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Zhuangzi
The Butterfly Dream,by Chinese painter Lu Zhi (c. 1550)
Author(trad.)Zhuang Zhou
LanguageClassical Chinese
GenrePhilosophy
Publication placeChina
Chinese name
Traditional ChineseThôn trang
Simplified ChineseThôn trang
Literal meaning"[The Writings of] Master Zhuang"
Tang-era title
Traditional ChineseNam Hoa Chân Kinh
Simplified ChineseNam Hoa Chân Kinh
Literal meaningTrue scripture of southern florescence

TheZhuangzi(historically romanizedChuang Tzŭ) is an ancient Chinese text that is one of the two foundational texts ofTaoism,alongside theTao Te Ching.It was written during the lateWarring States period(476–221 BC) and is named for its traditional author,Zhuang Zhou.

TheZhuangziconsists of stories and maxims that exemplify the nature of the ideal Taoist sage. It contains numerous anecdotes, allegories, parables, and fables, often expressed with irreverence or humor. Recurring themes include embracing spontaneity and achieving freedom from the human world and its conventions. Throughout, the text aims to illustrate the arbitrariness andultimate falsity of dichotomiesnormally embraced by human societies, such as those between good and bad, large and small, life and death, or human and nature. In contrast with the focus on good morals and personal duty expressed by many Chinese philosophers of the period, Zhuangzi promoted carefree wandering and following nature, through which one would ultimately become one with the "Way" (Tao).

Though appreciation for the work often focuses on its philosophy, theZhuangziis also regarded as one of the greatest works of literature in theClassical Chinesecanon. It has significantly influenced major Chinese writers and poets across more than two millennia, with the first attested commentary on the work written during theHan dynasty(202 BC – 220 AD). It has been called "the most important pre-Qintext for the study of Chinese literature ".[1]

History[edit]

Zhuang Zhou[edit]

TheZhuangziis presented as the collected works of a man namedZhuang Zhou—traditionally referred to as "Zhuangzi" (Thôn trang;"Master Zhuang" ), using anhonorific.Almost nothing is concretely known of Zhuangzi's life. Most what is known comes from theZhuangziitself, which was subject to changes in later centuries. Most historians place his birth around 369 BC in a place called Meng (Mông) in the historicalstate of Song,near present-dayShangqiu, Henan.His death is variously placed at 301, 295, or 286 BC.[2]

Zhuang Zhou is thought to have spent time in the southernstate of Chu,as well as in theQicapital ofLinzi.Sima Qianincludes a biography of Zhuangzi in the Han-eraRecords of the Grand Historian(c. 91 BC), but it seems to have been sourced mostly from theZhuangziitself.[3]The American sinologistBurton Watsonconcluded: "Whoever Zhuang Zhou was, the writings attributed to him bear the stamp of a brilliant and original mind".[4]University of Sydneylecturer Esther Klein observes: "In the perception of the vast majority of readers, whoever authored the coreZhuangzitextwasMaster Zhuang. "[5]

Textual history[edit]

The only version of theZhuangziknown to exist in its entirety consists of 33 chapters originally prepared around AD 300 by theJin-erascholarGuo Xiang,who reduced the text from an earlier collection of 52 chapters. The first 7 of these, referred to as the 'inner chapters' (Nội thiên;nèipiān), were considered even before Guo to have been wholly authored by Zhuang Zhou himself. This attribution has been traditionally accepted since, and is still assumed by many modern scholars.[6]The original authorship of the remaining 26 chapters has been the subject of perennial debate: they were divided by Guo into 15 'outer chapters' (Ngoại thiên;wàipiān) and 11 'miscellaneous chapters' (Tạp thiên;zápiān).[7]

Today, it is generally accepted that the outer and miscellaneous chapters were the result of a process of "accretion and redaction", whereby numerous authors "[responded] to the scintillating brilliance" of the original inner chapters.[8]A limited consensus has been established regarding five distinct "schools" of authorship, each responsible for their own layers of substance within the text.[9]Despite the lack of traceable attribution, modern scholars universally accept that all surviving chapters were originally composed between the 4th and 2nd centuries BC.[10]

Details of the text's history prior to theHan dynasty(202 BC – 220 AD) are largely unknown. Traces of its influence on the philosophy of texts written during the late Warring States period, such as theGuanzi,Han Feizi,Huainanzi,andSpring and Autumn Annals,suggest that Zhuang Zhou's intellectual lineage had already been fairly influential in the states of Qi and Chu by the 3rd century BC.[11]Sima Qian refers to theZhuangzias a 100,000-character work in theRecords of the Grand Historian,and references several chapters present in the received text.[12]

Many scholars consider aZhuangzicomposed of 52 chapters, as attested by theBook of Hanin 111 AD, as being the original form of the text.[13]During the late 1st century BC, the entire Han imperial library—including its edition of theZhuangzi—was subject to considerable redaction and standardization by the polymathLiu Xiang,which was continued by his sonLiu Xin.All extant copies of theZhuangziultimately derive from a version that was further edited and redacted to 33 chapters by Guo Xiangc. 300 AD,[13]who worked from the material previously edited by Liu. Guo plainly stated that he had made considerable edits to the outer and miscellaneous chapters in an attempt to preserve Zhuang Zhou's original ideas from later distortions, in a way that "did not hesitate to impose his personal understanding and philosophical preferences on the text".[14]The received text as edited by Guo is approximately 63,000 characters long—around two-thirds the attested length of the Han-era manuscript. While none are known to exist in full, versions of the text unaffected by both the Guo and Liu revisions survived into theTang dynasty(618–907), with the existing fragments hinting at the folkloric nature of the material removed by Guo.[15]

Manuscripts[edit]

Replica of a Tang-era manuscript of the "Heavenly Revolutions" chapter (No. 14), published in Tokyo in 1932

Portions of theZhuangzihave been found among thebamboo sliptexts discovered in tombs dating to the early Han dynasty, particularly at theShuangguduisite nearFuyanginAnhui,and theMount Zhangjiasite nearJingzhouinHubei.The earlierGuodian Chu Slips—unearthed nearJingmen, Hubeiand dating to the Warring States periodc. 300 BC—contain what appears to be a short fragment of the "Ransacking Coffers" chapter (No. 10 of 33).[7]

TheDunhuang manuscripts,discovered during the early 20th century by the Hungarian-British explorerAurel Steinand the French sinologistPaul Pelliot,contain numerousZhuangzifragments dating to the early Tang dynasty. Stein and Pelliot took most of the manuscripts back to Europe, and the majority of these are presently held at theBritish Libraryand theBibliothèque nationale de France.TheZhuangzifragments among the manuscripts constitute approximately twelve chapters of Guo Xiang's edition.[16]

AZhuangzimanuscript dating to theMuromachi period(1338–1573) is preserved in theKōzan-jitemple inKyoto;it is considered one of Japan's national treasures. The manuscript has seven complete selections from the outer and miscellaneous chapters, and is believed to be a close copy of a 7th-century annotated edition written by the Chinese Taoist masterCheng Xuanying.[17]

Content[edit]

TheZhuangziconsists of anecdotes, allegories, parables, and fables that are often humorous or irreverent in nature. Most of these are fairly short and simple, such as the humans "Lickety" and "Split" drilling seven holes into the primordial "Wonton"(No. 7), or Zhuangzi being discovered sitting and drumming on a basin after his wife dies (No. 18). A few are longer and more complex, like the story ofLie Yukouand themagus,or the account of theYellow Emperor's music (bothNo. 14). Most of the stories within theZhuangziseem to have been invented by Zhuangzi himself. This distinguishes it from other works of the period, where anecdotes generally only appear as occasional interjections, and were usually drawn from existing proverbs or legends.[18]

Some stories are completely whimsical, such as the strange description of evolution from "misty spray" through a series of substances and insects to horses and humans (No. 18), while a few other passages seem to be "sheer playful nonsense" which read likeLewis Carroll's "Jabberwocky".TheZhuangziis full of quirky and fantastic character archetypes, such as "Mad Stammerer", "Fancypants Scholar", "Sir Plow", and a man who fancies that his left arm will turn into a rooster, his right arm will turn into a crossbow, and his buttocks will become cartwheels.[19]

A master of language, Zhuangzi sometimes engages in logic and reasoning, but then turns it upside down or carries the arguments to absurdity to demonstrate the limitations of human knowledge and the rational world. SinologistVictor H. Maircompares Zhuangzi's process of reasoning toSocratic dialogue—exemplified by the debate between Zhuangzi and fellow philosopherHuiziregarding the "joy of fish" (No. 17). Mair additionally characterizes Huizi's paradoxes near the end of the book as being "strikingly like those ofZeno of Elea".[20]

Notable passages[edit]

"The Butterfly Dream"[edit]

Zhuangzi Dreaming of a Butterfly,by 18th-century Japanese painterIke no Taiga

The most famous of allZhuangzistories appears at the end of the second chapter, "On the Equality of Things", and consists of a dream being briefly recalled.

Tích giả Trang Chu mộng vì hồ điệp, sinh động nhiên hồ điệp cũng, tự dụ thích chí cùng. Không biết chu cũng.
Once, Zhuang Zhou dreamed he was a butterfly, a butterfly flitting and fluttering about, happy with himself and doing as he pleased. He didn't know that he was Zhuang Zhou.

Bỗng giác, tắc cừ ngạc nhiên chu cũng. Không biết chu chi mộng vì hồ điệp cùng, hồ điệp chi mộng vì chu cùng. Chu cùng hồ điệp, tắc tất có phân rồi. Này chi gọi vật hoá.
Suddenly he woke up and there he was, solid and unmistakable Zhuang Zhou. But he didn't know if he was Zhuang Zhou who had dreamt he was a butterfly, or a butterfly dreaming that he was Zhuang Zhou. Between Zhuang Zhou and the butterfly there must be some distinction! This is called the Transformation of Things.

— Zhuangzi,chapter 2 (Watson translation)[21]

The image of Zhuangzi wondering if he was a man who dreamed of being a butterfly or a butterfly dreaming of being a man became so well known that whole dramas have been written on its theme.[22]In the passage, Zhuangzi "[plays] with the theme of transformation",[22]illustrating that "the distinction between waking and dreaming is anotherfalse dichotomy.If [one] distinguishes them, how can [one] tell if [one] is now dreaming or awake? "[23]

Zhuangzi Dreaming of a Butterfly,by Japanese painterShibata Zeshin(1888)

"The Death of Wonton"[edit]

Another well-known passage dubbed "The Death of Wonton" illustrates the dangers Zhuangzi saw in going against the innate nature of things.[24]

Nam Hải chi đế vì thúc, Bắc Hải chi đế vì chợt, trung ương chi đế vì hỗn độn. Thúc cùng chợt khi sống chung ngộ với hỗn độn nơi, hỗn độn đãi chi cực thiện. Thúc cùng chợt mưu báo hỗn độn chi đức, rằng: Người đều có thất khiếu, lấy nghe nhìn thực tức, này độc vô có, nếm thử tạc chi. Ngày tạc một khiếu, bảy ngày mà hỗn độn chết.
The emperor of the Southern Seas was Lickety, the emperor of the Northern Sea was Split, and the emperor of the Centre was Wonton. Lickety and Split often met each other in the land of Wonton, and Wonton treated them very well. Wanting to repay Wonton's kindness, Lickety and Split said, "All people have seven holes for seeing, hearing, eating, and breathing. Wonton alone lacks them. Let's try boring some holes for him." So every day they bored one hole [in him], and on the seventh day Wonton died.

— Zhuangzi,chapter 7 (Mair translation)[25]

Zhuangzi believed that the greatest of all human happiness could be achieved through a higher understanding of the nature of things, and that in order to develop oneself fully one needed to express one's innate ability.[22]

"The Debate on the Joy of Fish"[edit]

Chapter 17 contains a well-known exchange between Zhuangzi and Huizi, featuring a heavy use of wordplay; it has been compared to a Socratic dialogue.[20]

Thôn trang cùng huệ tử du với hào lương phía trên. Thôn trang rằng: Thúc cá du lịch thong dong, là cá nhạc cũng.
Zhuangzi and Huizi were enjoying themselves on the bridge over the Hao River. Zhuangzi said, "Theminnowsare darting about free and easy! This is how fish are happy. "

Huệ tử rằng: Trang Tử không phải cá, làm sao biết cá có vui. Thôn trang rằng: Tử phi ta, an biết ta không biết cá chi nhạc.
Huizi replied, "You are not a fish. How[a]do you know that the fish are happy? "Zhuangzi said," You are not I. How do you know that I do not know that the fish are happy? "

Huệ tử rằng: Ta phi tử, cố không biết tử rồi; tử cố phi cá cũng, tử chi không biết cá chi nhạc toàn rồi.
Huizi said, "I am not you, to be sure, so of course I don't know about you. But you obviously are not a fish; so the case is complete that you do not know that the fish are happy."

Thôn trang rằng: Thỉnh theo này bổn. Tử rằng nhữ an biết cá nhạc vân giả, đã đã biết ngô biết chi mà hỏi ta, ta biết chi hào thượng cũng.
Zhuangzi said, "Let's go back to the beginning of this. You said, How do you know that the fish are happy; but in asking me this, you already knew that I know it. I know it right here above the Hao."

— Zhuangzi,chapter 17 (Watson translation)[28]

The precise point Zhuangzi intends to make in the debate is not entirely clear. The text appears to stress that "knowing" a thing is simply a state of mind: moreover, that it is not possible to determine whether "knowing" has any objective meaning. This sequence has been cited as an example of Zhuangzi's mastery of language, with reason subtly employed in order to make an anti-rationalist point.[29]

"Drumming On a Tub and Singing"[edit]

A passage in chapter 18 describes Zhuangzi's reaction following the death of his wife, expressing a view of death as something not to be feared.

Thôn trang thê chết, huệ tử điếu chi, thôn trang tắc phương ngồi dạng chân cổ bồn mà ca. Huệ tử rằng: Cùng người cư trưởng tử, lão thân chết, không khóc cũng đủ rồi, lại cổ bồn mà ca, không cũng cực chăng.
Zhuangzi's wife died. When Huizi went to convey his condolences, he found Zhuangzi sitting with his legs sprawled out, pounding on a tub and singing. "You lived with her, she brought up your children and grew old," said Huizi. "It should be enough simply not to weep at her death. But pounding on a tub and singing—this is going too far, isn't it?"

Thôn trang rằng: Bằng không. Là này thủy chết cũng, ta độc gì có thể vô khái nhiên. Sát này thủy mà bổn vô sinh, không những vô sinh cũng, mà bổn vô hình, không những vô hình cũng, mà bổn vô khí. Tạp chăng mang vật chi gian, biến mà có khí, khí biến mà hữu hình, biến hình mà có sinh, nay lại biến mà chi tử, là sống chung vì xuân thu đông hạ bốn mùa hành cũng.
Zhuangzi said, "You're wrong. When she first died, do you think I didn't grieve like anyone else? But I looked back to her beginning and the time before she was born. Not only the time before she was born, but the time before she had a body. Not only the time before she had a body, but the time before she had a spirit. In the midst of the jumble of wonder and mystery a change took place and she had a spirit. Another change and she had a body. Another change and she was born. Now there's been another change and she's dead. It's just like the progression of the four seasons, spring, summer, fall, winter."

Người thả yển nhiên tẩm với cự thất, mà ta khiếu khiếu nhiên tùy mà khóc chi, tự cho là không thông chăng mệnh, cố ngăn cũng.
"Now she's going to lie down peacefully in a vast room. If I were to follow after her bawling and sobbing, it would show that I don't understand anything about fate. So I stopped."

— Zhuangzi,chapter 18 (Watson translation)[30]

Zhuangzi seems to have viewed death as a natural process of transformation to be wholly accepted, where one form of existence is given up and another assumed.[31]In the second chapter, Zhuangzi makes the point that, for all humans know, death may in fact be better than life: "How do I know that loving life is not a delusion? How do I know that in hating death I am not like a man who, having left home in his youth, has forgotten the way back?"[32]His writings teach that "the wise man or woman accepts death with equanimity and thereby achieves absolute happiness."[31]

Zhuangzi's death[edit]

Zhuangzi's own death is depicted in chapter 32, pointing to the body of lore that grew up around Zhuangzi in the decades following his death.[10]It serves to embody and reaffirm the ideas attributed to Zhuangzi throughout the previous chapters.

Thôn trang đem chết, đệ tử dục hậu táng chi. Thôn trang rằng: Ngô lấy thiên địa vì quan tài, lấy nhật nguyệt vì liền bích, sao trời vì châu ngọc, vạn vật vì tê đưa. Ngô táng cụ chẳng phải bị tà. Dùng cái gì thêm này.
When Master Zhuang was about to die, his disciples wanted to give him a lavish funeral. Master Zhuang said: "I take heaven and earth as my inner and outer coffins, the sun and moon as my pair of jade disks, the stars and constellations as my pearls and beads, the ten thousand things as my funerary gifts. With my burial complete, how is there anything left unprepared? What shall be added to it?"

Đệ tử rằng: Ngô khủng ô diều chi thực phu tử cũng. Thôn trang rằng: Ở thượng vì ô diều thực, tại hạ vì con kiến thực, đoạt bỉ cùng này, dữ dội thiên cũng.
The disciples said: "We are afraid that the crows andkiteswill eat you, Master! "Master Zhuang said:" Above ground I'd be eaten by crows and kites, below ground I'd be eaten bymole cricketsand ants. You rob the one and give to the other—how skewed would that be? "

— Zhuangzi,chapter 32 (Kern translation)[10]

List of chapters[edit]

No. Title
English[33] Chinese
Inner chapters 1 "Carefree Wandering" Tiêu dao du;Xiāoyáo yóu
2 "On the Equality of Things" Tề vật luận;Qí wù lùn
3 "Essentials forNurturing Life" Dưỡng sinh chủ;Yǎngshēng zhǔ
4 "The Human World" Nhân gian thế;Rénjiān shì
5 "Symbols of Integrity Fulfilled" Đức sung phù;Dé chōng fú
6 "The Great Ancestral Teacher" Đại tông sư;Dà zōngshī
7 "Responses for Emperors and Kings" Ứng đế vương;Yìng dì wáng
Outer chapters 8 "Webbed Toes" Biền mẫu;Piān mǔ
9 "Horses' Hooves" Vó ngựa;Mǎtí
10 "Ransacking Coffers" Khư khiếp;Qū qiè
11 "Preserving and Accepting" Ở hựu;Zài yòu
12 "Heaven and Earth" Thiên địa;Tiāndì
13 "The Way of Heaven" Thiên Đạo;Tiān dào
14 "Heavenly Revolutions" Thiên vận;Tiān yùn
15 "Ingrained Opinions" Cố tình;Kè yì
16 "Mending Nature" Thiện tính;Shàn xìng
17 "Autumn Floods" Thu thủy;Qiū shuǐ
18 "Ultimate Joy" Đến nhạc;Zhì lè
19 "Understanding Life" Đạt sinh;Dá shēng
20 "The Mountain Tree" Sơn mộc;Shān mù
21 "Sir Square Field" Điền tử phương;Tiánzǐ fāng
22 "Knowledge Wanders North" Biết bắc du;Zhī běi yóu
Misc.chapters 23 "Gengsang Chu" Canh tang sở;Gēngsāng Chǔ
24 "Ghostless Xu" Từ vô quỷ;Xú wúguǐ
25 "Sunny" Tắc dương;Zé yáng
26 "External Things" Ngoại vật;Wài wù
27 "Metaphors" Ngụ ngôn;Yùyán
28 "Abdicating Kingship" Làm vương;Ràng wáng
29 "Robber Footpad" Đạo chích;Dào zhí
30 "Discoursing on Swords" Nói kiếm;Shuō jiàn
31 "An Old Fisherman" Cá phụ;Yú fù
32 "Lie Yukou" Liệt ngự khấu;Liè Yùkòu
33 "All Under Heaven" Thiên hạ;Tiānxià

Themes[edit]

The principles and attitudes expressed in theZhuangziform the core of philosophicalTaoism.The text recommends embracing a natural spontaneity in order to better align one's inner self with the cosmic "Way". It also encourages keeping a distance from politics and social obligations, accepting death as a natural transformation, and appreciating things otherwise viewed as useless or lacking purpose. The text implores the reader to reject societal norms and conventional reasoning. The other major philosophical schools in ancient China—includingConfucianism,Legalism,andMohism—all proposed concrete social, political, and ethical reforms. By reforming both individuals and society as a whole, thinkers from these schools sought to alleviate human suffering, and ultimately solve the world's problems.[4]Contrarily, Zhuangzi believed the key to true happiness was to free oneself from worldly impingements through a principle of 'inaction' (wu wei)—action that is not based in purposeful striving or motivated by potential gain. As such, he fundamentally opposed systems that sought to impose order on individuals.[34][35]

TheZhuangzidescribes the universe as being in a constant state of spontaneous change, which is not driven by any conscious God or force ofwill.It argues that humans, owing to their exceptional cognitive ability, tend to create artificial distinctions that remove them from the natural spontaneity of the universe. These include those of good versus bad, large versus small, and usefulness versus uselessness. It proposes that humans can achieve ultimate happiness by rejecting these distinctions, and living spontaneously in kind.[36]Zhuangzi often uses examples of craftsmen and artisans to illustrate the mindlessness and spontaneity he felt should characterize human action. As Burton Watson described, "the skilled woodcarver, the skilled butcher, the skilled swimmer does not ponder orratiocinateon the course of action he should take; his skill has become so much a part of him that he merely acts instinctively and spontaneously and, without knowing why, achieves success ".[34]The term "wandering" (Du;yóu) is used throughout theZhuangzito describe how an enlightened person "wanders through all of creation, enjoying its delights without ever becoming attached to any one part of it".[34]The nonhuman characters throughout the text are often identified as being useful vehicles for metaphor. However, some recent scholarship has characterized theZhuangzias being "anti-anthropocentric" or even "animalistic" in the significance it ascribes to nonhuman characters. When viewed through this lens, theZhuangziquestions humanity's central place in the world, or even rejects the distinction between the human and natural worlds altogether.[37]

Political positions in theZhuangzigenerally pertain to what governments should not do, rather than what they should do or how they may be reformed. The text seems to oppose formal government, viewing it as fundamentally problematic due to "the opposition between man and nature".[38]Zhuangzi attempts to illustrate that "as soon as government intervenes in natural affairs, it destroys all possibility of genuine happiness".[39]It is unclear whether Zhuangzi's positions amount to a form ofanarchism.[40]

Western scholars have noted strong anti-rationalistthemes present throughout theZhuangzi.Whereas reason and logic as understood inAncient Greek philosophyproved foundational to the entire Western tradition, Chinese philosophers often preferred to rely on moral persuasion and intuition. Throughout Chinese history, theZhuangzisignificantly informed skepticism towards rationalism. In the text, Zhuangzi frequently turns logical arguments upside-down in order to satirize and discredit them. However, according to Mair he does not abandon language and reason altogether, but "only wishe[s] to point out that over-dependence on them could limit the flexibility of thought".[41]Confuciushimself is a recurring character in the text—sometimes engaging in invented debates withLaozi,where Confucius is consistently portrayed as being the less authoritative, junior figure of the two. In some appearances, Confucius is subjected to mockery and made "the butt of many jokes", while in others he is treated with unambiguous respect, intermittently serving as the "mouthpiece" for Zhuangzi's ideas.[42]

Comparison with theTao Te Ching[edit]

TheZhuangziandTao Te Chingare considered to be the two fundamental texts in the Taoist tradition. It is accepted that some version of theTao Te Chinginfluenced the composition of theZhuangzi;however, the two works are distinct in their perspectives on the Tao itself. TheZhuangziuses the word "Tao" (Nói) less frequently than theTao Te Ching,with the former often using 'heaven' (Thiên) in places the latter would use "Tao". While Zhuangzi discusses the personal process of following the Tao at length, compared to Laozi he articulates little about the nature of the Tao itself. TheZhuangzi's only direct description of the Tao is contained in "The Great Ancestral Teacher" (No. 6), in a passage "demonstrably adapted" from chapter 21 of theTao Te Ching.The inner chapters and theTao Te Chingagree that limitations inherent to human language preclude any sufficient description of the Tao. Meanwhile, imperfect descriptions are ubiquitous throughout both texts.[43]

Influence[edit]

TheZhuangziis the most influential work of pure literature written in China prior to its unification under the Qin dynasty in 221 BC. For the period, it demonstrated an unparalleled creativity in its use of language.[44]Virtually every major Chinese writer or poet in history, fromSima XiangruandSima Qianduring theHan dynasty,Ruan JiandTao Yuanmingduring theSix Dynasties,Li Baiduring theTang dynasty,toSu ShiandLu Youin theSong dynastywere "deeply imbued with the ideas and artistry of theZhuangzi".[45]

Antiquity[edit]

Traces of theZhuangzi's influence in late Warring States period philosophical texts such as theGuanzi,Han Feizi,Huainanzi,andLüshi Chunqiusuggest that Zhuangzi's intellectual lineage was already influential in the states ofQiandChuby the 3rd century BC. During theQinandHan dynasties,with their respective state-sponsoredLegalistandConfucianideologies, theZhuangzidoes not seem to have been highly regarded. One exception is "Fuon the Owl "(Phục điểu phú;Fúniǎo fù)—the earliest known definitive example offurhapsody,written by the Han-era scholarJia Yiin 170 BC. Jia does not reference theZhuangziby name, but cites it for one-sixth of the poem.[46]

TheThree Kingdomsperiod (220–280 AD) that followed the collapse of the Han dynasty saw Confucianism temporarily surpassed by a resurgence of interest in Taoism and old divination texts such as theI Ching,with many poets, artists, and calligraphers of this period drawing influence from theZhuangzi.[47]The poetsRuan JiandXi Kang,both members of theSeven Sages of the Bamboo Grove,admired the work; an essay authored by Ruan entitled "Discourse on Summing Up theZhuangzi"(Đạt trang luận;Dá Zhuāng lùn) is still extant.[18]

Taoism and Buddhism[edit]

TheZhuangzihas been called "the most important of all the Daoist writings",[48]with the inner chapters embodying the core ideas of philosophical Taoism.[10]During the 4th century AD, theZhuangzibecame a major source of imagery and terminology for theShangqing School,a new form of Taoism that had become popular among the aristocracy of theJin dynasty (266–420).Shangqing School Taoism borrowed numerous terms from theZhuangzi,such as "perfected man" (Chân nhân;zhēnrén), "Great Clarity" (Quá thanh;Tài Qīng), and "fasting the mind" (Tâm trai;xīn zhāi). While their use of these terms was distinct from that found in theZhuangziitself, their incidence still demonstrates the text's influence on Shangqing thought.[49]

TheZhuangziwas very influential in the adaptation of Buddhism to Chinese culture after Buddhism was first brought to China from India in the 1st century AD.Zhi Dun,China's first aristocratic Buddhist monk, wrote a prominent commentary to theZhuangziin the mid-4th century. TheZhuangzialso played a significant role in the formation ofChan Buddhism—and therefore ofZenin Japan—which grew out of "a fusion of Buddhist ideology and ancient Daoist thought." Traits of Chan practice traceable to theZhuangziinclude a distrust of language and logic, an insistence that the "Way" can be found in everything, even dung and urine, and a fondness for dialogues based onkoans.[49]

Medieval and modern eras[edit]

In 742, an imperial proclamation fromEmperor Xuanzong of Tangcanonized theZhuangzias one of theChinese classics,awarding it the honorific title 'True Scripture of Southern Florescence' (Nam Hoa Chân Kinh;Nánhuá zhēnjīng).[50]Nevertheless, most scholars throughout Chinese history did not consider it as being a "classic" per se, due to its non-Confucian nature.[51]

Throughout Chinese history, theZhuangziremained the pre-eminent expression of core Taoist ideals. The 17th-century scholarGu Yanwulamented the flippant use of theZhuangzion theimperial examinationessays as representing a decline in traditional morals at the end of theMing dynasty(1368–1644).[52]Jia Baoyu,the main protagonist of the classic 18th-century novelDream of the Red Chamber,often turns to theZhuangzifor comfort amid the strife in his personal and romantic relationships.[53]The story of Zhuang Zhou drumming on a tub and singing after the death of his wife inspired an entire tradition of folk music in the central Chinese provinces ofHubeiandHunancalled "funeral drumming" (Tang cổ;sànggǔ) that survived into the 18th and 19th centuries.[54]

20th and 21st centuries[edit]

Outside of East Asia, theZhuangziis not as popular as theTao Te Chingand is rarely known by non-scholars. A number of prominent scholars have attempted to bring theZhuangzito wider attention among Western readers. In 1939, the British sinologistArthur Waleydescribed it as "one of the most entertaining as well as one of the profoundest books in the world".[55]In the introduction to his 1994 translation, Victor H. Mair wrote that he "[felt] a sense of injustice that theDao De Jingis so well known to my fellow citizens while theZhuangziis so thoroughly ignored, because I firmly believe that the latter is in every respect a superior work ".[56]

Western thinkers who have been influenced by the text includeMartin Heidegger,who became deeply interested in the oeuvres of Laozi and Zhuangzi during the 1930s. In particular, Heidegger was drawn to theZhuangzi's treatment of usefulness versus uselessness. He explicitly references one of the debates between Zhuangzi and Huizi (No. 24) within the third dialogue ofCountry Path Conversations,written as the Second World War was coming to an end.[57]In the dialogue, Heidegger's characters conclude that "pure waiting" as expressed in theZhuangzi—that is, waiting for nothing—is the only viable mindset for the German people in the wake of the failure of national socialism and Germany's comprehensive defeat.[58]

Selected translations[edit]

  • Herbert Giles(1889),Chuang Tzŭ: Mystic, Moralist and Social Reformer,London: Bernard Quaritch; 2nd edition, revised (1926), Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh; reprinted (1961), London: George Allen and Unwin.
  • James Legge(1891),The Texts of Taoism,inSacred Books of the East,vols. XXXIX, XL, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  • Fung Yu-lan(1933),Chuang Tzu, a New Selected Translation with an Exposition on the Philosophy of Kuo Hsiang,Shanghai: Shang wu.
  • Burton Watson(1964),Chuang tzu: Basic Writings,New York: Columbia University Press; 2nd edition (1996); 3rd edition (2003) converted topinyin.
  • Burton Watson (1968),The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu,New York: Columbia University Press.
  • A. C. Graham(1981),Chuang-tzu, The Seven Inner Chapters and Other Writings from the Book Chuang-tzu,London: George Allen and Unwin. Translation notes published separately in 1982 asChuang-tzu: Textual Notes to a Partial Translation,London: School of Oriental and African Studies.
  • Victor H. Mair(1994),Wandering on the Way: Early Taoist Tales and Parables of Chuang Tzu,New York: Bantam Books; republished (1997), Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
  • Brook Ziporyn (2009),Zhuangzi: The Essential Writings with Selections from Traditional Commentaries,Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing.
  • Brook Ziporyn (2020),Zhuangzi: The Complete Writings,Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing.
  • Richard John Lynn (2022),Zhuangzi: A New Translation of the Daoist Classic as Interpreted by Guo Xiang,New York: Columbia University Press.
  • Christoph Harbsmeier & John R. Williams (2024),The Inner Chapters of the Zhuangzi: With Copious Annotations from the Chinese Commentaries,Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.

Notes[edit]

  1. ^In his translation, A. C. Graham notes Huizi's challenge as not using the broader Classical Chinese question word('howdo you know?'), but rather alocativequestion wordAn('whencedo you know?').[26]These subtle differences in the original language give rise to a contemplation on perspective and the nature of knowing.[27]

References[edit]

Citations[edit]

  1. ^Mair (1998),p. 20.
  2. ^Mair (1998),p. 21;Mair (1994),p. xxxi;Knechtges (2014),p. 2314;Wilkinson (2015),p. 697.
  3. ^Mair (1994),pp. xxxi–xxxiii.
  4. ^abWatson (2003),p. 3.
  5. ^Klein (2010),p. 308.
  6. ^Roth (1993),pp. 56–58;Klein (2010),p. 300;Lo (2022),p. 44.
  7. ^abKnechtges (2014),p. 2315.
  8. ^Mair (1998),p. 21.
  9. ^Mair (2000),p. 37.
  10. ^abcdKern (2010),p. 74.
  11. ^Mair (2000),p. 33.
  12. ^Roth (1993),p. 57.
  13. ^abRoth (1993),p. 58.
  14. ^Knaul, Livia (1985)."Kuo Hsiang and the Chuang Tzu".Journal of Chinese Philosophy.12(4): 429–447.doi:10.1163/15406253-01204005.ISSN0301-8121.
  15. ^Bumbacher, Stephan Peter (2016). "Reconstructing theZhuang zi:Preliminary Considerations ".Asiatische Studien – Études Asiatiques.70(3): 643–650, 656–657.doi:10.1515/asia-2016-0045.ISSN0004-4717.
  16. ^Roth (1993),pp. 61–62.
  17. ^Roth (1993),p. 62.
  18. ^abMair (1998),p. 23.
  19. ^Mair (1998),pp. 23–24.
  20. ^abMair (1998),p. 24.
  21. ^Watson (2003),p. 44.
  22. ^abcMair (1994),p. xl.
  23. ^Graham (1981),pp. 21–22.
  24. ^Mair (1994),p. xxxix.
  25. ^Mair (1994),p. 71.
  26. ^Roth, Harold D. (2003). "How Much ofChuang TzuDid Chuang Tzu Write? ".A Companion to Angus C. Graham'sChuang Tzu.University of Hawaiʻi Press. pp. 58–103.ISBN978-0-824-85118-7.
  27. ^Hansen (2021).
  28. ^Watson (2003),pp. 188–189, quoted inNivison (1999),p. 783.
  29. ^Nivison (1999),pp. 783–784.
  30. ^Watson (2003),p. 115.
  31. ^abMair (1994),p. xxxiv.
  32. ^Watson (2003),cited inNivison (1999),p. 789.
  33. ^Mair (1998),pp. 21–22.
  34. ^abcWatson (2003),p. 6.
  35. ^Kern (2010),pp. 74–75.
  36. ^Puett (2001),pp. 76–77.
  37. ^D'Ambrosio (2022),pp. 2, 15.
  38. ^Mair (1994),p. xli.
  39. ^Mair (1994),p. xlii.
  40. ^Mair (1994),pp. xli–xlii.
  41. ^Mair (1994),p. xliii.
  42. ^D'Ambrosio (2022),pp. 12–13.
  43. ^Fried, Daniel (2012). "What's in aDao?: Ontology and Semiotics in Laozi and Zhuangzi ".Dao.11(4): 419–436.doi:10.1007/s11712-012-9290-1.ISSN1540-3009.
  44. ^Mair (2000),p. 30.
  45. ^Mair (1998),pp. 22–23.
  46. ^Mair (1998),pp. 22, 33.
  47. ^Mair (2000),pp. 33–34.
  48. ^Idema & Haft (1997),p. 90.
  49. ^abMair (2000),p. 34.
  50. ^Mair (1994),p. xxxi.
  51. ^Goldin (2001),p. 87.
  52. ^Li (2010),pp. 158–159.
  53. ^Shang (2010),p. 290.
  54. ^Idema (2010),p. 403.
  55. ^Quoted inGraham (1981),p. 3.
  56. ^Mair (1994),pp. xlii–xliii.
  57. ^Heidegger, Martin (2016) [1995].Country Path Conversations.Translated by Davis, Bret W. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.ISBN978-0-253-00439-0.
  58. ^Nelson, Eric S. (2019). "Heidegger's Daoist Turn".Research in Phenomenology.49(3). Brill: 362–384.ISSN0085-5553.JSTOR26843235.

Works cited[edit]

Further reading[edit]