Vichy France
French State État français(French) | |
|---|---|
| 1940–1944[1] | |
| Motto:"Travail, Famille, Patrie" ( "Work, Family, Fatherland" ) | |
| Anthem: "La Marseillaise"(official) "Maréchal, nous voilà!"(unofficial)[2] ( "Marshal, here we are!" ) | |
 The French State in 1942:
| |
 The gradual loss of all Vichy territory toFree Franceand the Allied powers | |
| Status |
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| Capital | |
| Capital-in-exile | Sigmaringen |
| Common languages | French |
| Government | Provisionalrepublicunder acollaborationistauthoritariandictatorship |
| Chief of State | |
• 1940–1944 | Philippe Pétain |
| Prime Minister | |
• 1940–1942 | Philippe Pétain |
• 1940 (acting) | Pierre Laval |
• 1940–1941 (acting) | P.É. Flandin |
• 1941–1942 (acting) | François Darlan |
• 1942–1944 | Pierre Laval |
| Legislature | National Assembly |
| Historical era | World War II |
| 22 June 1940 | |
•Pétaingivenfull powers | 10 July 1940 |
| 8 November 1942 | |
| 11 November 1942 | |
| Summer 1944 | |
| 9 August 1944[1] | |
• Capture of theSigmaringen enclave | 22 April 1945 |
| Currency | French franc |
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| History ofFrance |
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| Topics |
| Timeline |
 France portal |
Vichy France(French:Régime de Vichy;10 July 1940 – 9 August 1944), officially theFrench State(État français), was the Frenchrump stateheaded by MarshalPhilippe PétainduringWorld War II.It was named after its seat of government, the city ofVichy.Officially independent, but with half of itsterritoryoccupied under the harsh terms ofthe 1940 armisticewithNazi Germany,it adopteda policy of collaboration.Though Paris was nominally its capital, the government established itself in the resort town ofVichyin the unoccupied "free zone" (zone libre), where it remained responsible for the civil administration of France as well as itscolonies.[3]Theoccupation of France by Nazi Germanyat first affected only the northern and western portions of the country, but in November 1942 the Germans and Italiansoccupiedthe remainder ofMetropolitan France,ending any pretence of independence by the Vichy government.
TheThird French Republichad begun the war in September 1939 on the side of theAllies.On 10 May 1940, it wasinvaded by Nazi Germany.The German Army rapidly broke through the Allied lines by bypassing the highly fortifiedMaginot Lineand invadingthrough Belgium,Luxembourg,and as an extension,the Ardennes.By mid-June, the military situation of the French was dire, and it was apparent that it would lose the battle for Metropolitan France. The French government began to discuss the possibility of an armistice.Paul Reynaudresigned as prime minister rather than sign an armistice, and was replaced by MarshalPhilippe Pétain,a hero ofWorld War I.Shortly thereafter, Pétain signed theArmistice of 22 June 1940.
At Vichy, Pétain established an authoritarian government that reversed many liberal policies and began tight supervision of the economy. Conservative Catholics became prominent, and Paris lost itsavant-gardestatus in European art and culture. The media were tightly controlled and promotedantisemitismand, afterOperation Barbarossastarted in June 1941,anti-Sovietism.The terms of the armistice allowed some degree of independence and neutrality to the Vichy government, such as keeping theFrench NavyandFrench colonial empireunder French control and avoiding full occupation of the country by Germany. Despite heavy pressure, the Vichy government never joined theAxis powersand even remained formally at war with Germany. In practice, Vichy France became acollaborationist regime.
Germany kepttwo million French prisoners-of-warand imposedforced labour(service du travail obligatoire) on young Frenchmen. French soldiers were kept hostage to ensure that Vichy would reduce its military forces and pay a heavy tribute in gold, food, and supplies to Germany. French police were ordered toround up Jewsand other "undesirables" such ascommunistsand political refugees, and at least 72,500 French Jews were killed inNazi concentration camps.[4]
Most of the French public initially supported the regime, but opinion turned against the Vichy government and the occupying German forces as the war dragged on and living conditions in France worsened. Open opposition intensified as it became clear that Germany was losing the war. TheFrench Resistance,working largely in concert with the London-basedFree Francemovement, increased in strength over the course of the occupation. After theliberation of Francebegan in 1944, the Free FrenchProvisional Government of the French Republic(GPRF) was installed as the new national government, led byCharles de Gaulle.
The last of the Vichy exiles were captured in theSigmaringen enclavein April 1945. Pétain was put on trial for treason by the new Provisional Government, and sentenced to death, but this was commuted to life imprisonment byde Gaulle.Only four senior Vichy officials were tried forcrimes against humanity,although many had participated in the deportation of Jews, abuses of prisoners, and severe acts against members of the Resistance.
Overview[edit]
 | This sectionneeds additional citations forverification.(April 2013) |
In 1940, MarshalPhilippe Pétainwas known as a World War I hero, who was the victor of theBattle of Verdun.As the lastFrench prime ministerof the Third Republic, he was a reactionary by inclination and blamed the Third Republic's democracy for France's sudden defeat by Germany. He set up a paternalistic authoritarian regime that actively collaborated with Germany, despite Vichy's official neutrality. The Vichy government co-operated withthe Germans' Nazi racial policies.
Terminology[edit]
After theNational Assemblyunder theThird Republicvoted to give full powers to Pétain on 10 July 1940, the nameRépublique française(French Republic) disappeared from all official documents. From then on, the regime was referred to officially as theÉtat Français(French State). Because of its unique situation in the history of France, its contested legitimacy[1]and the generic nature of its official name, the "French State" is most often represented in English by the synonyms "Vichy France"; "Vichy regime"; "government of Vichy"; or, in context, simply "Vichy".
The territory under the control of the French State was based in the city of Vichy, in the unoccupied southern portion of Metropolitan France. This was south of theLine of Demarcationas established by theArmistice of 22 June 1940.It also included the overseas French territories, such asFrench North Africa,which was "an integral part of Vichy", with Antisemitic policies implemented in Vichy France also being implemented here. This was called theUnbesetztes Gebiet(Unoccupied Zone) by the Germans, and known as theZone libre(Free Zone) in France, or less formally as the "Southern Zone" (zone du sud) especially afterOperation Anton,the invasion of theZone libreby German forces in November 1942. Othercontemporary colloquial termsfor theZone librewere based on abbreviation and wordplay, such as the "zone nono", for the non-occupied Zone.[5]
Jurisdiction[edit]
In theory, the civil jurisdiction of the Vichy government extended over most ofMetropolitan France,French Algeria,theFrench protectorate in Morocco,theFrench protectorate of Tunisiaand the rest of the French colonial empire that accepted the authority of Vichy; only the disputed border territory ofAlsace-Lorrainewas placed under direct German administration.[6]Alsace-Lorraine was officially still part of France, as theReichnever annexed the region.[7]The Reich government at the time was not interested in attempting to enforce piecemeal annexations in the West although it later annexed Luxembourg; it operated under the assumption that Germany's new western border would be determined in peace negotiations, which would be attended by all of the Western Allies and thus producing a frontier that would be recognised by all of the major powers. Since Hitler's overall territorial ambitions were not limited to recovering Alsace-Lorraine, and Britain was never brought to terms, those peace negotiations never took place.
The Nazis had some intention of anne xinga large swath of northeastern France,replacing that region's inhabitants with German settlers, and initially forbade French refugees from returning to the region, but the restrictions were never thoroughly enforced and were basically abandoned following theinvasion of the Soviet Union,which had the effect of turning German territorial ambitions almost exclusively to the East. German troops guarding the boundary line of the northeasternZone interditewere withdrawn on the night of 17–18 December 1941, but the line remained in place on paper for the remainder of the occupation.[8]
Nevertheless, effectively Alsace-Lorraine was annexed: German law applied to the region, its inhabitants were conscripted into theWehrmacht[9]and pointedly the customs posts separating France from Germany were placed back where they had been between 1871 and 1918. Similarly, a sliver of French territory in the Alps was under direct Italian administration from June 1940 to September 1943. Throughout the rest of the country, civil servants were under the formal authority of French ministers in Vichy.[citation needed]René Bousquet,the head of French police nominated by Vichy, exercised his power in Paris through his second-in-command,Jean Leguay,who coordinated raids with the Nazis. German laws took precedence over French laws in the occupied territories, and the Germans often rode roughshod over the sensibilities of Vichy administrators.
On 11 November 1942, following the landing of the Allies in North Africa (Operation Torch), theAxislaunchedOperation Anton,occupying southern France and disbanding the strictly limited "Armistice Army"that Vichy had been allowed by the armistice.
Legitimacy[edit]
Vichy's claim to be the legitimate French government was denied by Free France and by all subsequent French governments[1]after the war. They maintain that Vichy was an illegal government run bytraitors,having come to power through an unconstitutionalcoup d'état.Pétain wasconstitutionallyappointed prime minister by President Lebrun on 16 June 1940 and he was legally within his rights to sign the armistice with Germany; however, his decision to ask the National Assembly to dissolve itself while granting him dictatorial powers has been more controversial. Historians have particularly debated the circumstances of the vote by the National Assembly of the Third Republic granting full powers to Pétain on 10 July 1940. The main arguments advanced against Vichy's right to incarnate the continuity of the French state were based on the pressure exerted by Pierre Laval, a former prime minister in the Third Republic, on the deputies in Vichy and on the absence of 27 deputies and senators who had fled on the shipMassiliaand so could not take part in the vote. However, during the war, theVichy government was internationally recognised,[10]notably by the United States[11]and several other major Allied powers.[12][13][14]Diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom had been severed since 8 July 1940 after theattack on Mers-el-Kébir.
Julian T. Jacksonwrote, "There seems little doubt... that at the beginning Vichy was both legal and legitimate". He stated that if legitimacy comes from popular support, Pétain's massive popularity in France until 1942 made his government legitimate, and if legitimacy comes from diplomatic recognition, over 40 countries, including the United States, Canada, and China, recognised the Vichy government. According to Jackson,de Gaulle's Free French acknowledged the weakness of its case against Vichy's legality by citing multiple dates (16 June, 23 June and 10 July) for the start of Vichy's illegitimate rule, implying that at least for some time, Vichy was still legitimate.[15]Countries recognised the Vichy government despitede Gaulle's attempts in London to dissuade them; only the German occupation of all of France in November 1942 ended diplomatic recognition. Supporters of Vichy point out that the grant of governmental powers was voted by a joint session of both chambers of the Third Republic Parliament (the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies) in keeping with the constitutional law.
Ideology[edit]
The Vichy regime sought an anti-moderncounter-revolution.Thetraditionalistrightin France, with strength in thearistocracyand amongRoman Catholics,had never accepted the republican traditions of theFrench Revolutionbut demanded a return to traditional lines of culture and religion. It embracedauthoritarianismwhile dismissingdemocracy.[16][17]The Vichy regime also framed itself as decisivelynationalist.[17]French communists, strongest in labour unions, turned against Vichy in June 1941, whenGermany invaded the Soviet Union.[18]Vichy was intensely anti-communist and generally pro-German; American historianStanley G. Paynefound that it was "distinctlyrightistandauthoritarianbut neverfascist".[19]Political scientistRobert Paxtonanalysed the entire range of Vichy supporters, fromreactionariesto moderateliberalmodernizers, and concluded that genuinely fascist elements had only minor roles in most sectors.[20]French historianOlivier Wiewiorkarejects the idea that Vichy France was fascist, noting that "Pétain refused to create a single party state, avoided getting France involved in a new war, hated modernization, and supported the Church".[21]
The Vichy government tried to assert its legitimacy by symbolically connecting itself with theGallo-Romanperiod ofFrance's history,and celebrated theGaulishchieftainVercingetorixas the "founder" of the French nation.[22]It was asserted that just as the defeat of the Gauls in theBattle of Alesia(52 BCE) had been the moment in French history when a sense of common nationhood was born, thedefeat of 1940would again unify the nation.[22]The Vichy government's "francisque" insignia featured two symbols from the Gallic period: thebatonand the double-headed hatchet (labrys) arranged so as to resemble thefasces,the symbol of theItalian Fascists.[22]
To advance his message, Pétain frequently spoke onFrench radio.In his radio speeches, Pétain always used the personal pronounje(French for the English word "I" ), portrayed himself as a Christ-like figure sacrificing himself for France and assuming a God-like tone of a semi-omniscient narrator who knew truths about the world that the rest of the French did not.[23]To justify the Vichy ideology of theRévolution nationale( "national revolution" ), Pétain needed a radical break with theFrench Third Republic.During his radio speeches, the entire French Third Republic era was always painted in the blackest of colours as a time ofdécadence( "decadence" ) when theFrench peoplewere alleged to have suffered moral degeneration and decline.[24]
Summarising Pétain's speeches, the British historian Christopher Flood wrote that Pétain blamedla décadenceon "political and economic liberalism, with its divisive,individualisticandhedonisticvalues – locked in sterile rivalry with its antithetical outgrowths, Socialism and Communism ".[25]Pétain argued that rescuing the French people fromdécadencerequired a period of authoritarian government that would restore national unity and thetraditionalistmorality,which Pétain claimed the French had forgotten.[25]Despite his highly-negative view of the Third Republic, Pétain argued thatla France profonde( "deep France", denoting profoundly French aspects of French culture) still existed, and that the French people needed to return to what Pétain insisted was their true identity.[26]Alongside this claim for a moral revolution was Pétain's call for France to turn inwards and to withdraw from the world, which Pétain always portrayed as a hostile and threatening place full of endless dangers for the French.[25]
Joan of ArcreplacedMarianneas the national symbol of France under Vichy, as her status as one of France's best-loved heroines gave her widespread appeal, and the image of Joan as a devoutCatholicandpatriotalso fit well with Vichy's traditionalist message. Vichy literature portrayed Joan as an archetypal virgin and Marianne as an archetypal whore.[27]Under the Vichy regime, the school textbookMiracle de Jeanneby René Jeanneret was required reading, and the anniversary of Joan's death became an occasion for school speeches commemorating her martyrdom.[28]Joan's encounter with angelic voices, according to Catholic tradition, were presented as literal history.[29]The textbookMiracle de Jeannedeclared "the Voices did speak!" in contrast with republican school texts, which had strongly implied Joan was mentally ill.[29]Vichy instructors sometimes struggled to square Joan's military heroism with the classical virtues of womanhood, with one school textbook insisting that girls ought not follow Joan's example literally, saying: "Some of the most notable heroes in our history have been women. But nevertheless, girls should preferably exercise the virtues of patience, persistence and resignation. They are destined to tend to the running of the household... It is in love that our future mothers will find the strength to practise those virtues which best befit their sex and their condition".[30]Exemplifying Vichy propaganda's synthesis of Joan the warrior and Joan the dutiful woman, Anne-Marie Hussenot, speaking at the school at Uriage, stated: "a woman should remember that, in the case of Joan of Arc, or other illustrious women throughout the exceptional mission that was confided to them, they first of all performed humbly and simply their woman's role".[31]
The key component of Vichy's ideology wasAnglophobia.[32]In part, Vichy's virulent Anglophobia was due to its leaders' personal dislike of the British, as Marshal Pétain,Pierre Lavaland AdmiralFrançois Darlanwere all Anglophobes.[33]As early as February 1936, Pétain had told the Italian Ambassador to France that "England has always been France's most implacable enemy" and went on to say that France had "two hereditary enemies", namely Germany and Britain, with the latter being easily the more dangerous of the two; and he wanted a Franco-German-Italian alliance that would partition theBritish Empire,an event that Pétain claimed would solve all of the economic problems caused by theGreat Depression.[34]Beyond that, to justify both the armistice with Germany and theRévolution nationale,Vichy needed to portray the French declaration of war on Germany as a hideous mistake and the French society under the Third Republic as degenerate and rotten.[35]TheRévolution nationaletogether with Pétain's policy ofla France seule( "France alone" ) were meant to "regenerate" France fromla décadence,which was said to have destroyed French society and to have brought about the defeat of 1940. Such a harsh critique of French society could generate only so much support, and as such Vichy blamed French problems on various "enemies" of France, the chief of which was Britain, the "eternal enemy" that had supposedly conspired viaMasonic lodgesto weaken France and then to pressure France into declaring war on Germany in 1939.[35]
No other nation was attacked as frequently and violently as Britain was in Vichy propaganda.[36]In Pétain's radio speeches, Britain was always portrayed as the "Other",a nation that was the complete antithesis of everything good in France, the blood-soaked"Perfidious Albion"and the relentless" eternal enemy "of France whose ruthlessness knew no bounds.[37]Joan of Arc, who had fought against England, was made into the symbol of France partly for that reason.[37]The chief themes of Vichy Anglophobia were British "selfishness" in using and then abandoning France after instigating wars, British "treachery" and British plans to take overFrench colonies.[38]The three examples that were used to illustrate these themes were theDunkirk evacuationin May 1940, the Royal Navyattack at Mers-el-Kébiron the French Mediterranean fleet that killed over 1,300 French sailors in July 1940 and the failedAnglo-Free French attempt to seize Dakarin September 1940.[39]Typical of Vichy anti-British propaganda was the widely distributed pamphlet published in August 1940 and written by self-proclaimed "professional Anglophobe"Henri Béraudentitled,Faut-il réduire l'Angleterre en esclavage?( "Should England Be Reduced to Slavery?" ); the question in the title was merely rhetorical.[40]Additionally, Vichy mixed Anglophobia with racism andanti-Semitismto portray the British as a racially degenerate "mixed race" working for Jewish capitalists, in contrast to the "racially pure" peoples on the continent of Europe who were building a "New Order".[41]In an interview conducted by Béraud with Admiral Darlan published inGringoirenewspaper in 1941, Darlan was quoted as saying that if the "New Order" failed in Europe, it would mean "here in France, the return to power of the Jews and Freemasons subservient to Anglo-Saxon policy".[42]
Fall of France and establishment of the Vichy government[edit]
France declared war on Germany on 3 September 1939 after theGerman invasion of Polandon 1 September. After the eight-monthPhoney War,the Germans launched theiroffensive in the Weston 10 May 1940. Within days, it became clear that French military forces were overwhelmed and that military collapse was imminent.[43]Government and military leaders, deeply shocked by the débâcle, debated how to proceed. Many officials, including Prime MinisterPaul Reynaud,wanted to move the government to French territories in North Africa and to continue the war with the French Navy and colonial resources. Others, particularly Vice-Premier Philippe Pétain and Commander-in-Chief GeneralMaxime Weygand,insisted that the responsibility of the government was to remain in France and share the misfortune of its people; they called for an immediate cessation of hostilities.[44]
While the debate continued, the government was forced to relocate several times to avoid capture by advancing German forces and finally reached Bordeaux. Communications were poor and thousands of civilian refugees clogged the roads. In those chaotic conditions, advocates of an armistice gained the upper hand. The Cabinet agreed on a proposal to seek armistice terms from Germany with the understanding that if Germany set forth dishonourable or excessively-harsh terms, France would retain the option to continue to fight. GeneralCharles Huntziger,who headed the French armistice delegation, was told to break off negotiations if the Germans demanded the occupation of all of Metropolitan France, the French fleet, or any of the French overseas territories. The Germans did not, however, make any of those demands.[45]
Prime Minister Reynaud favoured continuing the war but was soon outvoted by those who advocated an armistice. Facing an untenable situation, Reynaud resigned and, on his recommendation, PresidentAlbert Lebrunappointed the 84-year-old Pétain as the new prime minister on 16 June 1940. Thearmistice with Germanywas signed on 22 June 1940. A separate French agreement was reached with Italy, which had entered the war against France on 10 June, well after the outcome of the battle had been decided.
Adolf Hitlerhad a number of reasons for agreeing to an armistice. He wanted to ensure that France did not continue to fight from North Africa and that the French Navy was taken out of the war. In addition, leaving a French government in place would relieve Germany of the considerable burden of administering French territory, particularly as Hitler turned his attention toward Britain, which did not surrender and fought on against Germany. Finally, as Germany lacked a navy sufficient to occupy France's overseas territories, Hitler's only practical recourse to deny the British the use of those territories was to maintain France's status as ade jureindependent and neutral nation and to send a message to Britain that it was alone, with France appearing to switch sides and the United States remaining neutral. However, German espionage against France after its defeat intensified greatly, particularly in southern France.[46]
Conditions of armistice[edit]
As per the terms of the Franco-German armistice of June 22, 1940, Nazi Germany effectively annexed the provinces of Alsace and Lorraine while the German army occupied northern metropolitan France and all the Atlantic coastline down to the border with Spain.[47]That left the rest of France, including the remaining two-fifths of southern and eastern metropolitan France and Overseas France North Africa, unoccupied, and under the control of a collaborationist French government based at the city of Vichy, and headed by Marshal Philippe Pétain. Ostensibly, the Vichy French government administered the whole of France (excluding Alsace-Lorraine), including Overseas Vichy France-North Africa.
Prisoners[edit]
Germany took two million French soldiers as prisoners-of-war and sent them to camps in Germany. About a third had been released on various terms by 1944. Of the remainder, the officers and NCOs (corporals and sergeants) were kept in camps but were exempt from forced labour. The privates were first sent to "Stalag" camps for processing and were then put to work. About half of them worked in German agriculture, where food rations were adequate and controls were lenient. The others worked in factories or mines, where conditions were much harsher.[48]
Armistice Army[edit]
The Germans occupied northern France directly. The French had to pay costs for the 300,000-strong German occupation army, amounting to 20 millionReichsmarksper day, at the artificial rate of twenty Francs to the Reichsmark[citation needed].That was 50 times the actual costs of the occupation garrison[citation needed].The French government also had responsibility for preventing French citizens from escaping into exile.
Article IV of the Armistice allowed for a small French army – theArmistice Army(Armée de l'Armistice) – stationed in the unoccupied zone, and for the military provision of theFrench colonial empireoverseas. The function of those forces was to keep internal order and to defend French territories fromAlliedassault. The French forces were to remain under the overall direction of the German armed forces.
The exact strength of the Vichy French Metropolitan Army was set at 3,768 officers, 15,072 non-commissioned officers, and 75,360 men. All members had to be volunteers. In addition to the army, the size of theGendarmeriewas fixed at 60,000 men plus an anti-aircraft force of 10,000 men. Despite the influx of trained soldiers from the colonial forces (reduced in size in accordance with the armistice), there was a shortage of volunteers. As a result, 30,000 men of the class of 1939 were retained to fill the quota. In early 1942 those conscripts were released, but there were still not enough men. That shortage remained until the regime's dissolution, despite Vichy appeals to the Germans for a regular form of conscription.
The Vichy French Metropolitan Army was deprived of tanks and other armoured vehicles and was desperately short of motorised transport, a particular problem for cavalry units. Surviving recruiting posters stress the opportunities for athletic activities, including horsemanship, reflecting both the general emphasis placed by the Vichy government on rural virtues and outdoor activities and the realities of service in a small and technologically backward military force. Traditional features characteristic of the pre-1940 French Army, such askepisand heavycapotes(buttoned-back greatcoats) were replaced byberetsand simplified uniforms.
The Vichy authorities did not deploy the Army of the Armistice against resistance groups active in the south of France, reserving that role to the VichyMilice(militia), a paramilitary force created on 30 January 1943 by the Vichy government to combat the Resistance.[50]Members of the regular army could thus defect to theMaquisafter the German occupation of southern France and the disbandment of the Army of the Armistice in November 1942. By contrast, the Milice continued to collaborate, and its members were subject to reprisals after theLiberation.
Vichy French colonial forces were reduced in accordance with the terms of the armistice, but in the Mediterranean area alone, Vichy still had nearly 150,000 men under arms. There were about 55,000 inFrench Morocco,50,000 inAlgeria,and almost 40,000 in theArmy of the Levant(Armée du Levant), inLebanonandSyria.Colonial forces were allowed to keep some armoured vehicles, though these were mostly "vintage" World War I tanks (Renault FT).
German custody[edit]
The Armistice required France to turn over any German citizens within the country upon German demand. The French regarded this as a "dishonorable" term since it would require France to hand over persons who had entered France seeking refuge from Germany. Attempts to negotiate the point with Germany proved unsuccessful, and the French decided not to press the issue to the point of refusing the Armistice.
10 July 1940 vote of full powers[edit]
On 10 July 1940, theChamber of Deputiesand theSenategathered injoint sessionin the quietspa townofVichy,their provisional capital in central France. Lyon, France's second-largest city, would have been a more logical choice but MayorÉdouard Herriotwas too associated with the Third Republic. Marseilles had a reputation as anorganized crimehub. Toulouse was too remote and had a left-wing reputation. Vichy was centrally located and had many hotels for ministers to use.[51]
Pierre LavalandRaphaël Alibertbegan their campaign to convince the assembled senators and deputies to votefull powersto Pétain. They used every means available, such as promising ministerial posts to some and threatening and intimidating others. They were aided by the absence of popular, charismatic figures who might have opposed them, such asGeorges MandelandÉdouard Daladier,who were then aboard the shipMassiliaon their way to North Africa and exile. On 10 July the National Assembly, comprising both the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, voted by 569 votes to 80, with 20 voluntaryabstentions,to grant full and extraordinary powers to Pétain. By the same vote, they also granted him the power to write a new constitution.[52][note 1]By Act No. 2 on the following day, Pétain defined his own powers and abrogated any Third Republic laws that were in conflict with them.[54](These actswould later be annulled in August 1944.[1])
Most legislators believed that democracy would continue, albeit with a new constitution. Although Laval said on 6 July that "parliamentary democracy has lost the war; it must disappear, ceding its place to an authoritarian, hierarchical, national and social regime", the majority trusted Pétain. Léon Blum, who voted no, wrote three months later that Laval's "obvious objective was to cut all the roots that bound France to its republican and revolutionary past. His 'national revolution' was to be a counter-revolution eliminating all the progress and human rights won in the last one hundred and fifty years".[55]The minority of mostlyRadicalsandSocialistswho opposed Laval became known asthe Vichy 80.The deputies and senators who voted to grant full powers to Pétain were condemned on an individual basis after the Liberation.
The majority ofFrench historiansand all postwar French governments have contended that this vote by the National Assembly was illegal. Three main arguments are put forward:
- Abrogation of legal procedure
- The impossibility for Parliament to delegate its constitutional powers without controlling their usea posteriori.
- The 1884 constitutional amendment making it unconstitutional to put into question the "republican form" of the government.
Out of a total of 544 Deputies, only 414 voted; and out of a total of 302 senators, only 235 voted. Of these, 357 deputies voted in favour of Pétain and 57 against, while 212 senators voted for Pétain, and 23 against. Thus, Pétain was approved by 65% of all deputies and 70% of all senators. Although Pétain could claim legality for himself, particularly in comparison with the essentially self-appointed leadership of Charlesde Gaulle,the dubious circumstances of the vote explain why most French historians do not consider Vichy a complete continuity of the French state.[56]
The text voted by the Congress stated:
The National Assembly gives full powers to the government of the Republic, under the authority and the signature of Marshal Pétain, to the effect of promulgating by one or several acts a new constitution of the French state. This constitution must guarantee the rights of labour, of family and of the homeland. It will be ratified by the nation and applied by the assemblies which it has created.[57]
The Constitutional Acts of 11 and 12 July 1940[59]granted to Pétain all powers (legislative, judicial, administrative, executive and diplomatic) and the title of "head of the French state" (chef de l'État français), as well as the right to nominate his successor. On 12 July, Pétain designated Laval as vice-president and his designated successor and appointedFernand de Brinonas representative to the German High Command in Paris. Pétain remained the head of the Vichy regime until 20 August 1944. The French national motto,Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité(Freedom, Equality, Brotherhood[60]) was replaced byTravail, Famille, Patrie(Work, Family, Homeland). It was noted at the time that TFP also stood for the criminal punishment oftravaux forcés à perpetuité( "forced labor in perpetuity" ).[61]Reynaud was arrested in September 1940 by the Vichy government and sentenced to life imprisonment in 1941, before the opening of theRiom Trial.
Pétain was a reactionary by nature and education, despite his status as a hero of the Third Republic during World War I. Almost as soon as he was granted full powers, Pétain began blaming the Third Republic's democracy and endemic corruption for France's humiliating defeat by Germany. Accordingly, his government soon began taking on authoritarian characteristics. Democratic liberties and guarantees were immediately suspended.[55]The crime of "crime of opinion" (délit d'opinion) was reestablished, effectively repealingfreedom of thoughtandexpression,and critics were frequently arrested. Elective bodies were replaced by nominated ones. The "municipalities" and thedepartmental commissionswere thus placed under the authority of the administration and of theprefects(nominated by and dependent on the executive power). In January 1941, the National Council (Conseil National), composed of notables from the countryside and the provinces, was instituted under the same conditions. Despite the clear authoritarian cast of Pétain's government, he did not formally institute a one-party state, maintained theTricolorand other symbols of republican France and, unlike many on the far right, was not ananti-Dreyfusard.Pétain excluded fascists from office in his government, and by and large, his cabinet comprised "February 6 men" (members of the "National Union government" formed after the6 February 1934 crisisafter theStavisky Affair) and mainstream politicians whose career prospects had been blocked by the triumph of the Popular Front in 1936.[62]
Governments[edit]
There were five governments during the tenure of the Vichy regime, starting with the continuation of Pétain's position from the Third Republic, which dissolved itself and handed him full powers, leaving Pétain in absolute control of the new, "French State" as Pétain named it.Pierre Lavalformed the first government in 1940. The second government was formed byPierre-Étienne Flandin,and lasted just two months until February 1941.François Darlanwas then head of government until April 1942, followed by Pierre Laval again until August 1944. The Vichy government fled into exile inSigmaringenin September 1944.
Foreign relations[edit]
Vichy France in 1940–1942 was recognised by mostAxisandneutral powers,as well as the United States and the Soviet Union. During the war, Vichy France conducted military actions against armed incursions from Axis and Allied belligerents and was an example ofarmed neutrality.The most important such action was thescuttling of the French fleet in Toulonon 27 November 1942 to prevent its capture by the Axis. Washington at first granted Vichy full diplomatic recognition, sending AdmiralWilliam D. Leahyas American ambassador. US PresidentFranklin D. Rooseveltand Secretary of StateCordell Hullhoped to use American influence to encourage elements in the Vichy government opposed to military collaboration with Germany. Washington also hoped to encourage Vichy to resist German war demands, such as for air bases in French-mandated Syria or moving war supplies through French territories in North Africa. The US position was essentially that unless explicitly required by the armistice terms, France should take no action that could adversely affect Allied efforts in the war.[63][page needed]
The US position towards Vichy France andde Gaullewas especially hesitant and inconsistent. Roosevelt dislikedde Gaulleand regarded him as an "apprentice dictator".[64]The Americans first tried to support GeneralMaxime Weygand,general delegate of Vichy for Africa until December 1941. After the first choice had failed, they turned toHenri Giraudshortly before the landing in North Africa on 8 November 1942. Finally, after AdmiralFrançois Darlan's turn towards the Free Forces (he had been prime minister from February 1941 to April 1942) they played him againstde Gaulle.[64]
US GeneralMark W. Clarkof the combined Allied command made Darlan sign on 22 November 1942 a treaty putting "North Africa at the disposition of the Americans" and making France "a vassal country".[64]Washington then imagined, between 1941 and 1942, a protectorate status for France, which would be submitted after the Liberation to anAllied Military Government of Occupied Territories(AMGOT) like Germany. After the assassination of Darlan on 24 December 1942, the Americans turned again towards Giraud to whom had ralliedMaurice Couve de Murville,who had financial responsibilities in Vichy, andLemaigre-Dubreuil,a former member ofLa Cagouleand entrepreneur, as well asAlfred Pose[fr],general director of theBanque nationale pour le commerce et l'industrie(National Bank for Trade and Industry).[64]
Moscow maintained full diplomatic relations with the Vichy government until 30 June 1941, when they were broken by Vichy expressing support forOperation Barbarossa,the German invasion of the Soviet Union. In response to British requests and sensitivities of theFrench-Canadian population,Canada, despite being at war with the Axis since 1939, maintained full diplomatic relations with the Vichy regime until early November 1942, whenCase Antonled to the complete occupation of Vichy France by the Germans.[65]
The British feared that the French naval fleet could end up in German hands and be used against its own naval forces, which were so vital to maintaining North Atlantic shipping and communications. Under the armistice, France had been allowed to retain theFrench Navy,theMarine Nationale,under strict conditions. Vichy pledged that the fleet would never fall into German hands but refused to send the fleet beyond Germany's reach by sending it to Britain or to far-away French colonies such as in the West Indies. That did not satisfyWinston Churchill,who ordered French ships in British ports to be seized by the Royal Navy. Shortly after the armistice (22 June 1940), Britain conducted thedestruction of the French Fleet at Mers-el-Kebir,killing 1,297 French military personnel. Vichy severed diplomatic relations with Britain. The French squadron atAlexandria,under AdmiralRené-Emile Godfroy,was effectively interned until 1943, when an agreement was reached with AdmiralAndrew Browne Cunningham,commander of the British Mediterranean Fleet.[66]After the Mers-el-Kebir incident, the British recognisedFree Franceas the legitimate French government.
Switzerlandand otherneutral statesmaintained diplomatic relations with the Vichy regime until theliberation of Francein 1944, when Pétain resigned and was deported to Germany for the creation of a forcedgovernment-in-exile.[67]
French Indochina, Japan and Franco-Thai War[edit]
In June 1940, theFall of Francemade the French hold on Indochina tenuous. The isolated colonial administration was cut off from outside help and from outside supplies. After negotiations with Japan, the French allowed the Japanese to set up military bases in Indochina.[68]That seemingly-subservient behaviour convinced Major-GeneralPlaek Pibulsonggram,the prime minister of theKingdom of Thailand,that Vichy France would not seriously resist a campaign by the Thai military to recover parts of Cambodia and Laos that had been taken from Thailand by France in the early 20th century. In October 1940, the military forces of Thailand attacked across the border withIndochinaand launched theFranco-Thai War.Although the French won animportant naval victoryover the Thais, Japan forced the French to accept Japanese mediation of a peace treaty, which returned the disputed territory to Thai control. The French were left in place to administer the rump colony of Indochina until 9 March 1945, when the Japanese staged acoup d'état in French Indochinaand took control, establishing their own colony, theEmpire of Vietnam,as apuppet statecontrolled by Tokyo.
Colonial struggle with Free France[edit]
To counter the Vichy government, General Charlesde Gaullecreated theFree French Forces(FFL) after hisAppeal of 18 June1940 radio address. Initially, Churchill was ambivalent aboutde Gaulleand severed diplomatic ties with the Vichy government only when it became clear that Vichy would not join the Allies.[citation needed]
India and Oceania[edit]
Until 1962, France possessedfour colonies across India,the largest beingPondicherry.The colonies were small and non-contiguous but politically united. Immediately after the fall of France, the Governor General of French India,Louis Alexis Étienne Bonvin,declared that the French colonies in India would continue to fight with the British allies. Free French forces from that area and others participated in the Western Desert campaign, although news of the death of French-Indian soldiers caused some disturbances in Pondicherry.[citation needed]The Frenchpossessions in Oceaniajoined the Free French in 1940 or in one case in 1942. They later served as bases for the Allied effort in the Pacific and contributed troops to the Free French Forces.[69]
Following theAppeal of 18 June,debate arose among the population ofFrench Polynesia.Areferendum was organisedon 2 September 1940 inTahitiandMoorea,with outlying islands reporting agreement in the following days. The vote was 5564 to 18 in favour of joining the Free French.[70]After theattack on Pearl Harbor,American forces identified French Polynesia as an ideal refuelling point betweenHawaiiand Australia and, withde Gaulle's agreement, organised "Operation Bobcat" to send nine ships with 5000 American soldiers to build a naval refuelling base and airstrip and set up coastal defence guns onBora Bora.[71]That first experience was valuable in laterSeabee(phonetic pronunciation of the naval acronym, CB, or Construction Battalion) efforts in the Pacific, and the Bora Bora basesupplied the Allied ships and planesthat fought thebattle of the Coral Sea.Troops from French Polynesia andNew Caledoniaformed aBataillon du Pacifiquein 1940; became part of the1st Free French Divisionin 1942, distinguishing themselves during theBattle of Bir Hakeimand subsequently combining with another unit to form theBataillon d'infanterie de marine et du Pacifique;fought in theItalian Campaign,distinguishing themselves at theGariglianoduring theBattle of Monte Cassinoand on toTuscany;and participated in theProvence landingsand onwards to the Liberation of France.[72][73]
In theNew Hebrides,Henri Sautotpromptly declared allegiance to the Free French on 20 July, the first colonial head to do so.[74]The outcome was decided by a combination of patriotism andeconomic opportunismin the expectation that independence would result.[75][76]Sautot subsequently sailed toNew Caledonia,where he took control on 19 September.[74]Its location on the edge of the Coral Sea and on the flank of Australia made New Caledonia become strategically critical in the effort to combat theJapanese advance in the Pacific in 1941–1942and to protect the sea lanes between North America and Australia.Nouméaserved as a headquarters of the United States Navy (Naval Base New Caledonia,South Pacific Area) and Army in the South Pacific,[77]and as a repair base for Allied vessels. New Caledonia contributed personnel both to theBataillon du Pacifiqueand to theFree French Naval Forcesthat saw action in the Pacific and Indian Ocean.
InWallis and Futuna,the local administrator and bishop sided with Vichy but faced opposition from some of the population and clergy; their attempts at naming a local king in 1941 to buffer the territory from their opponents backfired as the newly elected king refused to declare allegiance to Pétain. The situation stagnated for a long while due to the remoteness of the islands and because no overseas ship visited the islands for 17 months after January 1941. Anavisosent fromNouméatook over Wallis on behalf of the Free French on 27 May 1942 and Futuna on 29 May 1942. That allowed American forces to build an airbase and seaplane base on Wallis (Navy 207) that served the Allied Pacific operations.[78]
Americas[edit]
A Vichy France plan to haveWestern Unionbuild powerful transmitters onSaint Pierre and Miquelonin 1941 to enable private trans-Atlantic communications was blocked after pressure by Roosevelt. On 24 December 1941 Free French forces on three corvettes, supported by a submarine landed and seized control of Saint Pierre and Miquelon on orders fromCharles de Gaullewithout reference to any of the Allied commanders.[79]
French Guiana,on the northern coast of South America, removed its Vichy-supporting government on 22 March 1943,[80]shortly after eight allied ships had been sunk by a German submarine off the coast of Guiana,[81]and the arrival of American troops by air on 20 March.[80]
Martiniquebecame home to the bulk of the Gold reserve of theBank of France,with 286 tons of gold transported there on theFrench cruiserÉmile Bertinin June 1940. The island was blockaded by the British navy until an agreement was reached to immobilise French ships in port. The British used the gold as collateral forLend-Leasefacilities from the Americans on the basis that it could be "acquired" at any time if needed.[79]In July 1943, Free French sympathisers on the island took control of the gold and the fleet once AdmiralGeorges Robertdeparted following a threat by America to launch a full-scale invasion.[80]
Guadeloupe,in theFrench West Indies,also changed allegiance in 1943 after Admiral Georges Robert ordered police to fire on protestors,[82]before he fled back to Europe.
Equatorial and West Africa[edit]
In Central Africa, three of the four colonies inFrench Equatorial Africawent over to the Free French almost immediately:French Chadon 26 August 1940,French Congoon 29 August 1940, andUbangi-Sharion 30 August 1940. They were joined by the FrenchLeague of Nations mandateofCamerounon 27 August 1940.
On 23 September 1940, theRoyal Navyand Free French forces under Gaulle launchedOperation Menace,an attempt to seize the strategic Vichy-held port ofDakarinFrench West Africa(modernSenegal). After attempts to encourage them to join the Allies were rebuffed by the defenders, fierce fighting erupted between Vichy and Allied forces.HMSResolutionwas heavily damaged by torpedoes, and Free French troops landing at a beach south of the port were driven off by heavy fire. Even worse from a strategic point of view, bombers of theVichy French Air Forcebased in North Africa began bombing the British base atGibraltarin response to the attack on Dakar. Shaken by the resolute Vichy defence and not wanting to further escalate the conflict, British and Free French forces withdrew on 25 September, bringing the battle to an end.
One colony inFrench Equatorial Africa,Gabon,had to be occupied by military force between 27 October and 12 November 1940.[83]On 8 November 1940, Free French forces under the command ofde GaulleandMarie-Pierre Kœnig,along with the assistance of the Royal Navy,invaded Vichy-held Gabon.The capital,Libreville,was bombed and captured. The final Vichy troops in Gabon surrendered without any military confrontation with the Allies atPort-Gentil.
French Somaliland[edit]
The governor of French Somaliland (nowDjibouti), Brigadier-GeneralPaul Legentilhomme,had a garrison of seven battalions of Senegalese and Somali infantry, three batteries of field guns, four batteries of anti-aircraft guns, a company of light tanks, four companies of militia and irregulars, two platoons of the camel corps and an assortment of aircraft. After visiting from8–13 January1940, British GeneralArchibald Wavelldecided that Legentilhomme would command the military forces in both Somalilands in case of war against Italy.[84]In June, an Italian force was assembled to capture the port city ofDjibouti,the main military base.[85]After theFall of Francein June, the neutralisation of Vichy French colonies allowed the Italians to concentrate on the more lightly defended British Somaliland.[86]On 23 July, Legentilhomme was ousted by the pro-Vichy naval officerPierre Nouailhetasand left on 5 August for Aden, to join theFree French.
In March 1941, the British enforcement of a strict contraband regime to prevent supplies being passed on to the Italians, lost its point after the conquest ofItalian East Africa.The British changed policy, with encouragement from the Free French, to "rally French Somaliland to the Allied cause without bloodshed". The Free French were to arrange a "voluntary ralliement" by propaganda (Operation Marie), and the British were to blockade the colony.[87]
Wavell considered that if British pressure was applied, a rally would appear to have been coerced. Wavell preferred to let the propaganda continue and provided a small amount of supplies under strict control. When the policy had no effect, Wavell suggested negotiations with Vichy governor Louis Nouailhetas to use the port and railway. The suggestion was accepted by the British government but because of the concessions granted to the Vichy regime in Syria, proposals were made to invade the colony instead. In June, Nouailhetas was given an ultimatum, the blockade was tightened and the Italian garrison at Assab was defeated by an operation from Aden. For six months, Nouailhetas remained willing to grant concessions over the port and railway but would not tolerate Free French interference. In October, the blockade was reviewed, but the beginning of the war against Japan in December led to all but two blockade ships being withdrawn. On 2 January 1942, the Vichy government offered the use of the port and railway, subject to the lifting of the blockade but the British refused and ended the blockade unilaterally in March.[88]
Syria and Madagascar[edit]
The next flashpoint between Britain and Vichy France came when arevoltinIraqwas put down by British forces in June 1941. TheLuftwaffeandItalian Air Forceaircraft, staging through the French possession ofSyria,intervened in the fighting in small numbers. That highlighted Syria as a threat to British interests in the Middle East. Consequently, on 8 June, British andCommonwealthforces invaded Syria andLebanon;this was known as theSyria-Lebanon campaign,or Operation Exporter. The Syrian capital,Damascus,was captured on 17 June and the five-week campaign ended with the fall ofBeirutand the Convention of Acre (Armistice of Saint Jean d'Acre) on 14 July 1941.
The additional participation of Free French forces in the Syrian operation was controversial within Allied circles. It raised the prospect of Frenchmen shooting at Frenchmen, raising fears of a civil war. Additionally it was believed that the Free French were widely reviled within Vichy military circles and that Vichy forces in Syria were less likely to resist the British if they were not accompanied by elements of the Free French. Nevertheless,de Gaulleconvinced Churchill to allow his forces to participate, althoughde Gaullewas forced to agree to a joint British and Free French proclamation promising that Syria and Lebanon would become fully independent at the end of the war.
From 5 May to 6 November 1942, British and Commonwealth forces conducted Operation Ironclad, known as theBattle of Madagascar,the seizure of the large, Vichy French-controlled island ofMadagascar,which the British feared Japanese forces might use as a base to disrupt trade and communications in the Indian Ocean. The initial landing atDiégo-Suarezwas relatively quick, though it took British forces a further six months to gain control of the entire island.[citation needed]
French North Africa[edit]
Operation Torch was the American and British invasion of French North Africa (Morocco,Algeria,andTunisia), started on 8 November 1942, with landings in Morocco and Algeria. The long-term goal was to clear German and Italian forces from North Africa, enhance naval control of the Mediterranean and prepare for an invasion of Italy in 1943. TheVichy forcesinitially resisted,killing 479 Allied forces and wounding 720.AdmiralFrançois Darlaninitiated co-operation with the Allies, who recognised Darlan's self-nomination as High Commissioner of France (head of civil government) for North and West Africa. He ordered Vichy forces there to cease resisting and to co-operate with the Allies, and they did so. When theTunisia Campaignwas fought, the French forces in North Africa had gone over to the Allied side and joined the Free French.[89][90]
In North Africa, after the 8 November 1942putschby the French Resistance, most Vichy figures were arrested, including GeneralAlphonse Juin,chief commander in North Africa, and AdmiralFrançois Darlan.Darlan was released, and US GeneralDwight D. Eisenhowerfinally accepted his self-nomination asHigh Commissioner of North AfricaandFrench West Africa(Afrique occidentale française,AOF), a move that enragedde Gaulle,who refused to recognise Darlan's status. After Darlan signed an armistice with the Allies and took power in North Africa, Germany violated the 1940 armistice with France and invaded Vichy France on 10 November 1942 in the operation code-namedCase Anton,triggering thescuttling of the French fleet in Toulon.
Henri Giraud arrived in Algiers on 10 November 1942 and agreed to subordinate himself to Admiral Darlan as the French Africa army commander. Even though Darlan was now in the Allied camp, he maintained the repressive Vichy system in North Africa, includingconcentration campsin southern Algeria and racist laws. Detainees were also forced to work on theTrans-Saharan Railway.Jewish goods were "aryanized" (stolen), and a special Jewish Affairs service was created, directed byPierre Gazagne.Numerous Jewish children were prohibited from going to school, which even Vichy had not implemented in Metropolitan France.[91]Darlan was assassinated on 24 December 1942 in Algiers by the young monarchistBonnier de La Chapelle.Althoughde La Chapellehad been a member of the resistance group led byHenri d'Astier de La Vigerie,he is believed to have acted as an individual.
After Darlan's assassination, Henri Giraud became hisde factosuccessor in French Africa with Allied support. That occurred through a series of consultations between Giraud andde Gaulle.The latter wanted to pursue a political position in France and agreed to have Giraud as commander-in-chief, who was more qualified militarily. Later, the Americans sentJean Monnetto counsel Giraud and to press him to repeal the Vichy laws. After difficult negotiations, Giraud agreed to suppress the racist laws and to liberate Vichy prisoners from the southern Algerian concentration camps. TheCremieux decree,which granted French citizenship to Jews in Algeria and had been repealed by Vichy, was immediately restored by Gaulle.
Giraud took part in theCasablanca Conference,with Roosevelt, Churchill, andde Gaullein January 1943. The Allies discussed their general strategy for the war and recognised joint leadership of North Africa by Giraud andde Gaulle.Giraud andde Gaullethen became co-presidents of theFrench Committee of National Liberation,which unified the Free French Forces and territories controlled by them and had been founded in late 1943. Democratic rule for the European population was restored inFrench Algeria,and the Communists and Jews liberated from the concentration camps.[91]
In late April 1945Pierre Gazagne,secretary of the general government headed byYves Chataigneau,took advantage of his absence to exile anti-imperialist leaderMessali Hadjand arrest the leaders of hisAlgerian People's Party(PPA).[91]On the day of the Liberation of France, the GPRF would harshly repress a rebellion in Algeria during theSétif massacreof 8 May 1945, which has been characterized by some historians as the "real beginning of theAlgerian War".[91]
Collaboration with Nazi Germany[edit]
Vichy is often described as a Germanpuppet state,although it has also been argued it had an agenda of its own.[92][93]
Historians distinguish between state collaboration followed by the Vichy regime, and "collaborationists", who were private French citizens eager to collaborate with Germany and who pushed towards a radicalisation of the regime.Pétainistes,on the other hand, were direct supporters of Marshal Pétain rather than of Germany (although they accepted Pétain's state collaboration). State collaboration was sealed by theMontoire(Loir-et-Cher) interview in Hitler's train on 24 October 1940, during which Pétain and Hitler shook hands and agreed on co-operation between the two states. Organized by Pierre Laval, a strong proponent of collaboration, the interview and the handshake were photographed and exploited byNazi propagandato gain the support of the civilian population. On 30 October 1940, Pétain made state collaboration official, declaring on the radio: "I enter today on the path of collaboration."[note 2]On 22 June 1942, Laval declared that he was "hoping for the victory of Germany". The sincere desire to collaborate did not stop the Vichy government from organising the arrest and even sometimes the execution of German spies entering the Vichy zone.[94]
The composition and policies of the Vichy cabinet were mixed. Many Vichy officials, such as Pétain, werereactionarieswho felt that France's unfortunate fate was a result of its republican character and the actions of its left-wing governments of the 1930s, in particular of thePopular Front(1936–1938) led byLéon Blum.Charles Maurras,a monarchist writer and founder of theAction Françaisemovement, judged that Pétain's accession to power was, in that respect, a "divine surprise", and many people of his persuasion believed it preferable to have an authoritarian government similar to that ofFrancisco Franco's Spain, even if under Germany's yoke, than to have a republican government. Others, likeJoseph Darnand,were stronganti-Semitesand overtNazisympathizers. A number of these joined the units of theLégion des Volontaires Français contre le Bolchévisme(Legion of French Volunteers AgainstBolshevism) fighting on theEastern Front,later becoming theSS Charlemagne Division.[95]
On the other hand,technocratssuch asJean Bichelonneand engineers from theGroupe X-Criseused their position to push various state, administrative, and economic reforms. These reforms have been cited as evidence of a continuity of the French administration before and after the war. Many of these civil servants and the reforms they advocated were retained after the war. Just as the necessities of awar economyduring the First World War had pushed forward state measures to reorganise theeconomy of Franceagainst the prevailingclassical liberaltheories – structures retained after the 1919Treaty of Versailles– reforms adopted during World War II were kept and extended. Along with the 15 March 1944 Charter of theConseil National de la Résistance(CNR), which gathered all Resistance movements under one unified political body, these reforms were a primary instrument in the establishment of post-wardirigisme,a kind of semi-planned economy which led to France becoming a modernsocial democracy.An example of such continuities is the creation of the French Foundation for the Study of Human Problems byAlexis Carrel,a renowned physician who also supportedeugenics.This institution was renamed as theNational Institute of Demographic Studies(INED) after the war and exists to this day. Another example is the creation of the national statistics institute, renamedINSEEafter the Liberation.
The reorganisation and unification of the French police byRené Bousquet,who created thegroupes mobiles de réserve(GMR, Reserve Mobile Groups), is another example of Vichy policy reform and restructuring maintained by subsequent governments. A national paramilitary police force, the GMR was occasionally used in actions against theFrench Resistance,but its main purpose was to enforce Vichy authority through intimidation and repression of the civilian population. After Liberation, some of its units were merged with theFree French Armyto form theCompagnies Républicaines de Sécurité(CRS, Republican Security Companies), France's main anti-riot force.
Racial policies and collaboration[edit]
Germany interfered little in internal French affairs for the first two years after the armistice, as long as public order was maintained.[96]As soon as it was established, Pétain's government voluntarily took measures against "undesirables":Jews,métèques(immigrants from Mediterranean countries),Freemasons,Communists,Romani,homosexuals,[97]and left-wing activists. Inspired byCharles Maurras's conception of the "Anti-France" (which he defined as the "four confederate states of Protestants, Jews, Freemasons, and foreigners" ), Vichy persecuted these supposed enemies.
In July 1940, Vichy set up a special commission charged with reviewingnaturalisationsgranted since the 1927reform of the nationality law.[98]Between June 1940 and August 1944, 15,000 persons, mostly Jews, were denaturalised.[99][100]This bureaucratic decision was instrumental in their subsequent internment in thegreen ticket roundup.[citation needed]
TheInternment camps in Franceinaugurated by the Third Republic were immediately put to new use, ultimately becoming transit camps for the implementation of theHolocaustand the extermination of all undesirables, including theRomani people(who refer to the extermination of the Romani asPorrajmos). A Vichy law of 4 October 1940 authorised internments of foreignJewson the sole basis of aprefectoral order,[101]and the first raids took place in May 1941. Vichy imposed no restrictions onblack peoplein the Unoccupied Zone; the regime even had a mixed-race cabinet minister, the Martinique-born lawyerHenry Lémery.[102]
The Third Republic had first opened concentration camps during World War I for the internment ofenemy aliensand later used them for other purposes.Camp Gurs,for example, had been set up in southwestern France after thefall of Catalonia,in the first months of 1939, during theSpanish Civil War(1936–1939), to receive the Republican refugees, includingBrigadistsfrom all nations, fleeing theFrancoists.AfterÉdouard Daladier's government (April 1938 – March 1940) took the decision to outlaw theFrench Communist Party(PCF) following the signing of theGerman–Soviet non-aggression pact(the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact) in August 1939, these camps were also used to intern French communists.Drancy internment campwas founded in 1939 for this use; it later became the central transit camp through which all deportees passed on their way to concentration andextermination campsin the Third Reich and Eastern Europe. When thePhoney Warstarted with France's declaration of war against Germany on 3 September 1939, these camps were used to intern enemy aliens. These included German Jews andanti-fascists,but any German citizen (or otherAxisnational) could also be interned in Camp Gurs and others. As the Wehrmacht advanced into Northern France, common prisoners evacuated from prisons were also interned in these camps. Camp Gurs received its first contingent of political prisoners in June 1940. It included left-wing activists (communists,anarchists,trade-unionists,anti-militarists) andpacifists,as well asFrench fascistswho supportedItalyand Germany. Finally, after Pétain's proclamation of the "French State" and the beginning of the implementation of the "Révolution nationale"(National Revolution), the French administration opened up many concentration camps, to the point that, as historian Maurice Rajsfus writes," The quick opening of new camps created employment, and theGendarmerienever ceased to hire during this period. "[103]
Suspicions had been raised amongst prefects and police officials by the Vichy Minister of Interior as to the intentions of the men working within the camps. Many were suspected of retaining ties to anti-fascist groups as well as the burgeoning maquis and resistance groups, in particular in the southern departments. The Vichy Minister of Interior wrote in 1942; "I am advised that the Travailleurs Étrangers...continue to be mobilization centres on behalf of the revolution. The responsible leaders of the communist activities have been recruiting among the Spanish Republicans...who, during the civil war in their own country, showed that they are capable of furnishing the core of an insurrectionary army".[104]
Besides the political prisoners already detained there, Gurs was then used to intern foreign Jews,stateless persons,and Romani. Social undesirables such as homosexuals, and prostitutes were also interned. Vichy opened its first internment camp in the northern zone on 5 October 1940, inAincourt,in theSeine-et-Oisedepartment, which it quickly filled with PCF members.[105]TheRoyal Saltworks at Arc-et-Senans,in theDoubs,was used to intern Romani.[106]TheCamp des Milles,nearAix-en-Provence,was the largest internment camp in the Southeast of France; twenty-five hundred Jews were deported from there following theAugust 1942 raids.[107]Exiled Republican, antifascist Spaniards who had sought refuge in France after the Nationalist victory in theSpanish Civil Warwere then deported, and 5,000 of them died inMauthausen concentration camp.[108]In contrast, French colonial soldiers were interned by the Germans in French territory instead of being deported.[108]
Besides the concentration camps opened by Vichy, the Germans also opened someIlags(Internierungslager) for the detention of enemy aliens on French territory; in Alsace, which was under the direct administration of the Reich, they opened theNatzweiler camp,the only concentration camp created by the Nazis on French territory. Natzweiler included agas chamber,which was used to exterminate at least 86 detainees (mostly Jewish) with the aim of obtaining a collection of undamaged skeletons for the use of Nazi professorAugust Hirt.
The Vichy government took a number of racially motivated measures. In August 1940, laws against antisemitism in the media (theMarchandeau Act) were repealed, while decree n°1775 of 5 September 1943denaturaliseda number of French citizens, in particular Jews from Eastern Europe.[108]Foreigners were rounded-up in "Foreign Workers' Groups" (groupements de travailleurs étrangers) and as with the colonial troops, used by the Germans as manpower.[108]The Octoberlaw on the status of Jewsexcluded them from the civil administration and numerous other professions.
Vichy also enacted racial laws in its territories in North Africa. "The history of the Holocaust in France's three North African colonies (Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia) is intrinsically tied to France's fate during this period."[109][110][111][112][113]
With regard to economic contribution to the German economy, it is estimated that France provided 42% of the total foreign aid.[114]
Eugenics policies[edit]
| This sectionneeds additional citations forverification.(February 2012) |
In 1941,Nobel PrizewinnerAlexis Carrel,an early proponent ofeugenicsandeuthanasia,and a member ofJacques Doriot'sFrench Popular Party(PPF),[citation needed]advocated for the creation of theFrench Foundation for the Study of Human Problems(Fondation Française pour l'Étude des Problèmes Humains), using connections to the Pétain cabinet. Charged with the "study, in all of its aspects, of measures aimed at safeguarding, improving and developing the French population in all of its activities", the Foundation was created by decree of the collaborationist Vichy regime in 1941, and Carrel was appointed as "regent".[115]The Foundation also had for some time as general secretaryFrançois Perroux.[citation needed]
The Foundation was behind the 16 December 1942 Act mandating the "prenuptial certificate",which required all couples seeking marriage to submit to a biological examination, to ensure the" good health "of the spouses, in particular with regard tosexually transmitted diseases(STDs) and "life hygiene".[citation needed]Carrel's institute also conceived the "scholar booklet" ("livret scolaire"), which could be used to record students' grades inFrench secondary schoolsand thus classify and select them according to scholastic performance.[citation needed]Besides these eugenic activities aimed at classifying the population and improving its health, the Foundation also supported an 11 October 1946 law institutingoccupational medicine,enacted by theProvisional Government of the French Republic(GPRF) after the Liberation.[116]
The Foundation initiated studies on demographics (Robert Gessain, Paul Vincent, Jean Bourgeois), nutrition (Jean Sutter), and housing (Jean Merlet), as well as the first polls (Jean Stoetzel). The foundation, which after the war became theINEDdemographics institute, employed 300 researchers from the summer of 1942 to the end of the autumn[when?]of 1944.[117]"The foundation was chartered as a public institution under the joint supervision of the ministries of finance and public health. It was given financial autonomy and a budget of forty million francs, roughly one franc per inhabitant: a true luxury considering the burdens imposed by the German Occupation on the nation's resources. By way of comparison, the wholeCentre National de la Recherche Scientifique(CNRS) was given a budget of fifty million francs. "[115]
Alexis Carrel had previously published in 1935 the best-selling bookL'Homme, cet inconnu( "Man, This Unknown" ). Since the early 1930s, Carrel had advocated the use ofgas chambersto rid humanity of its "inferior stock"[citation needed],endorsing thescientific racismdiscourse.[citation needed]One of the founders of thesepseudoscientificaltheories had beenArthur de Gobineauin his 1853–1855 essay titled "An Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races".[116]In the 1936 preface to the German edition of his book, Alexis Carrel had added a praise to the eugenics policies of the Third Reich, writing the following:
The German government has taken energetic measures against the propagation of the defective, the mentally diseased, and the criminal. The ideal solution would be the suppression of each of these individuals as soon as he has proven himself to be dangerous.[118]
Carrel also wrote this in his book:
The conditioning of petty criminals with the whip, or some more scientific procedure, followed by a short stay in hospital, would probably suffice to ensure order. Those who have murdered, robbed while armed with automatic pistol or machine gun, kidnapped children, despoiled the poor of their savings, misled the public in important matters, should be humanely and economically disposed of in small euthanasic institutions supplied with proper gasses. A similar treatment could be advantageously applied to the insane, guilty of criminal acts.[119]
Alexis Carrel had also taken an active part to a symposium in Pontigny organised byJean Coutrot,the "Entretiens de Pontigny".[citation needed]Scholars such asLucien Bonnafé,Patrick Tort,andMax Lafonthave accused Carrel of responsibility for the execution of thousands of mentally ill or impaired patients under Vichy.[116]
Antisemitic laws[edit]
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A Nazi ordinance dated 21 September 1940 forced Jews of the occupied zone to declare themselves as such at a police station orsub-prefectures(sous-préfectures). Under the responsibility ofAndré Tulard,head of the Service on Foreign Persons and Jewish Questions at thePrefecture of Policeof Paris, a filing system registering Jewish people was created. Tulard had previously created such a filing system under the Third Republic, registering members of theCommunist Party(PCF). In thedepartment of the Seine,encompassing Paris and its immediate suburbs, nearly 150,000 persons, unaware of the upcoming danger and assisted by the police, presented themselves at police stations in accordance with the military order. The registered information was then centralised by the French police, who constructed, under the direction of inspector Tulard, a central filing system. According to theDannecker report,"this filing system is subdivided into files Alpha betically classed, Jewish with French nationality and foreign Jewish having files of different colours, and the files were also classed, according to profession, nationality and street [of residency]".[120]These files were then handed over toTheodor Dannecker,head of the Gestapo in France, under the orders ofAdolf Eichmann,head of theRSHAIV-D. They were used by the Gestapo on various raids, among them the August 1941 raid in the11th arrondissement of Paris,which resulted in 3,200 foreign and 1,000 French Jews being interned in various camps, includingDrancy.
On 3 October 1940, the Vichy government promulgated theLaw on the status of Jews,which created a specialunderclassof French Jewish citizens.[121]The law excluded Jews from the administration, the armed forces, entertainment, arts, media, and certain professions, such as teaching, law, and medicine. The next day, alaw regarding foreign Jewswas signed authorising their detention.[122]ACommissariat-General for Jewish Affairs(CGQJ,Commissariat Général aux Questions Juives) was created on 29 March 1941. It was directed byXavier Vallatuntil May 1942 and then byDarquier de Pellepoixuntil February 1944. Mirroring theReich Association of Jews,theUnion générale des israélites de Francewas founded.
The police oversaw the confiscation of telephones and radios from Jewish homes and enforced a curfew on Jews starting in February 1942. They also enforced requirements that Jews not appear in public places and ride only on the last car of the Parisian metro.
Along with many French police officials, André Tulard was present on the day of the inauguration of Drancy internment camp in 1941[citation needed],which was used largely by French police as the central transit camp for detainees captured in France. All Jews and others "undesirables" passed through Drancy before heading toAuschwitzand othercamps.[123]
July 1942 Vel' d'Hiv Roundup[edit]
In July 1942, under German orders, the French police organised theVel' d'Hiv Roundup(Rafle du Vel' d'Hiv) under orders by René Bousquet and his second in Paris,Jean Leguay,with co-operation from authorities of theSNCF,the state railway company. The police arrested 13,152 Jews, including 4,051 children – which theGestapohad not asked for – and 5,082 women, on 16 and 17 July and imprisoned them in theVélodrome d'Hiver(Winter Velodrome) in unhygienic conditions. They were led to Drancy internment camp (run by NaziAlois Brunnerand French constabulary police) and crammed intobox carsand shipped by rail to Auschwitz. Most of the victims died en route due to lack of food or water. The remaining survivors were sent to the gas chambers. This action alone represented more than a quarter of the 42,000 French Jews sent to concentration camps in 1942, of whom only 811 would return after the end of the war. Although the Nazi VT (Verfügungstruppe) had directed the action, French police authorities vigorously participated. "There was no effective police resistance until the end of Spring of 1944", wrote historiansJean-Luc EinaudiandMaurice Rajsfus.[124]
August 1942 and January 1943 raids[edit]
The French police, headed by Bousquet, arrested 7,000 Jews in the southern zone in August 1942. 2,500 of them transited through theCamp des Millesnear Aix-en-Provence before arriving at Drancy. Then, on 22, 23, and 24 January 1943, assisted by Bousquet's police force, the Germans organised a raid in Marseilles. During theBattle of Marseilles,the French police checked theidentity documentsof 40,000 people, and the operation sent 2,000 Marseillese people in the death trains, leading to theextermination camps.The operation also encompassed the expulsion of an entire neighbourhood (30,000 persons) in theOld Portbefore its destruction. For this occasion, then SS-GruppenführerCarl Oberg,in charge of the German Police in France, made the trip from Paris and transmitted to Bousquet orders directly received fromHeinrich Himmler.It is another notable case of the French police's willful collaboration with the Nazis.[125]
Jewish death toll[edit]
In 1940, approximately 350,000 Jews lived inmetropolitan France,less than half of them with French citizenship (the others being foreign, mostly exiles from Germany during the 1930s).[126]About 200,000 of them, and the large majority of foreign Jews, resided in Paris and its outskirts. Among the 150,000 French Jews, about 30,000, generally native from Central Europe, had beennaturalisedFrench during the 1930s. Of the total, approximately 25,000 French Jews and 50,000 foreign Jews were deported.[127]According to historianRobert Paxton,76,000 Jews were deported and died in concentration and extermination camps. Including the Jews who died inconcentration camps in France,this would have made for a total figure of 90,000 Jewish deaths (a quarter of the total Jewish population before the war, by his estimate).[128][better source needed]Paxton's numbers imply that 14,000 Jews died in French concentration camps, but the systematic census of Jewish deportees from France (citizens or not) drawn underSerge Klarsfeldconcluded that 3,000 had died in French concentration camps and 1,000 more had been shot. Of the approximately 76,000 deported, 2,566 survived. The total thus reported is slightly below 77,500 dead (somewhat less than a quarter of the Jewish population in France in 1940).[129]Over half of the Jews deported from France were from Paris, with the majority of these Parisian Jews being taken into custody by theParis Police Prefecturerather than by the Germans.[130]
Proportionally, either number makes for a lower death toll than in some other countries (in the Netherlands, 75% of the Jewish population was murdered).[128]This fact has been used as arguments by supporters of Vichy; according to Paxton, the figure would have been greatly lower if the "French state" had not willfully collaborated with Germany, which lacked staff for police activities. During theVel' d'Hiv Roundupof July 1942, Laval ordered the deportation of children, against explicit German orders. Paxton pointed out that if the total number of victims had not been higher, it was due to the shortage in wagons, the resistance of the civilian population, and deportation in other countries (notably in Italy).[128]
Government responsibility[edit]
For decades, the French government argued that theFrench Republichad been dismantled whenPhilippe Pétaininstituted a new French State during the war and that the Republic had been reestablished when the war was over. It was not for the Republic, therefore, to apologise for events that happened while it had not existed and that had been carried out by a State it did not recognise. For example, former PresidentFrançois Mitterrandhad maintained that the Vichy Government, not France's Republic, was responsible. This position was more recently reiterated byMarine Le Pen,leader of theNational Front Party,during the 2017 election campaign.[131][132]
The first official admission that the French State had been complicit in the deportation of 76,000 Jews during WW II was made in 1995 by then PresidentJacques Chirac,at the site of theVélodrome d'Hiver,where 13,000 Jews had been rounded up for deportation to death camps in July 1942. "France, on that day [16 July 1942], committed the irreparable. Breaking its word, it handed those who were under its protection over to their executioners," he said. Those responsible for the roundup were "450 policemen and gendarmes, French, under the authority of their leaders [who] obeyed the demands of the Nazis..... the criminal folly of the occupiers was seconded by the French, by the French state".[133][134][135]
On 16 July 2017, also at a ceremony at the Vel' d'Hiv site, PresidentEmmanuel Macrondenounced the country's role in the Holocaust in France and the historical revisionism that denied France's responsibility for the 1942 roundupand subsequent deportation of 13,000 Jews. "It was indeed France that organised this," Macron insisted, French police collaborating with the Nazis. "Not a single German" was directly involved, "he added. Macron was even more specific than Chirac had been in stating that the Government during the War was certainly that of France." It is convenient to see the Vichy regime as born of nothingness, returned to nothingness. Yes, it's convenient, but it is false. We cannot build pride upon a lie. "[136][137]
Macron made a subtle reference to Chirac's remark when he added, "I say it again here. It was indeed France that organized the roundup, the deportation, and thus, for almost all, death."[138][139]
Collaborationnistes[edit]
Stanley Hoffmannin 1974[140]and then other historians such asRobert PaxtonandJean-Pierre Azémahave used the termcollaborationnistesto refer to fascists and Nazi sympathisers who, for ideological reasons, wished a reinforced collaboration with Hitler's Germany. Examples are theParti Populaire Français(PPF) leaderJacques Doriot,the writerRobert BrasillachorMarcel Déat.A principal motivation and ideological foundation amongcollaborationnisteswasanticommunism.[140]
Collaborationnisme(English:collaborationism) should be distinguished from collaboration.Collaborationismrefers to those, primarily from the fascist right, who embraced the goal of a German victory as their own,[141][142]whereascollaborationrefers to those of the French who for whatever reason collaborated with the Germans. Organizations such asLa Cagouleopposed the Third Republic, particularly while the left-wingPopular Frontwas in power.[citation needed]
Collaborationists may have influenced the Vichy government's policies, but ultra-collaborationists never comprised the majority of the government before 1944.[143]
To enforce the régime's will, some paramilitary organisations were created. One example was theLégion Française des Combattants(LFC) (French Legion of Fighters), including at first only former combatants but quickly addingAmis de la Légionand cadets of the Légion, who had never seen battle but supported Pétain's régime. The name was then quickly changed toLégion Française des Combattants et des volontaires de la Révolution Nationale(French Legion of Fighters and Volunteers of the National Revolution).Joseph Darnandcreated aService d'Ordre Légionnaire(SOL), which consisted mostly of French supporters of the Nazis and was fully approved by Pétain.[citation needed]
Social and economic history[edit]
Vichy authorities strongly opposed "modern" social trends and tried "national regeneration" to restore behaviour more in line with traditional Catholicism. Philip Manow argued that, "Vichy represents the authoritarian, antidemocratic solution that the French political right, in coalition with the national Church hierarchy, had sought repeatedly during the interwar period and almost put in place in 1934".[144]Calling for "National Regeneration", Vichy reversed many liberal policies and began tight supervision of the economy, with central planning as a key feature.[18]
Labour unions came under tight government control. There were no elections. The independence of women was reversed, with an emphasis put on motherhood. Government agencies had to fire married women employees.[citation needed]Conservative Catholics became prominent. Paris lost its avant-garde status in European art and culture.[145]The media were tightly controlled and stressed virulent anti-Semitism and, after June 1941, anti-Bolshevism.[18]Hans Petter Graverwrote that Vichy "is notorious for its enactment of anti-Semitic laws and decrees, and these were all loyally enforced by the judiciary".[146]
Economy[edit]
Vichy rhetoric exalted the skilled labourer and small businessman. In practice, the needs of artisans for raw materials were neglected in favour of big businesses.[147]The General Committee for the Organization of Commerce (CGOC) was a national program to modernise and professionalise small business.[148]In 1941 it also instituted themobilization of non-ferrous metalsunder the cover of supporting French agriculture but in fact to support flagging German armament production.
In 1940, the government took direct control of all production, which was synchronised with German demands. It replaced free trade unions with compulsory state unions that dictated labour policy without regard to the voice or needs of the workers. The centralised bureaucratic control of the French economy was not a success, as German demands grew heavier and more unrealistic, passive resistance and inefficiencies multiplied and Allied bombers hit the rail yards. Vichy made the first comprehensive long-range plans for the French economy, but the government had never attempted a comprehensive overview. De Gaulle's provisional government in 1944–45 quietly used the Vichy plans as a base for its own reconstruction program. TheMonnet Planof 1946 reaped the heritage of previous efforts at planning in the 1930s, Vichy, the Resistance, and the Provisional Government.[149]Monnet's plan to modernize the economy was designed to improve the country's competitive position so as to prepare it for participation in an open multilateral system and, thereby, to reduce the need for trade protection.[150]
Forced labour[edit]
Nazi Germany kept French prisoners-of-war as forced labourers throughout the war. They added compulsory and volunteer workers from occupied nations, especially in metal factories. The shortage of volunteers led the Vichy government to pass a law in September 1942 that effectively deported workers to Germany, where they were 15% of the labour force by August 1944. The largest number worked in the giantKruppsteel works inEssen.Low pay, long hours, frequent bombings and crowded air raid shelters added to the unpleasant conditions of poor housing, inadequate heating, limited food, and poor medical care, all compounded by harsh Nazi discipline. The workers finally returned home in the summer of 1945.[151]The forced labour draft encouraged the French Resistance and undermined the Vichy government.[152]
Food shortages[edit]
Civilians suffered shortages of all varieties of consumer goods.[153]The rationing system was stringent and badly mismanaged, leading to malnourishment,black marketsand hostility to state management of the food supply. The Germans seized about 20% of the French food production, causing severe disruption to the French household economy.[154]French farm production fell by half because of lack of fuel, fertiliser and workers. Even so, the Germans seized half the meat, 20% of the produce and 2% of the champagne.[155]Supply problems quickly affected French stores, which lacked most items. The government answered by rationing, but German officials set the policies, and hunger prevailed, especially affecting youth in urban areas. The queues lengthened in front of shops.
Some people, including German soldiers, benefited from the black market, where food was sold without tickets at very high prices. Farmers especially diverted meat to the black market and so there was much less for the open market. Counterfeit food tickets were also in circulation. Direct buying from farmers in the countryside and barter against cigarettes became common although those activities were strictly forbidden and thus carried the risk of confiscation and fines.
Food shortages were most acute in the large cities. In the more remote country villages, clandestine slaughtering, vegetable gardens and the availability of milk products permitted better survival. The official ration provided starvation level diets of 1013 or fewer calories a day, supplemented by home gardens and especially black market purchases.[156]
Women[edit]
The two million French soldiers held as prisoners-of-war and forced labourers in Germany throughout the war were not at risk of death in combat, but the anxieties of separation for their 800,000 wives were high. The government provided a modest allowance, but one in ten became prostitutes to support their families.[157]
Meanwhile, the Vichy regime promoted a highly-traditional model of female roles.[158]The National Revolution's official ideology fostered the patriarchal family, headed by a man with a subservient wife, who was devoted to her many children. It gave women a key symbolic role to carry out the national regeneration and used propaganda, women's organisations and legislation to promote maternity; patriotic duty and female submission to marriage, home and children's education.[153]The falling birth rate appeared to be a grave problem to Vichy, which introduced family allowances and opposed birth control and abortion. Conditions were very difficult for housewives, as food was short as well as most necessities.[159]Mother's Day became a major date in the Vichy calendar, with festivities in the towns and schools featuring the award of medals to mothers of numerous children. Divorce laws were made much more stringent, and restrictions were placed on the employment of married women. Family allowances, which had begun in the 1930s, were continued and became a vital lifeline for many families as a monthly cash bonus for having more children. In 1942, the birth rate started to rise, andby 1945, it was higher than it had been for a century.[160]
On the other side, women of the Resistance, many of whom were associated with combat groups linked to the French Communist Party, broke the gender barrier by fighting side by side with men. After the war, this was considered to have been a mistake, but France did give women the vote in 1944.[161]
German invasion, November 1942[edit]
Hitler orderedCase Antonto occupy Corsica and then the rest of the unoccupied southern zone in immediate reaction to the landing of the Allies in North Africa (Operation Torch) on 8 November 1942. Following the conclusion of the operation on 12 November, Vichy's remaining military forces were disbanded. Vichy continued to exercise its remaining jurisdiction over almost all of metropolitan France, with the residual power devolved into the hands of Laval, until the gradual collapse of the regime following the Allied invasion in June 1944. On 7 September 1944, following the Allied invasion of France, the remainders of the Vichy government cabinet fled to Germany and established apuppet governmentin exile in the so-calledSigmaringen enclave.That rump government finally fell when the city was taken by the Allied French army in April 1945.
Part of the residual legitimacy of the Vichy regime resulted from the continued ambivalence of U.S. and other leaders. President Roosevelt continued to cultivate Vichy, and promoted GeneralHenri Giraudas a preferable alternative tode Gaulle,despite the poor performance of Vichy forces in North Africa – AdmiralFrançois Darlanhad landed inAlgiersthe day before Operation Torch. Algiers was headquarters of the Vichy French19th Army Corps,which controlled Vichy military units in North Africa. Darlan was neutralised within 15 hours by a 400-strong French resistance force. Roosevelt and Churchill accepted Darlan, rather thande Gaulle,as the French leader in North Africa. De Gaulle had not even been informed of the landing in North Africa.[91]The United States also resented the Free French taking control ofSt Pierre and Miquelonon 24 December 1941, because, Secretary of StateCordell Hullbelieved, it interfered with a U.S.–Vichy agreement to maintain the status quo with respect to French territorial possessions in the western hemisphere.
Following the invasion of France via Normandy and Provence (Operation OverlordandOperation Dragoon) and the departure of the Vichy leaders, the U.S., the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union finally recognised theProvisional Government of the French Republic(GPRF) headed byde Gaulleas the legitimate government of France on 23 October 1944. Before that, the first return of democracy toMetropolitan Francesince 1940 had occurred with the declaration of theFree Republic of Vercorson 3 July 1944, at the behest of theFree French government– but that act ofresistancewas quashed by an overwhelming German attack by the end of July.
Decline of the regime[edit]
Independence of the SOL[edit]
In 1943 theService d'ordre légionnaire(SOL) collaborationist militia, headed byJoseph Darnand,became independent and was transformed into the "Milice française"(French Militia). Officially directed byPierre Lavalhimself, the SOL was led by Darnand, who held anSSrank and pledged an oath of loyalty toAdolf Hitler.Under Darnand and his sub-commanders, such asPaul TouvierandJacques de Bernonville,the Milice was responsible for helping the German forces and police in the repression of theFrench ResistanceandMaquis.
Sigmaringen commission[edit]
Following theliberation of Parison 25 August 1944, Pétain and his ministers were taken toSigmaringenby the German forces. After both Pétain and Laval refused to cooperate,Fernand de Brinonwas selected by the Germans to establish a pseudo-government in exile at Sigmaringen. Pétain refused to participate further and the Sigmaringen operation had little to no authority. The offices used the official title "French Government Commission for the Defense of National Interests" (French:Commission gouvernementale française pour la défense des intérêts nationaux) and informally was known as the "French Delegation" (French:Délégation française). The enclave had its own radio station (Radio-patrie, Ici la France) and official press (La France,Le Petit Parisien), and hosted the embassies ofAxis powersGermany and Japan, as well as an Italian consulate. The population of the enclave was about 6,000, including known collaborationist journalists, the writersLouis-Ferdinand CélineandLucien Rebatet,the actorRobert Le Vigan,and their families, as well as 500 soldiers, 700 French SS, prisoners of war andFrench civilian forced labourers.[162]
The Commission lasted for seven months, surviving Allied bombing runs, poor nutrition and housing, and a bitterly cold winter where temperatures plunged to −30 °C (−22 °F), while residents nervously watched the advancing Allied troops drawing closer and discussed rumors.[163]
On 21 April 1945General de Lattreordered his forces to take Sigmaringen. The end came within days, and by the 26th, Pétain was in the hands of French authorities in Switzerland while Laval had fled to Spain.[164][165]Brinon,[166]Luchaire, and Darnand were captured, tried, and executed by 1947. Other members escaped to Italy or Spain.
Aftermath[edit]
Provisional government[edit]
The Free French, concerned that the Allies might decide to put France under administration of theAllied Military Government for Occupied Territories,strove to establish theProvisional Government of the French Republicquickly. The first action of the Provisional Government was to reestablish republican legality throughout Metropolitan France.
The provisional government considered the Vichy government to have been unconstitutional and all of its actions therefore without legitimate authority. All "constitutional acts, legislative or regulatory" taken by the Vichy government, as well as decrees taken to implement them, were declared null and void by theOrdinance of 9 August 1944.In as much as blanket rescission of all acts taken by Vichy, including measures that might have been taken by a legitimate republican government, was deemed impractical, the order provided that acts not expressly noted as nullified in the order were to continue to receive "provisional application". Many acts were explicitly repealed, including all acts that Vichy had called "constitutional acts", all acts that discriminated against Jews, all acts related to so-called "secret societies" (such asFreemasons), and all acts that established special tribunals.[167]
Collaborationist paramilitary and political organisations, such as the Milice and theService d'ordre légionnaire,were also dissolved.[167]
The Provisional Government also took steps to replace local governments, including governments that had been suppressed by the Vichy regime through new elections or by extending the terms of those who had been elected not later than 1939.[168]
Purges[edit]
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After the liberation, France was swept for a short period with a wave of executions of collaborationists. Some were brought to theVélodrome d'hiver,Fresnes prison or the Drancy internment camp. Women who were suspected of having romantic liaisons with Germans or more often[citation needed]of being prostitutes who had entertained German customers were publicly humiliated by having their heads shaved. Those who had engaged in theblack marketwere also stigmatised as "war profiteers" (profiteurs de guerre), and popularly called "BOF" (Beurre Oeuf Fromage,or Butter Eggs Cheese, because of the products sold at outrageous prices during the Occupation). TheProvisional Government of the French Republic(GPRF, 1944–46) quickly reestablished order, and brought collaborationists before the courts. Many convicted collaborationists were then given amnesty under theFourth Republic(1946–54).
Four different periods are distinguished by historians:
- the first phase of popular convictions (épuration sauvage– wild purge): extrajudicial executions and shaving of women's heads. Estimations bypolice prefectsmade in 1948 and 1952 counted as many as 6,000 executions before the Liberation and 4,000 afterward.
- the second phase (épuration légaleor legal purge), which began with Charlesde Gaulle's 26 and 27 June 1944 purgeordonnances(de Gaulle's first ordonnance instituting purge Commissions was enacted on 18 August 1943): judgments of collaborationists by theCommissions d'épuration,who condemned approximately 120,000 persons (e.g.Charles Maurras,the leader of the royalistAction Française,was thus condemned to a life sentence on 25 January 1945), including 1,500 death sentences (Joseph Darnand,head of the Milice, andPierre Laval,head of the French government, were executed after trial on 4 October 1945,Robert Brasillach,executed on 6 February 1945, etc.), but many of those who survived that phase were later given amnesty.
- the third phase, more lenient towards collaborationists (the trial of Philippe Pétain or of writerLouis-Ferdinand Céline).
- finally came the period for amnesty andgraces(such asJean-Pierre Esteva,Xavier Vallat,creator of the General Commission for Jewish Affairs, René Bousquet, head of French police)
Other historians have distinguished the purges against intellectuals (Brasillach, Céline, etc.), industrialists, fighters (LVFetc.) and civil servants (Papon etc.).
Philippe Pétain was charged with treason in July 1945. He was convicted and sentenced to death by firing squad, but Charlesde Gaullecommuted the sentence to life imprisonment. In the police, some collaborators soon resumed official responsibilities. This continuity of the administration was pointed out,[citation needed]in particular concerning the events of theParis massacre of 1961,executed under the orders of Paris Police ChiefMaurice Paponwhile Charlesde Gaullewas head of state. Papon was tried and convicted for crimes against humanity in 1998.
The French members of the Waffen-SSCharlemagneDivisionwho survived the war were regarded as traitors. Some of the more prominent officers were executed, while the rank-and-file were given prison terms. Some of them were given the option of doing time inIndochina(1946–54) with theForeign Legioninstead of prison.[citation needed]
Among artists, singerTino Rossiwas detained inFresnes Prison;according to the newspaperCombat,prison guards asked him for autographs.Pierre BenoitandArlettywere also detained.
Executions without trials and other forms of "popular justice"were harshly criticised immediately after the war, with circles close toPétainistsadvancing the figures of 100,000 and denouncing the "Red Terror","anarchy ", or" blind vengeance ". The writer and Jewish interneeRobert Aronestimated the popular executions to a number of 40,000 in 1960. This surprisedde Gaulle,who estimated the number to be around 10,000, which is also the figure accepted today by mainstream historians. Approximately 9,000 of these 10,000 refer tosummary executionsin the whole of the country, which occurred during battle.[citation needed]
Some imply that France did too little to deal with collaborators at this stage by selectively pointing out that in absolute value (numbers), there were fewer legal executions in France than in its smaller neighbour Belgium, and fewer internments than in Norway or the Netherlands[citation needed],but the situation in Belgium was not comparable as it mixed collaboration with elements of a war of secession. The 1940 invasion prompted the Flemish population to generally side with the Germans in the hope of gaining national recognition, and relative to national population, a much higher proportion of Belgians than French thus ended up collaborating with the Germans or volunteering to fight alongside them.[169][170]The Walloon population, in turn, led massive anti-Flemish retribution after the war, some of which, such as the execution ofIrma Swertvaeger Laplasse,were controversial.[171]
The proportion of collaborators was also higher in Norway, and collaboration occurred on a larger scale in the Netherlands (as in Flanders), based partly on linguistic and cultural commonality with Germany. The internments in Norway and the Netherlands, meanwhile, werehighly temporaryand rather indiscriminate: there was a brief internment peak in these countries since internment was used partly for the purpose of separating collaborationists from others.[172]Norway ended upexecuting only 37 collaborationists.
1980s trials[edit]
Some accused war criminals were judged, some for a second time, from the 1980s onwards:Paul Touvier,Maurice Papon,René Bousquet (the head of the French police during the war) and his deputyJean Leguay.Bousquet and Leguay were both convicted for their responsibilities in theVel' d'Hiv Roundupof July 1942. Among others,Nazi huntersSerge and Beate Klarsfeldspent part of their postwar effort trying to bring them before the courts. Some collaborationists then joined theOASterrorist movement during theAlgerian War(1954–62).Jacques de Bernonvilleescaped to Quebec, then Brazil.Jacques Ploncard d'Assacbecame counsellor to the Portuguese dictatorAntónio de Oliveira Salazar.[173]
In 1993, former Vichy officialRené Bousquetwas assassinated while he awaited prosecution in Paris following a 1991 inculpation forcrimes against humanity.He had been prosecuted but partially acquitted and immediately amnestied in 1949.[174]In 1994, former Vichy officialPaul Touvier(1915–1996) was convicted of crimes against humanity.Maurice Paponwas likewise convicted in 1998 but was released three years later due to ill health and died in 2007.[175]
Historiographical debates and "Vichy syndrome"[edit]
As the historianHenry Roussoput it inThe Vichy Syndrome(1987), Vichy and the state collaboration of France remains a "past that doesn't pass away".[176]
Historiographical debates are still passionate and oppose different views on the nature and legitimacy of Vichy's collaborationism with Germany in the implementation of the Holocaust. Three main periods have been distinguished in the historiography of Vichy. Firstly, the Gaullist period aimed at national reconciliation and unity under the figure of Charlesde Gaulle,who conceived himself above political parties and divisions. Then, the 1960s hadMarcel Ophüls's filmThe Sorrow and the Pity(1971). Finally, in the 1990s, the trial ofMaurice Papon,a civil servant in Bordeaux who had been in charge of the "Jewish Questions" during the war and was convicted after a very long trial (1981–1998) for crimes against humanity.[177]
Though it is certain that the Vichy government and many of its top administration collaborated in the implementation of the Holocaust, the exact level of such co-operation is still debated. Compared with the Jewish communities established in other countries invaded by Germany, French Jews suffered proportionately lighter losses, but in 1942, repression and deportations started to strike French Jews, not just foreign Jews.[108]
Notable figures[edit]
- René Bousquet,head of the French police.
- François Darlan,Prime Minister (1941–1942).
- Louis Darquier de Pellepoix,Commissioner for Jewish Affairs.
- Marcel Déat,founder of theRassemblement national populaire(RNP) in 1941. Joined the government in the last months of the Occupation.
- Pierre-Étienne Flandin,Prime Minister (1940–1941).
- Philippe Henriot,State Secretary of Information and Propaganda.
- Gaston Henry-Haye,Vichy ambassador to the United States of America.
- Charles Huntziger,general and Minister of Defense.
- Pierre Laval,Prime Minister (1940, 1942–1944).
- Jean Leguay,delegate of Bousquet in the "free zone", charged with crimes against humanity for his role in the July 1942Vel' d'Hiv Roundup.
- François Mitterrand,later President of the French Republic (1981–1995)
- Maurice Papon,head of the Jewish Questions Service in the prefecture of Bordeaux. Condemned for crimes against humanity in 1998.[178]
- Philippe Pétain,Head of State.
- Pierre Pucheu,Minister of the Interior.
- Simon Sabiani,head of theParti Populaire Françaisin Marseille.
- Paul Touvier,condemned in 1995 for crimes against humanity for his role as head of theMilicein Lyon.
- Xavier Vallat,Commissioner General for Jewish Questions.
- Maxime Weygand,Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces and Minister of Defense.
Non-Vichy collaborationists[edit]
- Pierre Bonny,also known as Pierre Bony.
- Robert Brasillach,writer, executed for collaboration after the war.
- Marcel Bucard,founder of the far-rightMouvement francisteandLegion des volontaires francais contre le bolchevisme(LVF).
- Louis-Ferdinand Céline,writer.
- Eugène Deloncle,co-founder of the right-wing terrorist groupLa Cagoulein 1935 and fascistMouvement social révolutionnairein 1940.
- Jacques Doriot,founder of theParti Populaire Français(PPF) and member of the LVF.
- Pierre Drieu La Rochelle,writer.
- Henri Lafont
- Étienne Leandri,wore the Gestapo uniform during the war and participated in the creation of theGaullistService d'Action Civique(SAC) in the 1960s.
- Robert Le Vigan,actor.
- Charles Maurras,writer and founder of royalist movementAction Française.
- Lucien Rebatet,writer.
- Pierre Taittinger,chairman of the municipal council of Paris 1943–1944.
See also[edit]
- Camp of Septfonds
- Cadix,Allied intelligence center inUzès
- Collaboration with the Axis Powers during World War II
- German occupation of France during World War II
- Government of Vichy France
- Italian occupation of France during World War II
- List of French possessions and colonies
- Military history of France during World War II
- Oradour-sur-Glane
- Ordre Nouveau
- Organisation Todt
- Amy Elizabeth Thorpe
- Western Front (Frankreich) Area (Luftflotte 3, France)
- World War II in the Basque Country
Notes[edit]
- ^Given full constituent powers in thelaw of 10 July 1940,Pétain never promulgated a new constitution. A draft was written in 1941 and signed by Pétain in 1944 but was never submitted or ratified.[53]
- ^French: Pétain: "J'entre aujourd'hui dans la voie de la collaboration."
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- ^Mouré, Kenneth (2010). "Food Rationing and the Black Market in France (1940–1944)".French History.24(2): 262–282 [pp. 272–273].doi:10.1093/fh/crq025.PMID20672479.
- ^Mouré, Kenneth (2010). "Food Rationing and the Black Market in France (1940–1944)".French History.24(2): 262–282.doi:10.1093/fh/crq025.PMID20672479.
- ^Fishman, Sarah (1991).We Will Wait: Wives of French Prisoners of War, 1940–1945.New Haven: Yale University Press.ISBN978-0-300-04774-5.
- ^Pollard, Miranda (1998).Reign of Virtue: Mobilizing Gender in Vichy France.Chicago: University of Chicago Press.ISBN978-0-226-67349-3.
- ^Muel-Dreyfus, Francine; Johnson, Kathleen A. (2001).Vichy and the Eternal Feminine: A Contribution to a Political-Sociology of Gender.Durham: Duke University Press.ISBN978-0-8223-2777-6.
- ^Jackson 2001,pp. 331–332.
- ^Schwartz, Paula (1989). "Partisianes and Gender Politics in Vichy France".French Historical Studies.16(1): 126–151.doi:10.2307/286436.JSTOR286436.
- ^Jackson 2001,pp. 567–568.
- ^Béglé 2014.
- ^Aron 1962,pp. 48–49.
- ^Aron 1962,pp. 81–82.
- ^Cointet 2014,p. 426.
- ^abJean-Pierre Maury."Ordonnance du 9 août 1944 relative au rétablissement de la légalité républicaine sur le territoire continental".Mjp.univ-perp.fr.Archivedfrom the original on 8 February 2012.Retrieved31 May2011.
- ^Jean-Pierre Maury."Ordonnance du 21 avril 1944 relative à l'organisation des pouvoirs publics en France après la Libération".Mjp.univ-perp.fr.Archivedfrom the original on 12 May 2013.Retrieved31 May2011.
- ^"Flemish Legion Military and Feldpost History".Axis and Foreign Volunteer Legion Military Awards & Postal History.Archivedfrom the original on 24 February 2009.Retrieved23 May2009.
- ^"Accession Plans".german-foreign-policy. 11 December 2007.Archivedfrom the original on 23 July 2011.Retrieved23 May2009.
- ^Helm, Sarah (16 February 1996)."War memories widen Belgium's communal rift".The Independent on Sunday.Archivedfrom the original on 31 January 2012.Retrieved23 May2009.
- ^Andenæs, Johs(1980) [1979].Det vanskelige oppgjøret(in Norwegian) (2nd ed.). Oslo: Tanum-Norli. p. 59.ISBN978-82-518-0917-7.
- ^"Vichy France Facts".World War 2 Facts.Archivedfrom the original on 13 January 2014.Retrieved12 January2014.
- ^René Bousquet devant la Haute Cour de JusticeArchived3 December 2002 at theWayback Machine(in French)
- ^Kitson, Simon."Bousquet, Touvier and Papon: Three Vichy personalities"(PDF).Archived(PDF)from the original on 20 May 2011.Retrieved30 March2011.
- ^Traverso, Enzo (2016).Fire and Blood: The European Civil War, 1914–1945.Verso Books.ISBN978-1-78478-134-7.
- ^Whitney, Craig R. (18 February 2007)."Maurice Papon, Convicted Vichy Official, 96, Dies".The New York Times.ISSN0362-4331.Archivedfrom the original on 16 December 2017.Retrieved16 December2017.
- ^Whitney, Craig R. (3 April 1998)."Ex-Vichy Aide Is Convicted And Reaction Ranges Wide".The New York Times.ISSN0362-4331.Archivedfrom the original on 2 February 2018.Retrieved2 February2018.
Bibliography[edit]
English[edit]
- Atkin, Nicholas,Pétain,(Longman, 1997)
- Azema, Jean-Pierre.From Munich to Liberation 1938–1944(The Cambridge History of Modern France) (1985)
- Azema, Jean-Pierre, ed.Collaboration and Resistance: Images of Life in Vichy France 1940–1944(2000) 220pp; photographs
- Boyd, Douglas.Voices from the Dark Years: The Truth About Occupied France 1940–1945(The History Press, 2015)
- Burrin, Philippe.France Under the Germans: Collaboration and Compromise(1998)
- Carmen CallilBad Faith. A Forgotten History of Family, Fatherland and Vichy France.New York: Knopf. 2006.ISBN0-375-41131-3;Biography of Louis Darquier de Pellepoix, the Commissioner for Jewish Affairs
- Campbell, Caroline. "Gender and Politics in Interwar and Vichy France."Contemporary European History27.3 (2018): 482–499.online
- Christofferson, Thomas R., and Michael S. Christofferson.France during World War II: From Defeat to Liberation(2nd ed. 2006) 206pp; brief introductiononline editionArchived14 December 2019 at theWayback Machine
- Davies, Peter.France and the Second World War: Resistance, Occupation and Liberation(Introduction to History) (2000) 128ppexcerpt and text search
- Diamond, Hanna.Women and the Second World War in France, 1939–1948: Choices and Constraints(1999)
- Diamond, Hanna, and Simon Kitson, eds.Vichy, Resistance, Liberation: New Perspectives on Wartime France(2005)online editionArchived5 August 2020 at theWayback Machine;online review
- Fogg, Shannon Lee.The Politics of Everyday Life in Vichy France: Foreigners, Undesirables, and Strangers(2009), 226ppexcerpt and text search
- Gildea, Robert.Marianne in Chains: Daily Life in the Heart of France During the German Occupation(2004)excerpt and text search
- Glass, Charles,Americans in Paris: Life and Death Under Nazi Occupation(2009)excerpt and text search
- Gordon, B.Historical Dictionary of World War Two France: The Occupation, Vichy and the Resistance, 1938–1946(Westport, Conn., 1998)
- Halls, W. D.Politics, Society and Christianity in Vichy France(1995)online editionArchived13 December 2019 at theWayback Machine
- Holman, Valerie; Kelly, Debra (2000).France at War in the Twentieth Century: Propaganda, Myth, and Metaphor.Contemporary France (Providence, R.I.). New York: Berghahn Books.ISBN978-1-57181-701-3.OCLC41497185.
- Jackson, Julian T. (2001).France: The Dark Years, 1940–1944.Oxford University Press.ISBN978-0-19-820706-1.Retrieved15 August2020.
- Jennings, Eric (1994). "'Reinventing Jeanne': The Iconology of Joan of Arc in Vichy Schoolbooks, 1940–44 ".The Journal of Contemporary History.29(4): 711–734.doi:10.1177/002200949402900406.S2CID159656095.
- Kedward, H. R.Occupied France: Collaboration and Resistance(Oxford, 1985), short survey
- Kitson, Simon,The Hunt for Nazi Spies: Fighting Espionage in Vichy France,(University of Chicago Press, 2008).ISBN978-0-226-43893-1.
- Kocher, Adam, Adria K. Lawrence and Nuno P. Monteiro. 2018. "Nationalism, Collaboration, and Resistance: France under Nazi Occupation."International Security43(2): 117–150.
- Kooreman, Megan.The Expectation of Justice: France, 1944–1946.(Duke University Press. 1999)
- Kroener, Bernhard R.; Muller, Rolf-Dieter; Umbreit, Hans (2000).Germany and the Second World War: Volume 5: Organization and Mobilization of the German Sphere of Power. Part I: Wartime Administration, Economy, and Manpower Resources, 1939–1941.Germany & Second World War. OUP Oxford. p. iii.ISBN978-0-19-160683-0.OCLC1058510505.Retrieved28 July2021.
- Lackerstein, Debbie.National Regeneration in Vichy France: Ideas and Policies, 1930–1944(2013)excerpt and text search
- Langer, William,Our Vichy gamble,(1947); U.S. policy 1940–42
- Larkin, Maurice.France since the Popular Front: Government and People 1936–1996(Oxford U P 1997).ISBN0-19-873151-5
- Lemmes, Fabian. "Collaboration in wartime France, 1940–1944",European Review of History(2008), 15#2 pp 157–177
- Levieux, Eleanor (1999).Insiders' French: beyond the dictionary.Chicago: University of Chicago Press.ISBN978-0-226-47502-8.
- Manow, Philip. "Workers, farmers and Catholicism: A history of political class coalitions and the south-European welfare state regime".Journal of European Social Policy(2015) 25#1 pp: 32–49.
- Marrus, Michael R. and Robert Paxton.Vichy France and the Jews.(Stanford University Press, 1995).online 1981 editionArchived11 October 2017 at theWayback Machine
- Martin Mauthner.Otto Abetz and His Paris Acolytes – French Writers Who Flirted with Fascism, 1930–1945.(Sussex Academic Press, 2016).ISBN978-1-84519-784-1
- Melton, George E.Darlan: Admiral and Statesman of France, 1881–1942.(Praeger, 1998).ISBN0-275-95973-2.
- Mockler, Anthony (1984).Haile Selassie's War: The Italian−Ethiopian Campaign, 1935–1941.New York:Random House.ISBN978-0-394-54222-5.
- Nord, Philip.France's New Deal: From the Thirties to the Postwar Era(Princeton U.P., 2010)
- Michel, Alain (2014) [1st pub. 2011]."10 Collaboration and collaborators in Vichy France: An unfinished debate".In Stauber, Roni (ed.).Collaboration with the Nazis: Public Discourse after the Holocaust.Routledge Jewish Studies series. London: Routledge.ISBN978-1138788770.OCLC876293139.
- Paxton, Robert O.Vichy France: Old Guard and New Order, 1940–1944(2nd ed. 2001)excerpt and text search;influential survey
- Playfair, Major-General I. S. O.;with Stitt, Commander G. M. S.; Molony, Brigadier C. J. C. & Toomer, Air Vice-Marshal S. E. (1954).Butler, J. R. M.(ed.).The Mediterranean and Middle East: The Early Successes Against Italy (to May 1941).History of the Second World War, United Kingdom Military Series. Vol. I.HMSO.OCLC494123451.Retrieved3 September2015.
- Playfair, I. S. O.; et al. (2004) [1956]. Butler, J. R. M. (ed.).The Mediterranean and Middle East: The Germans Come to the Help of their Ally (1941).History of the Second World War, United Kingdom Military Series. Vol. II (pbk. repr. Naval & Military Press, Uckfield ed.). London: HMSO.ISBN978-1-84574-066-5.
- Pollard, Miranda.Reign of virtue: mobilising gender in Vichy France(University of Chicago Press, 2012)
- Raugh, H. E. (1993).Wavell in the Middle East, 1939–1941: A Study in Generalship.London: Brassey's.ISBN978-0-08-040983-2.
- Smith, Colin.England's Last War Against France: Fighting Vichy, 1940–1942,London, Weidenfeld, 2009.ISBN978-0-297-85218-6
- Sutherland, Jonathan, and Diane Canwell.Vichy Air Force at War: The French Air Force that Fought the Allies in World War II(Pen & Sword Aviation, 2011)
- Sweets, John F.,Choices in Vichy France: The French Under Nazi Occupation(New York, 1986)excerpt and text search,focus on city ofClermont-Ferrand
- Thomas, Martin,The French Empire at War, 1940–45,Manchester University Press, 1998, paperback 2007.
- Vinen, Richard.The Unfree French: Life Under the Occupation(2007)
- Weisberg, Richard H.Vichy Law and the Holocaust in France.New York University Press. 1998.ISBN0-8147-9336-3
Historiography[edit]
- Conan, Eric, and Henry Rousso.Vichy: An ever-present past(UP of New England, 1998)
- Fishman, Sarah, et al.France at War: Vichy and the Historians(2000)online editionArchived5 August 2020 at theWayback Machine
- Golsan, Richard J.Vichy's Afterlife: History & Counterhistory in Postwar France(2000)
- Gordon, Bertram M. "The 'Vichy Syndrome' problem in history",French Historical Studies(1995) 19#2 pp 495–518, on the denial of the realities of Vichyin JSTOR
- Munholland, Kim. "Wartime France: Remembering Vichy",French Historical Studies(1994) 18#3 pp. 801–820in JSTOR
- Poznanski, Renée. "Rescue of the Jews and the Resistance in France: From History to Historiography",French Politics, Culture and Society(2012) 30#2 pp 8–32.
- Rousso, Henry.The Vichy Syndrome: History and Memory in France since 1944.(2nd ed. 2006).ISBN0-674-93539-X
- Singer, Barnett. "The Changing Image of Vichy in France",Contemporary ReviewSummer 2009online editionArchived8 August 2020 at theWayback Machine
French[edit]
- Henri Amouroux,La grande histoire des Français sous l'Occupation,8 volumes, Laffont, 1976
- Aron, Robert(1962). "Pétain: sa carrière, son procès" [Pétain: his career, his trial].Grands dossiers de l'histoire contemporaine[Major issues in contemporary history] (in French). Paris: Librairie Académique Perrin.OCLC1356008.
- Jean-Pierre Azéma& François Bedarida,Vichy et les Français,Paris, Fayard, 1996.
- Le régime de Vichy et les Français(dir. Jean-Pierre Azéma & François Bédarida, Institut d'histoire du temps présent), Fayard, 1992,ISBN2-213-02683-1
- Béglé, Jérôme (20 January 2014)."Rentrée littéraire – Avec Pierre Assouline, Sigmaringen, c'est la vie de château!"[Autumn publishing season launch – With Pierre Assouline, Sigmaringen, That's life in the castle].Le Point(in French). Le Point Communications.
- Bentégeat, Hervé (2014).Et surtout, pas un mot à la Maréchale...: Pétain et ses femmes[And above all, not a word to the Maréchale...: Pétain and his women] (in French). Paris: Albin Michel.ISBN978-2226256911.OCLC1015992303.
- Michèle Cointet.Dictionnaire historique de la France sous l'Occupation(2nd ed. 2000) 732pp
- Michèle Cointet.L'Eglise sous Vichy. 1940–1945. La repentance en question.,Perrin, Paris, 1998.ISBN2-262-01231-8
- Cointet, Jean-Paul(2014).Sigmaringen.Tempus (in French). Paris: Perrin.ISBN978-2-262-03300-2.
- Eric Conan etHenry Rousso.Vichy, un passé qui ne passe pas,Fayard, Paris, 1994,ISBN2-213-59237-3
- Yves Maxime Danan,La vie politique à Alger, de 1940 à 1944,L.G.D.J., Paris 1963.
- Jean-Luc Einaudi (2001).Les silences de la police: 16 juillet 1942–17 octobre 1961(in French). Paris: L'Esprit frappeur.ISBN978-2-84405-173-8.
- Delporte, Christian; Moine, Caroline (2018).Culture, médias, pouvoirs aux Etats-Unis et en Europe occidentale, France, Italie, RFA, Royaume-Uni, 1945–1991[Culture, Media, Power in the United States and Western Europe, 1945–1991] (in French). Malakoff: Armand Colin.ISBN978-2200624187.OCLC1191067431.
- André Kaspi.Les Juifs pendant l'Occupation,Seuil, Paris, 1991,ISBN2-02-013509-4
- Serge Klarsfeld.Vichy-Auschwitz. Le rôle de Vichy dans la solution finale de la question juive en France. 1943–1944.,Fayard, Paris, 1985,ISBN2-213-01573-2
- Launay, Jacques de.Le Dossier de Vichy,in series,Collection Archives,[Éditions] Julliard, [Paris], 1967.N.B.: A documentary history.
- Herbert R. Lottman.Pétain.Seuil, 1984,ISBN2-02-006763-3
- Rousso, Henry(2007).Le régime de Vichy[The Vichy Regime].Que sais-je?n° 1720 (in French). Paris:Presses Universitaires de France.ISBN978-2-13-054077-9.OCLC777999316.
- Jacques Sabille. "Les Juifs de Tunisie sous Vichy et l'Occupation". Paris: Edition duCentre de Documentation Juive Contemporaine,1954
- Sémelin, Jacques (2013).Persécutions et entraides dans la France occupée: comment 75 % des juifs de France ont échappé à la mort(in French). Paris: Seuil Arènes.ISBN978-2-35204-235-8.
German[edit]
- Eberhard Jäckel:Frankreich in Hitlers Europa: die deutsche Frankreichpolitik im 2. Weltkrieg,Stuttgart 1966.
- Martin Jungius:Der verwaltete Raub. Die "Arisierung" der Wirtschaft in Frankreich 1940–1944.Thorbecke, Ostfildern 2008, Beiheft der Francia Nr. 67, hrsg. von Deutschen Historischen Institut Paris.
- Michael Mayer:Staaten als Täter. Ministerialbürokratie und 'Judenpolitik' in NS-Deutschland und Vichy-Frankreich. Ein Vergleich. Preface by Horst Möller and Georges-Henri SoutouMünchen, Oldenbourg, 2010 (Studien zur Zeitgeschichte; 80).ISBN978-3-486-58945-0.(Comparative study of anti-Jewish policy implemented by the government in Nazi-Germany, by German occupational forces in France and by the semi-autonomic French government in Vichy)
- Rousso, Henry(2009) [1st pub. 2007Le Régime de Vichy].Vichy: Frankreich unter deutscher Besatzung; 1940–1944[Vichy: France under the Occupation: 1940–1944]. Beck'sche Reihe (in German). Munich:C.H. Beck.ISBN978-3-406-58454-1.OCLC316118163.
Films[edit]
- Marcel Ophüls,The Sorrow and the Pity(1969).
- Claude Chabrol,The Eye of Vichy(1993).
Further reading[edit]
- Boissoneault, Lorraine (9 November 2017)."Was Vichy France a Puppet Government or a Willing Nazi Collaborator?".Smithsonian.Washington D.C.:Smithsonian Institution.ISSN0037-7333.Retrieved2 April2023.
- Conan, Eric; Rousso, Henry (1998).Vichy: An Ever-present Past.UPNE.ISBN978-0-87451-795-8.OCLC1137403989.
- Rousso, Henry (1991).The Vichy Syndrome: History and Memory in France Since 1944.Harvard University Press.ISBN978-0-674-93538-9.OCLC1034576435.
External links[edit]
- Simon Kitson'sVichy web-page
- Original "Establishment of the Vichy government" constitutional act
- Map of the "free" and "occupied" French zonesArchived13 April 2005 at theWayback Machine
- National Geographiccoverage of the armisticeArchived27 September 2007 at theWayback Machine(in French)
- "Obituary of a Republic",Time,22 July 1940
- Vica Nazi Propaganda Comics – Duke University Libraries Digital Collections– Pro-Nazi comics produced in Vichy France
- NAZI diplomacy: Vichy, 1940
- The Holocaust in FranceArchived22 February 2019 at theWayback Machine,atYad Vashemwebsite
- Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, But Not for All: France and the "Alien" Jews, 1933–1942
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