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Kumarbi

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Kumarbi
Formerking of the gods,"father of the gods", god of prosperity and grain
Major cult centerUrkesh,Azuḫinnu,Taite
Abodeunderworld
Symbolear of grain
Genealogy
ParentsAlalu
ConsortShalash
ChildrenTeshub,Tašmišu,Aranzaḫ(Tigris), Silver (Ušḫune[de]),Ḫedammu,Ullikummi,possiblyŠauška
Equivalents
Mesopotamian equivalentEnlil
Syrian equivalentDagan
Ugaritic equivalentEl
Greek equivalentKronos

Kumarbi,also known asKumurwe,[1]Kumarwi[2]andKumarma,[3]was aHurrian god.He held a senior position in the Hurrian pantheon, and was described as the "father of gods". He was portrayed as an old, deposedking of the gods,though this most likely did not reflect factual loss of the position of the head of the pantheon inHurrian religion,but only a mythological narrative. It is often assumed that he was anagricultural deity,though this view is not universally accepted and the evidence is limited. He was also associated with prosperity. It was believed that he resided in the underworld.

Multiple Hurrian deities were regarded as Kumarbi's children, includingTeshub,who he conceived after biting off the genitals ofAnu.They were regarded as enemies. In myths dealing with the conflict between them Kumarbi fathers various enemies meant to supplant the weather god, such as the stone giantUllikummi.Kumarbi was also closely associated with other deities who were regarded as the "fathers of gods" in their respective pantheons. As early as in the eighteenth century BCE, he came to be linked withDagan,the head god of the pantheon of inlandSyriain the Bronze Age. Both of them were associated with the goddessShalash,and with theMesopotamian godEnlil.From the sixteenth century BCE onward, and possibly also earlier, Kumarbi and Enlil were viewed as equivalents, though they were not necessarily conflated with each other, and could appear as two distinct figures in the same myths. A trilingual version of theWeidner god listfromUgaritpresents both Kumarbi and Enlil as the equivalents of the local godEl.A tentative restoration of a bilingual version fromEmarmight also indicate he could be associated withIštaran.

The worship of Kumarbi is attested from sites located in all areas inhabited by the Hurrians, fromAnatoliato theZagros Mountains,though it has been argued that his importance in the sphere of cult was comparatively minor. The oldest possible reference to him occurs in a royal inscription fromUrkeshfrom either theAkkadianorUr III period,though the correct reading of the name of the deity meant is a matter of scholarly debate. He is also already referenced in texts fromMarifrom the early second millennium BCE. Further attestations are available from Ugarit,Alalakh,and from the eastern kingdom ofArrapha,where he was worshiped in Azuḫinnu. Furthermore, he was incorporated into the Hittite pantheon, and as one of its members appears in texts from Hattusa, presumed to reflect the traditions ofKizzuwatna.A depiction of him has been identified among the gods from theYazılıkayasanctuary. In the first millennium BCE he continued to be worshiped inTaite,and as one of its deities he is attested in theAssyrianTākulturituals. He is also attested inLuwianinscriptions from sites such asCarchemishandTell Ahmar.

Multiple myths focused on Kumarbi are known. Many of them belong to the so-called Kumarbi Cycle, which describes the struggle for kingship among the gods between him and Teshub. The texts usually agreed to belong to it include theSong of Kumarbi(likely originally known asSong of Emergence), theSong of LAMMA,theSong of Silver,theSong ofḪedammuand theSong of Ullikummi.Kumarbi is portrayed in them as a scheming deity who raises various challengers to depose or destroy Teshub. His plans are typically successful in the short term, but ultimately the adversaries he creates are defeated by the protagonists. Further texts argued to also be a part of the cycle include theSong of the Sea,theSong of Oil,and other fragmentary narratives. Kumarbi also appears in an adaptation ofAtrahsasis,where he plays the role which originally belonged to Enlil. Myths focused on him are often compared to other narratives known from the tradition of other neighboring cultures, such asMesopotamianTheogony of Dunnuor UgariticBaal Cycle.It is also commonly assumed that they were an influence onTheogony,especially on the succession of divine rulers and on the character of Kronos. Further works argued to show similar influences include thePhoenician HistoryofPhilo of Byblosand variousOrphictheogonies, such as that known from theDerveni papyrus.

Name[edit]

In standard syllabiccuneiform,thetheonymKumarbi was written asdKu-mar-bi.[4]A byform, Kumurwe, is attested in sources fromNuzi.[1]InUgaritic textswritten in the localAlpha betic cuneiform scriptit was rendered askmrb(𐎋𐎎𐎗𐎁)[5]orkmrw(𐎋𐎎𐎗𐎆),[6]vocalized respectively as Kumarbi and Kumarwi.[2]A late variant, Kumarma, appears inhieroglyphic Luwianinscriptions, where it is rendered with the signs (DEUS)BONUS, “the good god”.[3]The correct reading has been determined based on a syllabic spelling identified in an inscription fromTell Ahmar,(DEUS.BONUS)ku-mara/i+ra/i-ma-sa5.[7]

Kumarbi’s name hasHurrianorigin and can be translated as “he of Kumar”.[8]While no such a toponym is attested in any Hurrian sources,[5]Gernot Wilhelm[de]notes it shows similarities to Hurrian names from the third millennium BCE and on this basis proposes that it might refer to a settlement which existed in the early period of Hurrian history, poorly documented in textual sources.[9]He suggests that its name in turn goes back to the Hurrianrootkum,[1]“to pile up”.[10]Examples of other analogously structured Hurrian theonyms includeNabarbi( “she of Nawar” )[11]and possiblyḪiriḫibi( “he of [the mountain] Ḫiriḫi” ).[12]While it has been argued thatAštabiis a further example, his name was originally spelled as Aštabil inEblaand as such cannot be considered another structurally Kumarbi-like theonym.[13]

Logographic writings[edit]

According to Alfonso Archi, in a number of Hurrian texts Kumarbi’s name is represented by thesumerogramdNISABA.[14]It was also used to refer toDagan.[15]Archi assumes both of these scribal conventions had the same origin.[14]InUgariticand related dialects Dagan’s name was a homophone of the word for grain, with both written asdgn(𐎄𐎂𐎐) inUgaritic Alpha betictexts, and the logographic writing of both his name and that of Kumarbi asdNISABA was likely an example of wordplay popular among scribes, which in this case relied on the close association between these two gods and on the fact that Nisaba’s name could function as ametonymfor grain.[16]Lluís Feliu based on the attestations of this writing from Anatolia instead suggests that it reflected a connection to theHittitegrain deityḪalki,who similarly could be represented by the same sumerogram.[10]One Anatolian example of the use ofdNISABA to designate Kumarbi has been identified in an offering list dealing with the deities worshiped in the Hittite city ofDurmitta[ca].[17]Despite the different character of the two deities, there is also evidence for the use of Ḫalki’s name as a logogram to refer to Kumarbi.[15]

Character[edit]

Hurrian texts refer to Kumarbi as the “father of gods”.[18]Volkert Haashas interpreted this as an indication that he was regarded as acreator deity.[19]His position in theHurrian pantheonwas high,[2]as reflected by his epithetewri,“lord”.[20]In myths he was portrayed as an old deposed king of the gods, replaced by his sonTeshub,though this is presumed to be a fictional etiological narrative explaining the structure of the Hurrian pantheon, rather than reflection of a loss of importance at the expense of another deity.[21]It has nonetheless been argued that the relation between them might have originally developed as a way to harmonize two originally distinct local pantheons.[22]

It is often assumed that Kumarbi was associated with grain.[23][24][25]However, Lluís Feliu points out that the direct evidence for his supposed agrarian character is presently limited to the fact that the sumerogramdNISABA was sometimes employed to write his name, and the identification of a plant he holds on theYazılıkayarelief as anear of grain.[10]Feliu’s criticism of this characterization is supported by Alfonso Archi, who points out the ear symbol is not used elsewhere, and might only represent a play on words referencing the scribal convention of using the name of dissimilar Hittite deityḪalkias a logogram designating Kumarbi.[15]Feliu points out many arguments in favor of interpreting Kumarbi as an agricultural god are based on circular reasoning, specifically on the assumption that if Dagan, closely associated with him, had agricultural character, so did he.[10]However, Dagan was regarded as a god of broadly understood prosperity, rather than specifically agriculture.[15]Kumarbi himself was invoked in association with prosperity inhieroglyphic Luwianinscriptions from the first millennium BCE.[26]

The underworld could be regarded as Kumarbi’s abode,[27]as indicated for example by an incantation according to which water from a spring located under his throne “reaches the head of theSun goddess of the Earth”,though he was not an underworld god in the strict sense.[15]

A single Hittite text, KUB 59.66, mentions a “star of Kumarbi”, which Volkert Haas proposed identifying with the planetSaturn.[28]

Associations with other deities[edit]

Family and court[edit]

It is assumed that Kumarbi’s father wasAlalu.[29]A direct statement confirming this relation has been identified in the text KUB 33.120 (I 19:dKumarbišdAlaluwaš NUMUN-ŠU).[30]It is typically translated as “Kumarbi, the descendant of Alalu”.[31]A further piece of evidence supporting the view are sections of treaties enumerating gods invoked as their divine witnesses, in which they could be listed in sequence.[30]Both of them appear for example in the treaty betweenHittitekingMuwatalli IIandAlaksanduof Wilusa.[32]The myth establishing the relation between them, theSong of Kumarbi,seemingly involves two “dynasties” of deities competing for kingship.[33]This assumption is nonetheless not universally accepted.[34]An alternate interpretation is to see Alalu as the father ofAnu,[35]who reigned between Alalu and Kumarbi as the king of the gods,[36]and grandfather of Kumarbi.[35]However, Christian Zgoll, who supports this theory, admits that it is difficult to prove.[37]He nonetheless questions the notion of two separate dynasties, and argues that no other examples of a theogonic myth involving two divine families is known.[37]However, according toWilfred G. Lambertsuccession involving master and servant rather than members of one family is not entirely unknown, and in addition to the account of Kumarbi’s overthrow of Anuy another example might be a section from theTheogony of Dunnufocused on a nameless figure seemingly labeled as a servant (ṣiḫru) rather than child (māru) of the god he deposes.[38]

Shalashcould be viewed as the spouse of Kumarbi.[39]She was originally associated withDagan,as already attested in texts fromEbla,and the link between her and Kumarbi was a later development.[40]However, the evidence associating Shalash with Kumarbi is also used as an argument in favor of continuity of her association with Dagan.[41]In the Hurrian column of a multilingual edition of theWeidner god listfromUgarit,a goddess named Ašte Kumurbineve, literally “wife of Kumarbi”, appears instead.[42]However, according to Aaron Tugendhaft she is one of the deities attested in it who would be considered “pure scholarly inventions” meant to mimicMesopotamianpairs of major gods and their wives with etymologically related names,[43]such as Anu andAntu.[44]In myths Kumarbi appears without a wife.[45]

Teshubwas regarded as a son of Kumarbi, conceived after he bit off and swallowed the genitals of Anu.[46]Gary Beckmanstates that the weather god can thus be considered a descendant of both of the lines of gods present in theSong of Kumarbi.[47]Due to the circumstances of the weather god’s conception, aHurrian hymn(KUB 47.78) refers to Kumarbi as his mother:[18]

You are the strong one, which I (praise), the bull calf of Anu! You are the strong one, which I (praise), your father Anu begot you, your mother Kumarbi brought you to life. For the city ofAleppoI summon him, Teššop, for the pure throne.[48]

Noga Ayali-Darshan notes the relationship between Kumarbi and Teshub was portrayed as “dysfunctional”inHurrian mythology.[46]The other children of Kumarbi conceived the same way wereTašmišuand the riverTigris,[48]known by the Hurrians under the nameAranzaḫ[49]or Aranziḫ.[50]WhileŠauškawas regarded as a sister of both Teshub and Tašmišu, she is not mentioned among Kumarbi’s children in theSong of Kumarbi,though according to Marie-Claude Trémouille this might simply be the result of its incomplete state of preservation.[51]She therefore argues it can nonetheless be assumed this deity was also one of the children of Kumarbi and Anu.[52]However, according to Gary Beckman’s recent treatment ofSong of Kumarbi,the text explicitly states that the eponymous god was impregnated with only three deities.[47]

In myths dealing with his conflict with Teshub, Kumarbi is also the father of various opponents of the weather god, such asUllikummi,Ḫedammuand Silver.[18][a]Ḫedammu’s mother wasŠertapšuruḫi[de],a daughter of thedeified sea.[54]Silver was born to a mortal woman.[55]Ullikummi was the product of Kumarbi’s “sexual union with a huge cliff” according to Harry Hoffner,[54]though Daniel Schwemer instead assumes that the passage describing his conception alludes to a goddess related to stones.[55]The former two of these three children of Kumarbi appear together in a ritual text (KUB 27.38) which states that he planned for both of them to become theking of the gods.[56]The text places the so-called “divinedeterminative”(dingir) before the name of Ḫedammu, but not Silver.[53]Both of them are also described with the termsšarra,used to refer to mythical,deifiedrulers andewri,which designated non-supernatural kings.[57]

Like all other major Hurrian gods, Kumarbi was believed to be served by a divine “vizier”,Mukišānu[de].[58]His name was derived from the toponymMukiš.[59]A single text fromUgaritinstead describesŠarrumaas the deity playing this role,[60]but he is better attested in association withḪepatand Teshub.[61]In myths belonging to the Kumarbi is also aided by the deified sea,[62]who acts as his counsellor.[63]InSong of Ḫašarri,a reference is made to a group of wandering deities referred to as the "Seven Eyes of Kumarbi", possibly analogous toḪutellurra.[64]The circle of deities associated with him additionally included the so-called “former gods”,[65]referred to asammadena ennainHurrianandkaruilieš šiunešinHittite.[66]They were portrayed as his helpers in myths.[67]However, the same group of deities could also be affiliated withAllani.[68]

Kumarbi and other “fathers of gods”[edit]

Kumarbi was closely associated withDagan,[69]the head god of the pantheon of inlandSyriain theBronze Age.[70]The association goes back at least to theeighteenth century BCE.[71]It has been proposed that Kumarbi’s character was in part influenced by him, or even that he originally developed as the Hurrian counterpart of this god.[72]InAssyriologythe identification of these two gods has been first pointed out byEmmanuel Laroche.[73]Direct equations between Dagan and Kumarbi are absent from god lists, but other evidence in favor of identification of the two is available, including their similar position in the respective pantheons as the “fathers of gods” and especially the weather god,[b]and their shared association withShalashandEnlil.[75]Furthermore,Tuttul,the cult center of Dagan, is mentioned as a city associated with Kumarbi in theSong ofḪedammu.[69]It is also sometimes assumed Kumarbi could be outright referred to as “Dagan of theHurrians”.[76]However, this assumptions rests on the proposed reading of a single inscription fromTerqafrom the end of theOld Babylonian period,in which Šunuḫru-ammu, a ruler of thekingdom of Khana,mentions the sacrifice he made to DaganšaḪAR-ri.[77]The proposal that the epithet should be interpreted asša Ḫur-ri,“of the Hurrians”, has originally been made byIgnace J. Gelb,and subsequently found support of authors such asVolkert Haas,Ichiro Nakata,Karel van der Toorn[78]and Alfonso Archi.[76]However, Lluís Feliu argues it should be read asša ḫar-ribased on a reference to a similar epithet of Dagan,en ḫa-ar-ri,in a text fromEmar,and rules out a reference to Hurrians or Kumarbi being the intent.[78]

As early as in thesixteenth century BCEKumarbi also started to be equated with theMesopotamian godEnlildue to both of them being regarded as the “fathers of gods” in their respective pantheons.[32]The tradition might have been older, possibly going as far back as the end of thethird millennium BCE.[79]Lluís Feliu proposes that a damaged line from the later god listAn = Anumwhich describes a deity whose name is not preserved as the “Enlil ofSubartu”might refer to Kumarbi.[80]However, Enlil and Kumarbi are for the most part treated as two separate figures in Hurrian myths, for example in theSong of KumarbiEnlil andNinlilare among the deities invited by the narrator to listen to the story of Kumarbi, while in theSong ofUllikummi,Enlil makes a brief appearance to comment on Kumarbi’s plan to create the eponymous monster to destroy Teshub.[81]Alfonso Archi additionally notes that the notion of equivalence between the two was seemingly unknown to theHittites,even though Hittite sources do indicate awareness of both of them as individual deities.[32]He concludes the association between them should be understood as an example of what he deems “translation” of deities with similar positions meant to facilitate the understanding of different pantheons, rather thansyncretism.[82]

The trilingual version of theWeidner god listfrom Ugarit in addition to equating Kumarbi with Enlil also presents him as analogous toEl,[83]a god who in the local pantheon fulfilled a role similar to Dagan in inland Syria.[70]However, ritual texts where the two of them appear as separate figures are also known.[5]Franks Simons has additionally suggested that a bilingual edition of the same god list known from Emar might equate Kumarbi with the high ranked but poorly known Mesopotamian godIštaran,possibly also due to his presumed role as a “father of gods”.[84]The theonym he restores as Ištaran is rendered logographically as KA.DI.DI rather than the expected KA.DI, which he argues represents adittographicerror (unnecessary duplication of a sign), while the restoration of Kumarbi’s name relies on the presence of the signs KU.MA in the Hurrian section of the same entry, which might reflect the spelling of his name used inNuzi.[85]He suggests that this equation would not necessarily contradict the fact the copy from Ugarit equates Kumarbi with Enlil, as the smaller size of the Hurrian pantheon necessitated using the same deities as translations of multiple Mesopotamian ones in god lists, as evident in the case ofŠimige,equated both withUtuandLugalbandain such a context.[84]However, it has been questioned if the multilingual editions of the Weidner god list can be considered an accurate source of information about Hurrian religion.[86]

Worship[edit]

A copy of inscription ofTiš-atalon afoundation pegfromUrkesh.Louvre.

Kumarbi was one of the deities regarded as “pan-Hurrian”.[8]As such, he was worshiped in all areas inhabited by theHurrians,from southeasternAnatoliain the west to theZagros Mountainsin the east.[87]However, it has been argued that his importance in the sphere ofcultwas relatively minor[88]and references to him in religious texts are relatively rare.[89]Volkert Haas has argued that he originated in theKhaburarea.[90]References to him have been identified in texts fromUgarit,Mari,NuziandHattusa.[27]In sources from the last of these sites, he is commonly linked toUrkesh(Tell Mozan), a city located inUpper Mesopotamiaalready known from sources from theAkkadian period.[91]It has been argued that a reference to him might already occur in a building inscription ofTiš-atal,a local ruler of this city during the times of either the Akkadian Empire or theThird Dynasty of Ur:[92]

Tiš-atal, endan of Urkiš, built the temple of the god Kumarbi(?). May the godLubadagaprotect this temple. As for the one who destroys it, may the god Lubadaga destroy (him). May the (weather-god?) not hear his prayer. May thelady of Nagar,thesun-god,(and) the storm-god(?) [...] him who destroys it.[93]

The deity presumed to be Kumarbi by a number of authors is designated in this context by thesumerogramdKIŠ.GAL, normally used to refer toNergal.[94]Alfonso Archi agrees that the logogram might designate aHurrian deity,though he instead proposesAštabi,and based on other Hurrian evidence notes that the possibility that Nergal was meant cannot be ruled out.[95]Doubts have also been expressed byGernot Wilhelm[de],who states that while not entirely implausible, the proposal that Kumarbi is represented by a sumerogram in the inscription is impossible to prove.[94]Beate Pongratz-Leisten tentatively refers to both Nergal and Kumarbi as possible identities of the deity of Urkesh.[96]

A temple found during excavations of Urkesh which remained in use from the third millennium BCE to the end of theMitanniempire has been interpreted as possibly dedicated to Kumarbi.[97]Theapu,a type of offering pit, from the same site might have also been linked to him.[98]A uniquesealfrom Urkesh depicting a deity striding over a mountain range has also been described as a possible depiction of Kumarbi.[99]It has been noted that it finds no close parallels among similar works of art known fromsouthern Mesopotamia.[100]

Early attestations of Kumarbi are also present in sources from Mari.[1]Gernot Wilhelm argues that the oldest certain reference to him occurs in a tablet from this city inscribed with aHurriantext, dated to roughly 1700 BCE.[88]In an incantation, he is mentioned alongside Pidenḫi, an epithet ofShalash:[39]

The tooth wails! The tooth sounds out! They (the teeth) cry out to mother Pidenḫi, to father Kumarbi![101]

It has been suggested that it was meant to curetoothache.[102]However, it is not certain why Kumarbi and Shalash would be invoked in connection with teeth.[103]

A further city in modernSyriafrom which evidence for the worship of Kumarbi is available is Ugarit.[27]Hurrian offering lists from this city place him after a “god father”(a “generic ancestor of the gods” ) andEl(otherwise absent from Hurrian tradition).[104]This sequence corresponds to the enumeration ofIlib,El andDaganin similar texts written inUgariticorAkkadian.[69]InKTU31.110, a description of a type of sacrifice (aṯḫulumma), Kumarbi instead appears afterKušuḫ.[105]A Hurrian incantation, KTU31.44 (RS 1.007), mentions that he was worshiped “fromTuttulto Awirraše”.[106]The latter settlement was presumably located in western Syria.[107]Further cult centers of Kumarbi mentioned in the Ugaritic texts include Kumma (or Kummi) and Uriga.[108]The latter toponym has alternatively been interpreted as Urkesh.[79]References to Kumarbi have also been identified in texts fromAlalakh,with one example being tablet A1T 15 which mentions a priest in his service, a certain Kabiya, though there is presently no indication that any of the structures discovered during excavations was dedicated to him.[109]Piotr Taracha[de]additionally tentatively suggests that the city deity ofEmar,who he refers to as Il Imari ( “the god of Emar” ) following the earlier proposal ofJoan Goodnick Westenholz,might have been understood as amanifestationof either Kumarbi or Dagan.[110]

Kumarbi was also worshiped further east in Azuḫinnu,[88]a city located in the kingdom ofArrapha,in the proximity of modernKirkuk.[111]The local pantheon was apparently jointly headed by him andŠauška.[112]In some of the offering lists fromNuzilinked to this location he is preceded by the deityKurwe,who might have been the city god of Azuḫinnu.[113]

Kumarbi’s name is not common in the Hurrianonomasticon.[88]He is entirely absent from the earliest known Hurrian personal names from the Ur III and Old Babylonian periods, though it has been noted they usually were nottheophoric,in contrast with these from later sites such as Nuzi, and that other major deities, like Šimige, Kušuḫ or Šauška, are also not attested in them.[114]The name Arip-Kumurwe, “Kumarbi gave (a child)”, is known from two sites, Mari andShubat-Enlil.[50]An example is also known from Hattusa, though due to the state of preservation of the text the full name cannot be restored.[27]

Hittite reception[edit]

TheMuwatalli II-Alaksandutreaty, which mentions Kumarbi among the divine witnesses.Troy Museum.

Kumarbi was among theHurrian deitieswho also came to be worshiped in theHittite Empire.[115]Most of the ritual texts from Hattusa which mention him have a Hurrian background and likely originated inKizzuwatna.[116]In offering lists, he belonged to the circle of deities (kaluti[de]) ofTeshub.[117]In the reliefs from theYazılıkayasanctuary, where the depicted deities seemingly follow the order of such lists,[118]he is most likely depicted on relief assigned number 40 in the conventional numbering in modern literature.[119]Typically in ritual texts in enumerations of deities he follows Teshub andTašmišuand precedesEa,KušuḫandŠimige.[39]However, in a similar list dealing with the worship of Teshub inŠapinuwahe appears afterAnu.[117]During the reign ofTudḫaliya IV,he received offerings alongside other deities belonging to thekalutiof Teshub in the temple ofKataḫḫainAnkuwaduring theAN.TAḪ.ŠUM[de]festival.[120]In the Hurro-Hittiteitkalzirituals, Kumarbi appears alongsideShalash.[119]She precedes him in instructions for thehišuwa[de]festival.[39]The ritual text KUB 45.28+ mentions Kumarbi alongside the “ancient gods”(Eltara, Nabira, Minki, Tuḫuši, Ammunki and Awannamu), Teshub, mountain gods and Ea.[121]

In lists of divine witnesses in Hittite diplomatic texts Kumarbi is only attested twice, in the treaties betweenMuršili IIandManapa-Tarhunta,and betweenMuwatalli IIandAlaksanduofWilusa.[27]In other similar texts a comparable entry in the list is occupied by a deity named Apantu instead.[30]However, Alfonso Archi suggests that in treaties with Syrian rulers the pairEnlilandNinlilmight correspond to Kumarbi and Shalash.[32]At the same time, he notes that the sumerogramdEN.LÍL was seemingly never used to designate him in offering lists.[14]

Late attestations[edit]

InTaite,aMitannicity conquered byAssyriaduring the reign ofAdad-nirari I,[122]Kumarbi apparently retained a degree of relevance well intoNeo-Assyriantimes alongside two other originally Hurrian deities,NabarbiandSamnuha.[88]All three of them are attested in aTākultutext.[123]

TheLuwiandeity Kumarma, known from sources from the tenth century BCE,[124]is presumed to be a late form of Kumarbi.[125][7]Attestations of this theonym are available exclusively fromhieroglyphic Luwianinscriptions from south of theTaurus Mountains,which mention him in relation with prosperity.[26]In three texts fromTell Ahmar(Masuwari) attributed to the local king Hamiyata he appears alongside “king Ea”, according to Ilya Yakubovich acalqueof Hurrian Eašarri.[125]He is also mentioned alongside Tipariya, a wine god, in an inscription fromCarchemishwhich states that the weather godTarḫunzwith established “the land of the good god and Tipariya”.[7]A stele fromArsuzaddresses them as “mother”[c]and “father” respectively.[3]This description has been described as an “unexpected reversal of sexes”,[127]but Mark Weeden notes that it might echo the Hurrian tradition about the birth ofTeshub,in the context of which Kumarbi could similarly be referred to as his mother.[126]He states that whether this reflects a survival of a local belief connected to the worship of Teshub inAleppo,possibly though not necessarily tied to Mitanni royal ideology, or a tradition preserved inHattusaand later imported into northern Syria is unknown.[128]Amir Gilan has voiced support for the former interpretation.[124]

Following the proposal ofEdith Porada,it is sometimes assumed that thegolden bowl of Hasanlumight depict Kumarbi, as well as other deities who appear in myths focused on him, which according to Alfonso Archi would indicate that as a “pan-Hurrian” deity he might have continued to be worshiped in eastern areas until the beginning of the first millennium BCE.[95]

Mythology[edit]

Kumarbi played a central role inHurrian mythology.[23]Myths focused on him are known chiefly from theBogazköy Archive,and most of them are preserved inHittitetranslations.[27]However, as noted byGary Beckman,their themes, such as conflict over kingship in heaven, reflect Hurrian, rather than Hittite, theology.[129]According to Alfonso Archi, they were transmitted in the beginning of the fourteenth century BCE, during a period of growing influence of Hurrian culture on the Hittites.[130]

Kumarbi Cycle[edit]

The “Kumarbi Cycle” is a scholarly grouping of a number of myths focused on the eponymous god.[131]It has been described as “[u]nquestionably the best-known belletristic work discovered in the Hittite archives”.[132]The individual texts were referred to with thesumerogramSÌR, “song”, a designation also used for Hittite compositions about the exploits ofGilgamesh.[133]The Hurrian word corresponding to this sign is unknown, while in Hittite it was most likely read asišḫamai-.[134]Preservedincipitsindicate that they might have been sung.[135]However, it is not certain if they necessarily originated as oral compositions, even though the heavy reliance ondirect speechmight further support the possibility that the discovered versions were meant to be performed.[136]

The core theme of myths grouped under the label of "Kumarbi Cycle" are Kumarbi’s attempts to dethroneTeshub.[137]The individual texts frequently characterize him as cunning (ḫattant-), and describe him plotting new schemes meant to bring upon the defeat of the weather god.[138]As noted by Daniel Schwemer, ancient authors introduced a sense ofsuspenseto the narratives by having each of the plans appear to be successful in the short term.[139]Typically they involve a new enemy set up by Kumarbi to battle Teshub.[131]However, the adversaries are eventually defeated, though not necessarily destroyed.[140]Harry Hoffner has noted that the myths appear to present the two main characters and their allies in contrasting ways: Kumarbi is aided by figures linked to the underworld, such asAlalu,thedeified sea,Ullikummior the Irširra deities, while Teshub by heavenly deities such asŠauška,Šimige,Kušuḫ,AštabiorḪepatand hermaidservantTakitu.[54]

The five myths conventionally considered to be a part of the cycle are theSong of Kumarbi(CTH344), theSong ofLAMMA(CTH 343), theSong of Silver(CTH 364), theSong ofḪedammu(CTH 348) and theSong of Ullikummi(CTH 345).[141]Their arrangement used in the following sections reflects the most commonly accepted order.[142][121]However, the overall number of texts which might have originally formed the cycle is not known.[143]Anna Maria Polvani suggests that it is possible multiple cycles of myths involving Kumarbi existed, assumes the known narratives did not necessarily form a coherent whole.[144]Alfonso Archi states that attempts at arranging them in a chronological order only reflect contemporary “hermeneuticalneeds”, though he agrees that the label “Kumarbi Cycle” should be retained in scholarship for practical reasons to refer to myths which deal with the conflict between Kumarbi and Teshub.[130]Erik van Dongen does not regard Polvani’s proposal as necessarily incorrect, though he states due to the state of preservation of the individual myths, and the shared themes between them, separation into multiple cycles is presently impossible and continuing to refer to them as a singular cycle in scholarship remains preferable.[145]However, he does suggest that it might be more correct to refer to it as a “Kingship in Heaven cycle” than Kumarbi Cycle.[146]Carlo Corti, while he accepts the existence of a cycle of myths involving Kumarbi, has also questioned the label applied to them, and suggests that calling them the cycle of Teshub would more accurately reflect their contents.[147]This objection is also supported byPiotr Taracha[de].[148]

Song of Kumarbi(Song of Emergence)[edit]

TheSong of Kumarbiis uniformly agreed to be beginning of the Kumarbi Cycle.[149]The best known copy of the text is the tablet KUB 33.120, which is poorly preserved, with only around 125-150 lines out of original 350 surviving.[132]Emmanuel Larocheidentified tablet KUB 33.119 as a further section in 1950.[150] Additional sections have been identified on KUB 48.97 + 1194/u.[151]Further known fragments include KUB 36.31, KUB 36.1 and KBo 52.10.[152]A short text written inHurrian,KUB 47.56, is presumed to be a possible variant of the same myth due to a mention ofAlalu,Anuand Kumarbi, though due to the still imperfect understanding of Hurrian its contents remain uncertain.[153]The main tablet has been dated to the first decades of the fourteenth century, but the composition might be older.[154]Amir Gilan has described it as “one of the finest and most sophisticated works of literature to survive from the Hittite world.”[151]

The titleSong of Kumarbihas originally been proposed byHans Gustav Güterbock.[155]However, the first translation of the text was published asThe Kingship among the Gods.[151]It has been variously referred to asKingship in HeavenorTheogonyas well.[156]More recent publications use the titleSong of Emergence.[132][157]It was established based on new joins to the texts, including acolophon,originally identified in 2007.[151]As noted by Carlo Corti, the text is labeled in it as the song of GÁ✕È.A, which based on the information provided by the multilingual edition of thelexical listErimḫušcan be interpreted as a writing of the Hittite phrasepara-kán pauwar,which makes it possible to translate the title literally as “song of departure”, and metaphorically as the “song of emergence” or “song of genesis”.[158]The fragment also identifies a certain Ašḫapala as the scribe responsible for copying the text.[159]

The myth begins with an invocation ofprimeval deities,who are invited to listen to the narrator’s song about the deeds of Kumarbi, and with an account the reigns of three “kings in heaven” are described, without the origin of any of them being mentioned.[160]The first of the kings of the gods is Alalu, who after nine years is overthrown by hiscupbearerAnu, who forces him to flee to the “Dark Earth”,[36]the underworld.[54]Anu is in turn overthrown by his own cupbearer Kumarbi, described as “scion of Alalu”, who fought him after first serving him for nine years.[36]Some of thekaluti[de]lists belonging to the cult ofTeshubpreserve an order of deities reflecting the succession described in this passage.[108]The length of the reigns is most likely symbolic, and according to Gery Beckman in the light of the central themes of this work might be a reference to the nine months of human pregnancy.[161]Kumarbi let Anu flee after defeating him, though only after biting off and swallowing his genitals.[36]Anu then taunts him:

Do not rejoice over your belly, for I have placed a burden in your belly. First, I have impregnated you with the mighty Storm-god[d].Second, I have impregnated you with the River Tigris,[e]not to be borne. Third, I have impregnated you with the mightyTašmišu.I have placed three frightful deities as a burden in your belly, and you will end up banging your head against the rocks of Mt. Tašša![164]

Kumarbi spits out some of Anu’s semen, which falls on the mountain Kanzura which becomes pregnant with Tašmišu instead, though this still leaves the remaining two children inside him, and he travels toNippurto seek a solution.[47]It is presumed that the reference to this city reflected the theological tradition known from the Syro-Hurrian milieu, according to which Kumarbi and its main god,Enlil,were regarded as analogous.[165]He apparently discusses the best course of action with Anu,Eaand Teshub, in this passage designated by the epithet KA.ZAL.[47]Following the weather god’s argument that the only safe way for him to leave Kumarbi’s body would be to split the skull of the latter, thefate goddessesperform this operation, and subsequently mend the head “like a garment” while apparently the river Tigris leaves through another, unspecified, route.[166]Kumarbi is not fond of his newborn children, and demands to have Teshub (here referred to as NAM.ḪÉ, “abundance” ) to be handed over to him so that he can devour or crush him.[167]However, a stone is given to him as a substitute and he breaks his teeth trying to bite it.[168]

It is assumed that the ultimate outcome of the myth, while not preserved, was most likely favorable for Teshub.[169]However, he was not yet granted kingship over the gods, and in a surviving passage seemingly expresses displeasure, cursing the older deities.[170]

Song of LAMMA[edit]

TheSong of LAMMA,also known as theSong of KAL,is focused on a deity designated by thesumerogramLAMMA.[171]It is considered improbable that a Mesopotamianlamma(lamassu) is meant, and Alfonso Archi suggests that the name is a logographic writing ofKarḫuḫi.[172]In the beginning of the narrative, LAMMA manages to defeatTeshubandŠauška.[171]He is selected to act as theking of the godsby Kumarbi and Ea.[173]He ignores the advice ofKubaba,who implores him to meet with the other gods.[171]Ea and Kumarbi as a result eventually grow displeased with him.[174]The former sends a messenger to the underworld to discuss how to depose LAMMA with Nara-Napšara, a pair of primeval deities, and in the end he is seemingly defeated and subsequently subjugated by Teshub.[171]

Anna Maria Polvani notes thatSong of LAMMAappears to indicate that Kumarbi was not necessarily always portrayed as seeking kingship for himself or his sons, as he also supports LAMMA.[173]However, Harry Hoffner argues that it is not impossible that he was also regarded as a son of Kumarbi.[54]

Song of Silver[edit]

The classification of theSong of Silveras a part of the cycle is not universally accepted.[100]The text does not explicitly refer to kingship among the gods or to the defeat of the eponymous figure, Silver,[f]and the assumptions that it structurally resembled other myths belonging to theKumarbi Cycle,while considered plausible, is only conjectural.[176]

In the beginning, the narrator praises Silver, crediting “wise men” as the source of information about him.[175]Daniel Schwemer interprets him as the personification of the metal he represented.[55]He is described as a son of a mortal woman and a god described as the “father ofUrkesh”,presumed to be Kumarbi.[176]Silver’s name is written without the so-called divinedeterminative,and according to Alfonso Archi the myth most likely reflects the belief that a couple consisting of a deity and a mortal would have mortal offspring.[177]

Other boys mock Silver because he was raised without a father.[178]However, he is not actually an orphan, as his father has merely abandoned him.[176]His mother eventually fearfully reveals to him that his father is Kumarbi, that his siblings areTeshubandŠauška,and that he should head to Urkesh, but when he reaches this city, he learns that he is gone from his house, and instead wanders the mountains.[178]The rest of the myth is poorly preserved, but according to Harry Hoffner’s restoration Silver confronts the heavenly gods, bringing the sun and the moon down from heaven temporarily.[179]Despite initial success he was presumably subsequently defeated.[175]

Song of Ḫedammu[edit]

Main article:Ḫedammu

In theSong of Ḫedammu,Kumarbi fathers a new opponent meant to defeatTeshub,a voracious sea monster.[180]He is conceived after Kumarbi meets with the deified sea (Kiaše) and decides to have a child with his daughterŠertapšuruḫi[de].[181]Their offspring is described as atarpanalli( “substitute”, “rival” ) of Teshub.[182]

Apparently the initial emergence of Ḫedammu leads to a destructive confrontation between Teshub’s allies and Kumarbi which puts mankind into danger, which promptsEato rebuke both factions in the divine assembly:[181]

(...) Ea began to say: “Why are you destroying mankind? They will not give sacrifices to the gods. They will not burn cedar and incense to you. If you destroy mankind, they will no longer worship the gods. No one will offer bread or libations to you any longer. Even Teššub,Kummiya’s heroic king, will himself work the plow. (...) Ea, King of Wisdom, said to Kumarbi: “Why are you, o Kumarbi, seeking to harm mankind? Does not the mortal take a grain heap and do they not promptly offer it to you, Kumarbi? Does he make offering to you alone, Kumarbi, Father of the Gods, joyfully in the midst of the temple? (...)[183]

Anna Maria Polvani notes that he apparently presents Kumarbi and Teshub as equals.[184]It has also been noted that this scene seemingly marks the beginning of Ea’s estrangement from Kumarbi, which eventually leads to him supporting Teshub against him in the Song of Ullikummi.[181]Kumarbi is displeased about being rebuked in front of other gods, and, possibly calling himself the son of Alalu, mentions the deity Ammezzadu in an unknown context while complaining about Ea’s words.[185]He subsequently orders his servantMukišānu[de]to take a secret subterranean route to summon the sea god for a meeting during which they will discuss their plans.[181]The remaining surviving fragments outline Šauška’s preparation for a second confrontation with Ḫedammu,[186]which presumably culminates in his defeat, described in the now lost ending.[181]

Song of Ullikummi[edit]

Main article:Ullikummi
A possible representation of scenes from theSong of Ullikummion thegolden bowl of Hasanlu

TheSong of Ullikummiis focused on Kumarbi’s effort to destroy Teshub with the help of Ullikummi, a stone giant whose name means “DestroyKumme!”,Kumme being the city of Teshub.[187]It has been pointed out that this explicit goal adds a personal dimension to the conflict.[176]Both Hittite and Hurrian versions exist, though they are not direct translations of each other, which might indicate the myth was transmitted orally.[188]Most likely its compilers were familiar with theSong of Ḫedammu.[79]In both myths, the challengers are addressed as “substitutes” (tarpanalli).[189]Furthermore, both portray Kumarbi and the sea god as allies, and in both Šauška (dIŠTAR) attempts to seduce the eponymous monsters to subdue them.[184]

In the beginning of the composition, Kumarbi devises a new plan[190]and travels fromUrkeshto a coldspring,where he spots an enormous stone which he deems to be a suitable candidate to impregnate to create a new opponent for Teshub.[191]After a lacuna, the sea sends his messenger,Impaluri,to ask Kumarbi why he is angry with him, and to invite him for a feast, which he subsequently attends alongside his messenger Mukišānu.[192]The next surviving passage, preceded by another lacuna, describes the birth of Kumarbi’s new son.[193]The child is presented to him by the fate goddesses, and he proclaims that his name will be Ullikummi.[187]This scene might be depicted on thegolden bowl of Hasanlu.[95][194]Kumarbi states that Ullikummi will be able to destroy Teshub in the future, but for the time being needs to be hidden to have time to grow away from the sight of the weather god and his allies, and instructs Impaluri to summon the Irširra deities.[195]He entrusts the Irširra with taking him to the underworld and placing him on the shoulders ofUpelluri,anAtlas-like being.[196]They first take it toEnlil,who instantly recognizes him as a product of Kumarbi’s “evil plot” and presumes he is supposed to supplant Teshub.[197]Subsequently Ullikummi is placed on the shoulder of Upelluri, as ordered by Kumarbi.[198]Teshub and his allies later attempt to battle the fully grown Ullikummi, but they fail to defeat him and he eventually manages to block the access to the temple of Teshub's wifeḪepat,trapping her inside.[199]Teshub eventually secures the help ofEaatTašmišu’s suggestion.[200]Ea subsequently consults Enlil, Upelluri and the "primordial gods"residing in the underworld and recovers a primordial tool which was used to separate earth from heaven long ago, with which he plans to separate Ullikummi from Upelluri.[201]Afterwards Teshub once again battles the giant.[202]Presumably the composition ended with the weather god’s victory.[196]

Possibly related texts[edit]

It is commonly assumed that fragmentary myth preserved on the tablet KBo 22.87 belongs to the Kumarbi Cycle.[203]It describes the reign of a deity named Eltara, one of the “ancient gods”known from presumably related myths.[204]His relation to Kumarbi remains unclear.[156]It has been suggested that the text might deal with the final victory ofTeshubover his adversaries,[176]though it has also been interpreted as an example of a narrative focused on a “minor kingship” as Eltara does not appear in sequences of “kings in heaven” in other sources, which listAlalu,Anuand Kumarbi.[30]

TheSong of the Sea(CTH785; preserved on tablets KBo 8.86 and KUB 44.7[205]) might represent a further section of the Kumarbi Cycle.[206]It most likely describes a battle between Teshub and the deified sea, though due to imperfect understanding of Hurrian little is known about the details of its plot.[207]Kumarbi is mentioned in a damaged passage near the end of tablet KUB 44.7, though it is only possible to establish that he has a speaking role.[208]It has also been argued that theSong of the Seamight have influenced the portrayal the eponymous being his ally in theSong of ḪedammuandSong of Ullikummi.[209]Ian Rutherford suggests thatSong of the Seamight belong before the Song of Ḫedammuin the commonly accepted sequence of Kumarbi myths, possibly forming the first half of the same narrative, and that the sea offered Kumarbi his daughter in the aftermath of his defeat at the hands of Teshub, though he notes that an alternate proposal is to place it before theSong of LAMMA,in which case it would instead document the start of Teshub’s rise to power.[210]Daniel Schwemer in a more recent study argues that a confrontation between Teshub and the sea might have been the final section of the Kumarbi Cycle, in the aftermath of which his kingship was firmly established.[139]

A possible additional fragment ofSong of the Seais preserved on the tablet KBo 26.105, and relays how Kumarbi urges other deities to pay tribute to the eponymous deity after Teshub fails to defeat him, which results in afloodapparently reaching even the sun and the moon.[211]The text breaks off after due to lack of deities willing to volunteerŠauškais selected to bring the tribute.[212]Kumarbi is seemingly described positively in this case[213]and acts as the counselor of the gods, similarly to howEadoes in other myths.[214]This portrayal is considered unusual, though according to Noga Ayali-Darshan attempts to harmonize it with the more hostile role he plays in other myths, while present in scholarship, are not necessary.[215]She argues that the myth was an adaptation of an otherwise unknown Syrian composition, and Kumarbi was placed in a positive role which originally belonged toDaganinstead, despite the difference between their respective characters.[216]

Alfonso Archi counts the mythEa and the Beast(KUB 36.32 and KUB 36.55[217]) among these belonging to the Kumarbi Cycle.[218]The similarities include references to deities being placed inside someone, presumably Kumarbi, details of the accounts of the births ofAranzaḫand Teshub, and the mention of impregnation by spittle.[219]However, the form of the text differs, as the events are presented as a prophecy given by the eponymous beast (suppalanza) to the god Ea.[189]It might describe the conflict between Kumarbi and Teshub and their respective allies.[220]Ian Rutherford proposes that the events ofEa and the Beastmight be placed in the cycle either directly before theSong of Emergence,with Ea learning about the events involving Kumarbi and Teshub in advance, or after it with the beast in part recounting what has already happened.[221]He also notes that while the characterization of Ea differs, as he is apparently portrayed as ignorant despite his usual role as an epitome of wisdom, it is possible that the author intended a scene in which the beast rhetorically asks him “Don’t you know?” to parallel questions Ea himself asksEnliland the giantUpelluriin theSong of Ullikummi.[222]He suggests that this might further support classifying the text as part of the Kumarbi Cycle, as Ea learning about the outcome of the conflict between Kumarbi and Teshub could explain why his attitude towards the latter seemingly changes for the better through the individual myths.[223]

Song of Oil(Song of Ḫašarri[224]) has been classified as a part of the Kumarbi Cycle by Ilya Yakubovich,[225]Erik van Dongen[146]and a number of other authors, though this proposal has been evaluated as implausible by Meindert Dijkstra.[226]In this composition, which is known from a number of fragments in Hurrian,[224]Kumarbi apparently advises Šauška to seek the help of Ea when she faces troubles related to the development of the eponymous being, apparently a personification of olive oil or an olive tree.[226]However, most of his speech is not preserved.[64]

It has also been proposed that the fragment KUB 22.118 belongs to the Kumarbi Cycle.[79][141]It alludes to intercourse between Kumarbi and the personified mountain Wāšitta.[227]The interpretation of two frequently words frequently repeated in it,tuḫḫima-andtuḫḫae-,is a matter of dispute, and the early assumption ofJohannes Friedrich,who assumed they can be translated as “to havelabor pains,to begin to have contractions” is no longer accepted as this term also occurs in other texts in context which makes a link to pregnancy implausible.[228]Emmanuel Larocheinstead suggested interpreting them as terms referring to gasping and suffocation, which has been adopted by a number of dictionaries of Hittite, such asHethitisches HandwörterbuchandChicago Hittite Dictionary.[229]However, this translation did not find universal support either.[230]Alwin Kloekhorst proposes interpreting both terms as related to thestemtuḫḫ-,which occurs in words related to smoke.[231]On this basis he suggests that Wāšitta was a personifiedvolcano,a “smoking mountain”, and that rest of the narrative, which is now lost, described her giving birth to another new opponent of Teshub through an eruption.[232]

Other myths[edit]

A reference to Kumarbi has been identified in a fragment of the Hurrian version of the myth ofKešši,though it is not known what role he played in this narrative.[49]

A Hittite version ofAtrahasis(KUB 8.63 + KBo 53.5[233]), presumably adapted from Hurrian,[130]casts Kumarbi in the role assigned to Enlil in theAkkadianoriginal.[234]A man named Hamsha[g]informs his son, the eponymous protagonist, about actions this god plans to take, but their description is not preserved.[235]Kumarbi is also mentioned in ahistoriolafocused on the flood hero in a text presumed to be a healing ritual of “Hurro-Luwian”background, in the past sometimes classified as a fragment of aGilgameshmyth instead.[236]It is known from two tablets, KUB 8.62 and Bo 5700.[237]

Comparative scholarship[edit]

Piotr Taracha[de]has suggested that victory of Teshub over Kumarbi and his allies in myths conventionally classified as parts of the Kumarbi Cycle might constitute an example of thechaoskampfmotif.[148]Volkert Haascompared Kumarbi’s role as an antagonist seeking to overthrow the rule of another deity to those played by MesopotamianEnmesharraand UgariticMotin myths involving them, and has suggested that all of these narratives might symbolically represent times of hunger or other difficulties.[89]

Christopher Metcalf suggests that the account of Kumarbi’s temporary role as a cupbearer might be derived from Mesopotamian tradition.[238]He compares it to the legends about the rise ofSargon of Akkadto power, such as theSumerian Sargon Legendor the relevant section of theWeidner Chronicle,in which he similarly overthrows the fictional kingUr-ZababaofKishafter serving as his cupbearer or a time.[239]

Parallels between Kumarbi’s ascent to kingship and the Mesopotamian mythTheogony of Dunnuhave been noted byWilfred G. Lambert.[240]It has been pointed out that one point in the latter myth kingship is seized by an unnamed “servant of heaven” (seḫerdḫamorni), in a passage which, while written in Akkadian, uses a Hurrianloanwordto refer to heaven.[241]Lambert also stated that an expository text referring to “" the day whenAnubound the king, the day when kingMardukbound Anu "might be interpreted as a Babylonian counterpart of the succession of kings of the gods in the myths focused on Kumarbi, though he also noted that it most likely reflects a tradition which was well known among contemporaries of the author but was not directly preserved.[242]

Comparisons have been made between the Kumarbi Cycle and theUgariticBaal Cycle,[243]which also deals with a struggle for kingship among the gods.[244]It has been argued that parallels exist between the portrayals of the relations between Kumarbi,KiašeandTeshubwith these betweenEl,YamandBaal,but Daniel Schwemer points out that they are not identical, as Kumarbi actively instigates the conflict while El is a passive figure.[114]Noga Ayali-Darshan additionally suggests that descriptions of Baal as “son ofDagan”might have resulted from adapting the Hurrian tradition about both Kumarbi and Anu being fathers of Teshub, with El playing the role of Kumarbi as Baal’s enemy and Dagan that of his ally.[245]However, Mark S. Smith notes that El is not directly opposed to Baal, and eventually even mourns his death (KTU1.5 VI).[244]He nonetheless accepts that the scene of El naming Yam, who acts as Baal’s rival, can be compared with Kumarbi namingUllikummiin theSong of Ullikummi.[243]He also notes both narratives take place onMount Saphon.[246]

Similarities have been pointed out between theSong of the Seaand theancient EgyptianAstarte Papyrus.[212][247]They include a description of the sea covering the earth, a deity associated with grain (respectively Kumarbi andRenenutet) imploring other gods to pay tribute, and a goddess closely associated with a weather god (respectivelyŠauškaandAstarte) being selected to bring it.[248]A single passage describing Astarte undressing additionally shows similarity to scenes from the myths ofḪedammuand Ullikummi involving Šauška.[249]The role assigned to Renenutet is regarded as unusual, as she was a minor deity inancient Egyptian religion,in contrast with Kumarbi in Hurrian religion.[215]Since a direct transmission from a Hurrian source is considered implausible, Noga Ayali-Darshan suggests that both myths were transmitted to the respective cultures from theLevant.[250]Daniel Schwemer similarly assumes that both of them were adaptations of the same hypothetical narrative originating in northernSyria.[212]

A 16th century painting byGiorgio VasariandCristoforo Gherardishowing the castration of Ouranos, a Greek myth possibly influenced by the Kumarbi Cycle.

As early as in the 1940s,[251]arguments have been made that the Kumarbi Cycle contains mythologems which can be considered forerunners of these found inHesiod'sTheogony.[252][132]Comparisons have been made between the roles of Kumarbi andKronosin particular,[253][254]and more broadly between the succession of “kings in heaven” and the reigns ofOuranos,Kronos andZeus.[252]The existence of a relation between the two texts is widely accepted today.[255]The castration of a sky god, and possibly also the swallowing of a rock in place of a deity, are presumed to be two elements of the myth of Kumarbi adopted by Greeks.[256]Gary Beckmanhas expressed skepticism over whether Greeks necessarily received all of the shared elements of the two myths directly from Kumarbi myths, and suggested they might have belonged to a Mediterranean cultural milieu.[132]At the same time, he referred to the birth of Teshub from Kumarbi’s split skull as a “template” for the myth of the birth ofAthenafrom the head of Zeus.[166]This proposal is also regarded as plausible by Ian Rutherford.[257]Differences between the Kumarbi Cycle and theogony have also been pointed out: if the common interpretation that Alalu and Kumarbi are not related to Anu is accepted, kingship is not passed from father to son in the older myth.[258]Furthermore, Kumarbi does not use a weapon to castrate Anu, but rather his teeth.[259]Carolina López-Ruiz accepts that despite the differencesTheogonyrepresents Greek reception of the Kumarbi Cycle, but she notes that a closer parallel can be found in anOrphictheogony from theDerveni papyrus,where Zeus castrates Ouranos, swallows his genitals and thus becomes impregnated with the cosmos, which according to her better reflects the succession from Anu to Kumarbi.[260]She notes Kumarbi and Kronos in theory were figures more similar to each other, and assumes the motif was reinterpreted to suit Zeus instead because the author of this text wanted to emphasize his creative powers.[261]Further similar Orphic myths include an account of castration of Kronos by Zeus and a passage in theOrphic Rhapsodieswhere the latter swallowsPhanes,a figure in this context described as his ancestor.[262]

As an extension of discussion of the possible influence of the Kumarbi Cycle andTheogony,additional parallels have been pointed out between both of these works and the accounts of the reigns of Elyon, Ouranos and El in the writings ofPhilo of Byblos.[252]Hans Gustav Güterbockhas proposed that Philo might have specifically relied on a source forming an intermediate stage between the Kumarbi Cycle andTheogony.[263]However, more recent research stresses that the possibility of influence from early sources on his writing needs to be balanced with their historical context.[264]Albert I. Baumgarten has criticized Güterbock’s position, and argued that none of the myths involved can be described as “intermediary” between others.[265]He also pointed out that despite the frequent comparisons made in scholarship, Philo’sPhoenician Historylacks a number of elements present in the Kumarbi Cycle: Demarous does not challenge the reign of Kronos in the way Teshub challenges Kumarbi, and no battles against monsters occur.[266]He concluded that the Kumarbi Cycle,TheogonyandPhoenician Historymerely represent different takes on a common mythological motif.[267]More recently, it has proposed that the episode in Phoenician Historyin which Ouranos tasks Dagon (Dagan) with raising Damerous, a son he had with a concubine, might constitute a non-violent adaptation of the account of Teshub’s origin as a son of both Anu and Kumarbi in the Kumarbi Cycle, though Dagon does not supplant Ouranos as a ruler.[268]

Ian Rutherford has proposed that an anonymousscholionstating that Kronos was the father ofTyphon,in this context placed inCilicia,might echo a tradition involving Kumarbi, though he remarks the similarity between the Greek monster and Ullikummi or Ḫedammu is vague, and the respective Greek and Anatolian narratives do not parallel each other.[269]

Footnotes[edit]

  1. ^Hurrian:Ušḫune[de][53]
  2. ^However, the relation between Dagan and the corresponding weather god,Baal/Hadad,was not regarded as hostile unlike that between Kumarbi and his son Teshub.[74]
  3. ^The term used is specifically an otherwise unknowndiminutiveform of theLuwianword for mother,anati-ni,which Mark Weeden suggests translating as “mummy”.[126]
  4. ^Represented by thesumerogramdIŠKUR(dIM).[162]It was read asTarḫunnain the Hittite translation, but the deity meant was originallyTeshub.[36]The replacement has been described as “superficial”, and the narrative preserves details supporting identification of the protagonist with the latter god, such as a reference to the bullsŠeri and Ḫurri.[162]
  5. ^Alfonso Archi suggests that the reference to this river might indicate the myth takes place south or southwest oflake Van.[163]
  6. ^The name is typically translated into English.[175][18]
  7. ^Akkadian: “fifty”, as pointed out by Gary Beckman an epithet ofEnlil.[235]The name is written without the divine determinative.[233]The character is not present in the Mesopotamian original.[234]

References[edit]

  1. ^abcdWilhelm 1994,p. 318.
  2. ^abcPardee 2002,p. 281.
  3. ^abcDinçol et al. 2015,p. 66.
  4. ^Güterbock 1983,p. 324.
  5. ^abcGüterbock 1983,p. 325.
  6. ^Válek 2021,p. 53.
  7. ^abcWeeden 2018,p. 351.
  8. ^abArchi 2013,p. 7.
  9. ^Wilhelm 1994,pp. 318–319.
  10. ^abcdFeliu 2003,p. 282.
  11. ^Haas 2015,p. 332.
  12. ^Rahmouni 2008,p. 230.
  13. ^Archi 2015,pp. 603–604.
  14. ^abcArchi 2004,p. 331.
  15. ^abcdeArchi 2004,p. 332.
  16. ^Archi 2004,pp. 331–332.
  17. ^Taracha 2009,p. 99.
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Bibliography[edit]

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