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VMRO-DPMNE

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Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity
Внатрешна македонска револуционерна организација – Демократска партија за македонско национално единство
AbbreviationVMRO-DPMNE
LeaderHristijan Mickoski[1]
Secretary-GeneralGjorgjija Sajkoski
Vice-PresidentAleksandar Nikoloski
Vlado Misajlovski
Timčo Mucunski
Gordana Dimitrievska Kocovska
FoundersLjubčo Georgievski[2]
Dragan Bogdanovski
Boris Zmejkovski
Gojko Jakovlevski[3]
Founded17 June 1990
HeadquartersSkopje
Youth wingYouth Force Union
Ideology
Political positionCentre-righttoright-wing
National affiliationYour Macedonia
European affiliationEuropean People's Party(associate)
International affiliationInternational Democracy Union[5]
ColoursRed
Black
Gold
Assembly
55 / 120
Mayors
42 / 80
Local councils
468 / 1,333
Skopje city council
18 / 45
Website
vmro-dpmne.org.mk

TheInternal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity(Macedonian:Внатрешна македонска револуционерна организација – Демократска партија за македонско национално единство), abbreviated asVMRO-DPMNE(Macedonian:ВМРО–ДПМНЕ), is aconservative[6][7]and the maincentre-right[8][9][10]toright-wing[11]political partyinNorth Macedonia.

It was established as a nationalist and anti-communist party. It has later rebranded itself asChristian-democratic.[2][7][12]The party claims that their goals and objectives are to express the tradition of the Macedonian people on whose political struggle and concepts it is based.[13][14]Nevertheless, it has formed multiple coalition governments withethnic minorityparties.[15]Under the leadership ofLjubčo Georgievskiin the 1990s, the party supported Macedonian independence fromSocialist Yugoslavia,and led a policy of closer relationships with Bulgaria.[16]Georgievski left VMRO-DPMNE and formed theVMRO – People's Partyin 2004.[17]

Under the leadership ofNikola Gruevski,the party promotedultranationalist[18]identity politicsin the form ofantiquisation.Its nationalist stances were often alsoanti-Albanian.[19]During Gruevski's leadership the party changed from apro-Europeanand аpro-NATOpolicy, to aRussophilic,pro-Serbianandanti-Westernone.[20][further explanation needed]His government also managed to build strong anti-EU sentiments within the country.[21][further explanation needed]

Background

The party's full name consists of the acronyms "VMRO" (standing forVnatrešna Makedonska Revolucionerna Organizacijaand referencing theInternal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization(IMRO), a rebel movement formed in 1893)[22]and "DPMNE" (Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity,Demokratska partija za makedonsko nacionalno edinstvo).[23][24]After undergoing various transformations, the original organisation was suppressed after themilitary coup d'état of 1934,in its headquarters in Bulgaria. At that time the territory of the currentNorth Macedoniawas a province calledVardar Banovina,part of theKingdom of Yugoslavia.As theBulgarian army entered Yugoslav Macedoniaas German satellite during WWII, former IMRO members were active in organisingBulgarian Action Committees,charged with taking over the local authorities. After Bulgaria switched to the Allied in September 1944, they tried to create a pro-Bulgarianindependent Macedonian stateunder the protectorate of the Third Reich.[25][26]VMRO–DPMNE claims ideological descent from the old IMRO,[27]although there is no known continuity between the two organisations.[28]The historical IMRO was as a wholepro-Bulgariangrouping,[29][30]and its membership was allowed initially only for Bulgarians.[31][32]

History

Foundation and rise to power

Following the death of Yugoslav PresidentJosip Broz Titoin 1980,SFR Yugoslaviabegan to disintegrate and democratic politics were revived in Macedonia. Many exiles returned to thenSR Macedoniafrom abroad, and a new generation of young Macedonian intellectuals rediscovered the history ofMacedonian nationalism.Dragan Bogdanovskiwho was a proclaimed Macedonian rights movement activist had made a blueprint for aDemocratic Party for Macedonian National Unity.He had also made astatute,book of rules, and an instruction of how the party will work.Ljubčo Georgievskiand Bogdanovski, Boris Zmejkovski, and a few other activists agreed to make a party for a future independent Macedonia. Under the name VMRO–DPMNE, it was founded on 17 June 1990 inSkopje,[33]as a Macedonian nationalist and anti-communist party.[34][23][35]Georgievski was elected as the party's first president in the constituent assembly.[36]The party advocated for the independence of Macedonia, the withdrawal of theYugoslav National Army,creation of aMacedonian defence force,establishment of an independent currency and international recognition as a sovereign state.[37]

After thefirst multi-party electionsin 1990, VMRO–DPMNE became the strongest party in the parliament.[38]It did not form a government because it did not achieve a majority of seats; this forced it to form a coalition with an ethnic Albanian party, but it refused to do so. The party boycotted the second round of the1994 electionsclaiming fraud in the first round.[36]During the early 1990s, the party presented itself as an extreme right-wing nationalist party with anti-Albanian sentiments.[23]It also promoted the irredentist concept ofUnited Macedonia.[39]By the mid-1990s, it created offices in most major cities.[38]The party opposed the 1995 Interim Accord with Greece.[40]During that period, the party moderated its rhetoric.[23]After winning the1998 election,VMRO–DPMNE formed a coalition government with theDemocratic AlternativeandDemocratic Party of Albanians(DPA), with Georgievski as Prime Minister.[36]In 1999, VMRO–DPMNE's candidateBoris Trajkovskiwas elected President. Under Georgievski, there was an improvement inBulgaria–Macedonia relations.[17]He signed a bilateral agreement with Bulgarian prime ministerIvan Kostovregarding good neighbourly relations.[14]

In 2001, the party participated in a government of national unity.[41]VMRO–DPMNE's government was defeated at the2002 parliamentary elections.In an alliance with theLiberal Party of Macedonia,VMRO–DPMNE won 28 out of 120 seats. In 2004 Trajkovski died in a plane crash andBranko Crvenkovskiwas elected president, defeating VMRO–DPMNE's candidateSaško Kedev.After losing the 2002 elections, Georgievski left the party and established theVMRO-NPin 2004.[17]

Nikola Gruevskiwas elected as the new leader of the party in May 2003.[36]The widespread public support for EU membership in the 2000s encouraged the party to evolve into a moderate and pro-European party.[38]It also rebranded itself as centre-right and Christian democratic.[2]VMRO-DPMNE opposed the legalisation of theTetovo Universityin early 2004.[24]The party became the largest party in parliament again after a net gain of over a dozen seats in the2006 parliamentary elections.With 44 of 120 seats, the party formed a government in coalition with the DPA again, with Gruevski becoming the prime minister.[36]In its 2006 party programme, it emphasised the pursuit of EU and NATO membership as its major foreign policy goals.[42]On 15 May 2007, the party became an observer-member of theEuropean People's Party.[17]

The party won2008 early parliamentary elections.In the 120-seat Assembly, VMRO–DPMNE won 63 seats and formed a coalition government with the Democratic Union for Integration.[7][36]In 2009, the VMRO–DPMNE-led coalition "For a better Macedonia" won 56 out of 84municipalities,the party's presidential candidateGjorge Ivanovalso won thepresidential election.[43]The party won again in the2011 early parliamentary elections.VMRO–DPMNE won 56 seats of the 120-seat Assembly of the Republic of Macedonia, the party formed a government in coalition with the Democratic Union for Integration in the Macedonian Parliament (mandate period 2011–2015). In 2014,early parliamentary electionswere held together with the presidential election, VMRO–DPMNE won again 61 seats of the 120-seat Assembly and formed agovernment in coalitionwith theDemocratic Union for Integration(mandate period 2014–2018).

Antiquisation and Skopje 2014

See also:AntiquisationandSkopje 2014

The party pursued the "antiquisation"policy between 2006 and 2017, in which it sought to claimancient Macedonianfigures likeAlexander the GreatandPhilip II of Macedonfor the country. The policy was pursued since its coming to power in 2006,[44]and especially since Macedonia's non-invitation to NATO in 2008, as a way of putting pressure on Greece as well as in an attempt to construct a new identity on the basis of a presumed link to the world of antiquity.[45][46]The policy received academic criticism as it demonstrated feebleness of archaeology and other historical disciplines in public discourse, as well as a danger ofmarginalization.[47]The policy also attracted criticism domestically, by ethnic Macedonians within the country, who saw as dangerously dividing the country between those who identify withclassical antiquityand those who identify with the country's Slavic culture.[45]EthnicAlbanianssaw it as an attempt to marginalize them and exclude them from the national narrative.[45]Bulgariaalso accused the country of falsification of history.[45]According to researcher Anastas Vangeli, it harmed interethnic relations and the country's international position.[48]Foreign diplomats warned that the policy reduced international sympathy for Macedonia's position in the naming dispute with Greece.[45]SDSMwas opposed to theSkopje 2014project and alleged that the monuments could have cost six to ten times less than what the government paid, which may already have exceeded 600 million euros.[49][50][51]In 2012, a statue of the member of the IMROSimeon Radev,who was also a Bulgarian diplomat, was installed on the building of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs but it was later taken down, and according toMakfax,with the explanation that it had been a mistake.[52][53]The party built new headquarters for itself in Skopje in 2015.[54]

Macedonian political crisis

See also:2011 Macedonian protests,2015 Macedonian protests,2016 Macedonian protests,and2017 storming of Macedonian Parliament

In the 2010s and the 2020s, Georgievski criticised the party several times, seeing it as a personal failure and a fake party without any ideology, and etc.[55]The party opposed the Friendship Treaty with Bulgaria in 2017.[56]

As a result of the political crisis, the political parties signed thePržino Agreement,which also resulted in the resignation of Gruevski in January 2016.[57][58]VMRO-DPMNE was widely accused of nepotism and authoritarianism and was involved in a series of wiretapping, corruption and money-laundering scandals, with the Macedonian Special Prosecution ordering in 2017 a series of investigations against the party's former leader and ex-Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski, as well as ministers and other high-ranked officials, for involvement in illegal activities. In 2018, amid ongoing investigations, a Skopje court froze the party's property assets.[59]Gruevski himself was sentenced to two years in prison for the illegal purchase of a Mercedes car in 2018 butfledto Hungary when he was ordered to serve his prison sentence.[60]Nevertheless, he remained an honorary chairman of the party until July 2020.[61]On 8 October 2018,Gordana Jankulovska,the former Minister of Interior and senior member of the party, was sentenced to six years in prison for illegally purchasing the Mercedes, which Gruevski had used secretly.[62][63]

Mickoski's leadership

Hristijan Mickoskibecame the leader of the party on 23 December 2017, replacing Gruevski.[64]VMRO-DPMNE has been criticised for its hard-line stance against thePrespa Agreementthat was reached in June 2018 between theRepublic of MacedoniaandGreece,which resolved the long-standingMacedonia naming disputeby renaming the country asNorth Macedoniaand recognising that Macedonian culture and language are distinct and unrelated toancient Hellenic civilisation.On 16 October 2018,US Assistant Secretary of StateWess Mitchellsent a letter to Mickoski, in which he expressed the disappointment of the United States with the positions of the party's leadership, including him personally, regarding its position against the Prespa agreement and asked him to "set aside partisan interests" and work to get the name change approved.[65][66][67]Despite the party's opposition, eight deputies of the party voted in favour of the initiation of the constitutional amendments to allow the country's name change.[68][17]

In April 2022, aBulgarian clubnamed after the last leader of the historical IMRO,Ivan Mihailov,was officially opened inBitola.After its opening, the club was set on fire, and Mickoski demanded that the arsonist, who was arrested, be released.[69]The deputy chairman of the party Alexander Nikoloski expressed later his support to the decision of the Commission for Protection against Discrimination, which announced that the club "Ivan Mihailov" is discriminative towards the citizens of the country on national and ethnic grounds. VMRO-DPMNE deputyRashela Mizrahideclared also the last leader of the organisation whose name it bears to be afascist.[70][71]Later, the party submitted a bill demanding that such names be banned for use in the country to increase distancing from fascism and Nazism.[72][73]The bill was adopted, in collaboration with the Social Democratic Union of Macedonia.[74]

The party became the main oppositional force which participated in the2022 North Macedonia protests,surrounding its accession into theEU.[75][76]In September 2022, the party proposed a referendum under which the friendship treaty between Bulgaria and North Macedonia would be denounced.[77][78]The party is against the recognition of theBulgarians in North Macedoniaas an official ethnic minority, which isconditio sine qua nonthe country to become a member of the EU.[79][80]In this way, the party effectively halted the European integration of North Macedonia.[81]The party won the2024 parliamentary elections.[82][83]It formed a government withVLENandZNAMin June.[84]

Youth Force Union

TheYouth Force Union(Macedonian:Унија на млади сили на ВМРО-ДПМНЕ), also known asUMS(Macedonian:УМС), is the youth wing organisation of the VMRO-DPMNE, formed in 1991.[85]

A number of projects arising from the Youth Force Union were conducted in the past 20 years. It organised demonstrations against the introduction of the Albanian language in the pedagogical faculty of theUniversity of Skopjein 1997.[86][87]

Election results

Presidential elections

Election Party candidate Votes % Votes % Result
First round Second round
1994 Ljubiša Georgievski 197,109 21.6% - - LostRed XN
1999 Boris Trajkovski 219,098 21.1% 582,808 53.2% ElectedGreen tickY
2004 Saško Kedev 309,132 34.1% 329,179 37.4% LostRed XN
2009 Gjorge Ivanov 345,850 35.04% 453,616 63.14% ElectedGreen tickY
2014 449,442 51.69% 534,910 55.28% ElectedGreen tickY
2019 Gordana Siljanovska-Davkova 318,341 44.16% 377,713 46.41% LostRed XN
2024 363,085 41.21% 561,000 69.01% ElectedGreen tickY

Assembly elections

Election Party leader Vote % Seats +/– Position Government
1990 Ljubčo Georgievski First round 154,101 14.3%
38 / 120
 Increase38 Increase1st Opposition
Second round 238,367 29.9%
1994 First round 141,946 14.3%
0 / 120
 Decrease38 Extra-parliamentary
Second round Boycotted
1998 First round 312,669 28.1%
49 / 120
 Increase49 Increase1st Government
Second round 381,196 49%
2002 298,404 25%
33 / 120
 Decrease16 Decrease2nd Opposition
2006 Nikola Gruevski 303,543 32.5%
45 / 120
 Increase12 Increase1st Government
2008 481,501 48.48%
63 / 120
 Increase18 Steady1st Government
2011 438,138 39.98%
56 / 123
 Decrease7 Steady1st Government
2014 481,615 42.98%
61 / 123
 Increase5 Steady1st Government
2016 454,519 38.14%
51 / 120
 Decrease10 Steady1st Opposition
2020 Hristijan Mickoski 315,344 34.57%
44 / 120
 Decrease7 Decrease2nd Opposition
2024 436,407 44.58%
58 / 120
 Increase14 Increase1st Government

See also

References

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  70. ^"Influx of Anti-Bulgarian Rhetoric by the Macedonian Elite".Sofia News Agency.20 April 2022.
  71. ^"Игра на клубове: новите български сдружения разпалиха битката на власт и опозиция в Скопие".Дневник(in Bulgarian). 18 October 2022.
  72. ^"ВМРО-ДПМНЕ предлага закон за" спорни имена на сдружения "след откриването на български клубове".Dir.bg(in Bulgarian). 17 October 2022.
  73. ^"Лидерът на ВМРО-ДПМНЕ преброи 173 българи в Северна Македония".Mediapool.bg(in Bulgarian). 8 October 2022.
  74. ^"Parliament adopts amendments to laws on associations and political parties".MIA.2 November 2022.
  75. ^Margarita Assenova (8 July 2022)."The Balkans Are Heating up Again".Jamestown.
  76. ^"Debate Derailed In North Macedonian Parliament Amid Unrest Over Proposed Deal With EU, Bulgaria".Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.7 July 2022.
  77. ^"ВМРО-ДПМНЕ обяви въпроса за референдума, свързан с Договора за приятелство с България".Dir.bg(in Bulgarian). 5 September 2022.
  78. ^"North Macedonia Opposition Seeks Referendum Against Bulgaria Deal".Balkan Insight.6 September 2022.
  79. ^Лилия Чалева (16 August 2022)."Мицкоски се зарече да напусне политиката, ако българите бъдат вписани в Конституцията на РСМ".Dir.bg(in Bulgarian).
  80. ^"Новият македонски президент подсказа: Политиката ще е против България - Новини от Actualno".actualno(in Bulgarian). 9 May 2024.Retrieved16 May2024.
  81. ^Krassen Nikolov (14 June 2024)."Bulgaria says North Macedonia risks EU accession over recent statements".Euractiv.
  82. ^"North Macedonia set for rocky ties with EU as nationalists win presidential, parliamentary election".Euractiv.9 May 2024.
  83. ^"North Macedonia's parliament elects Hristijan Mickoski as PM".Deutsche Welle.24 June 2024.
  84. ^"Close Allies, Fewer Albanians and a Moscow Fan – North Macedonia's Govt Takes Shape".Balkan Insight.20 June 2024.
  85. ^"УНИЈА НА МЛАДИ СИЛИ НА ВМРО-ДПМНЕ".ВМРО-ДПМНЕ(in Macedonian).Retrieved17 July2024.
  86. ^Oliver P. Richmond; Gëzim Visoka, eds. (2022).The Palgrave Encyclopedia Of Peace And Conflict Studies.Springer Nature. p. 353.ISBN9783030779542.
  87. ^Florian Bieber (2019).The Rise of Authoritarianism in the Western Balkans.Springer International Publishing. p. 54.ISBN9783030221485.

Further reading

  • Mattioli, Fabio (2020).Dark Finance: Illiquidity and Authoritarianism at the Margins of Europe.Stanford University Press.ISBN978-1-5036-1294-5.
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