo (along with the death ofNicholas I of Montenegroa few months later) marked the end of Italian support forMontenegrin resistanceagainst the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.[41]According to historianSrđa Pavlović,the signing of the treaty and the conclusion of the1920 Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes Constitutional Assembly electionprompted the Entente powers to break off relations with the Montenegringovernment-in-exile.[42]Likewise, all Italian support for the Croatian Committee ended after the treaty was concluded.[15]D'Annunzio condemned the treaty in a declaration of 17 November. The Italian Regency of Carnaro proclaimed a state of war four days later.[27]TheItalian Navydrove D'Annunzio from Rijeka in an intervention known asBloody Christmas.The town became the city-state envisaged by the Treaty of Rapallo.[43]Nonetheless, the Free State of Fiume was short-lived, and Italy annexed it under the 1924Treaty of Rome.The loss of the hinterland served by thePort of Rijekaled to the decline of importance of both the port and the city, despite the introduction offree economic zoneprivileges.[44]The same privileges were granted to Zadar, but its status of a semi-enclave limited its development too. Its population grew between 1921 and 1936 from 15,800 to 20,000, but a quarter of the residents were military personnel. At the same time, other cities in Dalmatia enjoyed much faster growth. This was especially true of Split, which became the regional capital instead of Zadar.[45]

References

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  1. ^Ramet 2006,pp. 41–42.
  2. ^Pavlowitch 2003,p. 36.
  3. ^Banac 1984,p. 129.
  4. ^Matijević 2008,p. 50.
  5. ^Merlicco 2021,pp. 119–120.
  6. ^Ramet 2006,pp. 43–44.
  7. ^Perica 2010,p. 127.
  8. ^Batović & Kasalo 2021,pp. 301–302.
  9. ^Batović & Kasalo 2021,pp. 321–322.
  10. ^Batović & Kasalo 2021,p. 324.
  11. ^Diklić 2011,pp. 228–230.
  12. ^Morgan 2004,pp. 45–46.
  13. ^abRudolf 2008,p. 63.
  14. ^Pavlović 2008,p. 97.
  15. ^abMatković 2008,p. 1078.
  16. ^abBurgwyn 1997,pp. 4–8.
  17. ^Hill 1934,pp. 60–61.
  18. ^Kernek 1982,p. 266.
  19. ^Burgwyn 1997,p. 12.
  20. ^Rudolf 2008,p. 64.
  21. ^Kernek 1982,p. 286.
  22. ^abcdRepe 2008,pp. 111–112.
  23. ^abBurgwyn 1997,pp. 15–16.
  24. ^abLowe & Marzari 1975,p. 178.
  25. ^Kernek 1982,p. 295.
  26. ^Diklić 2011,p. 231.
  27. ^abBartulović 2000,pp. 963–964.
  28. ^Rudolf 2008,p. 65.
  29. ^abMelchionni 2021,pp. 451–453.
  30. ^Pizzi 2001,p. 13.
  31. ^Santoro 2023,p. 106.
  32. ^Current History 1921,pp. 223–224.
  33. ^Current History 1921,pp. 224–225.
  34. ^Current History 1921,p. 225.
  35. ^Current History 1921,pp. 225–226.
  36. ^Hehn 2005,p. 45.
  37. ^Lowe & Marzari 1975,p. 179.
  38. ^Knox 2007,p. 223.
  39. ^Lowe & Marzari 1975,pp. 179–180.
  40. ^Rudolf 2008,pp. 65–66.
  41. ^Carteny 2015,p. 186.
  42. ^Pavlović 2008,p. 112.
  43. ^Knox 2007,p. 276.
  44. ^Perinčić 2022,p. 112.
  45. ^Graovac 2004,pp. 62–63.

Sources

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