Populism

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1896 Judge cartoon showsWilliam Jennings Bryan/Populism as a snake swallowing up the mule representing the Democratic party.

Populismis a political doctrine that proposes that the common people are exploited by a privileged elite, and which seeks to resolve this.

Quotes

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  • No chord in populism reverberates more strongly than the notion that the robustcommon senseof an unstained outsider is the bestmedicinefor an ailing polity.Caliguladoubtless got big cheers from the plebs when he installed hishorseasproconsul.
  • Ur-Fascism is based upon a selective populism, a qualitative populism, one might say. In ademocracy,thecitizenshaveindividual rights,but the citizens in their entirety have a political impact only from a quantitative point of view—one follows the decisions of the majority. For Ur-Fascism, however,individualsas individuals have no rights, and the People is conceived as a quality, a monolithic entity expressing the Common Will. Since no large quantity of human beings can have a common will, theLeaderpretends to be their interpreter. Having lost their power of delegation, citizens do not act; they are only called on to play the role of the People. Thus the People is only a theatrical fiction.
  • There is a historic battle going on across the west, inEurope,America,and elsewhere. It isglobalismagainstpopulism.And you may loathe populism, but I’ll tell you a funny thing. It is becoming very popular!And it has great benefits. No more financial contributions, no moreEuropean Courts of Justice.No more EuropeanCommon Fisheries Policy,no more being talked down to. No more being bullied, no moreGuy Verhofstadt!What’s not to like. I know you’re going to miss us, I know you want to ban our nationalflags,but we’re going to wave you goodbye, and we’ll look forward in the future to working with you as asovereignnation… [Farage is cut off by the chair]
    • Nigel Farage,EU Farewell Speech,as quoted in Nigel Farage’s Final EU Speech: Mic Gets Cut as He Waves UK Flag in Victory,Breitbart news
  • Populism is a path that, at its outset, can look and feeldemocratic.But, followed to its logical conclusion, it can lead to democratic backsliding or even outrightauthoritarianism.
    • Max Fisherand Amanda Taub, “How can Populism Erode Democracy? Ask Venezuela,”The New York Times,(April 2, 2017)
  • We have been given an assignment as amonarchy,and we do as well as we can… We try to be as little populistic as possible. We don't do anything on the spur of the moment to win an opinion poll, or short-term popularity.
  • Thefederalistadventure, so assured in itsidealism,had always required the honouring ofRousseau’ssocial contract,a consensual relationship between thestateand thecitizen.Europe’s diverse peoples would supportunion,but only insofar as it did not infringe their perceived character and way of life. Europe’s boomingcitiesmight be able to absorb change, but this was not true of formerlyindustrialprovinces, rural areas and ageing populations.Britain’s pro-Brexitvoters–heavily provincial, rural and older–reflected this divide.Partiesvariously labelledright-wing,nationalistor populist gainedstrengthin most if not all European states, responding to a call forvotersto ‘take back control’ of their political and social environment. Most alarmingly, the 2016 World Values Survey reported that ‘fewer than half’ of respondents born in theseventiesandeightiesbelieved it was ‘essential to live in a country that isgoverneddemocratically’. InGermany,Spain,JapanandAmerica,between twenty and forty per cent would prefer ‘a strongleaderwho does not have to bother withparliamentsorelections’.
    • Simon Jenkins,A Short History of Europe: From Pericles to Putin(2018)
  • Democratshave to figure out why thewhiteworking classjust voted overwhelmingly against its own economic interests, not pretend that a bit more populism would solve the problem.
  • Building onLinz’s work, we have developed a set of four behavioral warning signs that can help us know an authoritarian when we see one. We should worry when apolitician1) rejects, in words or action, thedemocraticrules of the game, 2) denies thelegitimacyof opponents, 3) tolerates or encouragesviolence,or 4) indicates a willingness to curtail thecivil libertiesof opponents, including the media. Table 1 shows how to assess politicians in terms of these four factors. A politician who meets even one of these criteria is cause for concern. What kinds of candidates tend to test positive on a litmus test forauthoritarianism?Very often, populist outsiders do. Populists are antiestablishment politicians—figures who, claiming to represent the voice of “the people,” wage war on what they depict as acorruptandconspiratorialelite.Populists tend to deny thelegitimacyof establishedparties,attacking them as undemocratic and even unpatriotic. They tell voters that the existing system is not really a democracy but instead has been hijacked, corrupted, or rigged by the elite. And they promise to bury that elite and return power to “the people.” This discourse should be taken seriously. When populists win elections, they often assault democratic institutions. InLatin America,for example, of all fifteenpresidentselected inBolivia,Ecuador,Peru,andVenezuelabetween 1990 and 2012, five were populist outsiders:Alberto Fujimori,Hugo Chávez,Evo Morales,Lucio Gutiérrez,andRafael Correa.All five ended up weakening democratic institutions.
    • Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt (2018)How Democracies Die.New York: Crown.
  • "Populists" believe inconspiraciesand one of the most enduring is that a secret group of internationalbankersandcapitalists,and their minions, control theworld's economy.
  • As Part IV of this book will chart, thefinancial and economic crisis of 2007–2012morphed between 2013 and 2017 into a comprehensive political and geopolitical crisis of the post–cold warorder. And the obvious political implication should not be dodged.Conservatismmight have been disastrous as a crisis-fighting doctrine, but events since 2012 suggest that the triumph ofcentristliberalismwas false too. As the remarkable escalation of the debate aboutinequalityin theUnited Stateshas starkly exposed, centrist liberals struggle to give convincing answers for the long-term problems ofmoderncapitalistdemocracy.The crisis added to those preexisting tensions of increasinginequalityanddisenfranchisement,and the dramatic crisis-fighting measures adopted since 2008, for all their short-term effectiveness, have their own, negative side effects. On that score the conservatives were right. Meanwhile, the geopolitical challenges thrown up, not by the violent turmoil of theMiddle Eastor “Slavic”backwardness but by the successful advance ofglobalization,have not gone away. They have intensified. And though the “Western alliance” is still in being, it is increasingly uncoordinated. In 2014Japanlurched toward confrontation withChina.And theEU—the colossus that “does not do geopolitics” — “sleepwalked” intoconflict with RussiaoverUkraine.Meanwhile, in the wake of the botched handling of theeurozone crisis,Europewitnessed a dramatic mobilization on bothLeftandRight.But rather than being taken as an expression of the vitality of European democracy in the face of deplorable governmental failure, however disagreeable that expression may in some cases be, the new politics of the postcrisis period were demonized as “populism,” tarred with the brush of the 1930s or attributed to the malign influence ofRussia.The forces of the status quo gathered in the Eurogroup set out to contain and then to neutralize theleft-winggovernments elected inGreeceandPortugalin 2015. Backed up by the newly enhanced powers of the fully activatedECB,this left no doubt about the robustness of theeurozone.All the more pressing were the questions about the limits of democracy in the EU and its lopsidedness. Against the Left, preying on its reasonableness, the brutal tactics of containment did their job. Against the Right they did not, asBrexit,PolandandHungarywere to prove.
    • Adam ToozeCrashed: How a Decade of Financial Crises Changed the World(2018)
  • populism, which is regularly invoked as a model by the majoritarians, is at bottom a form of identity politics or cultural nationalism for so-called ordinary people. Populism and "workerism," like other variants of nationalism, define membership in a political community through the exclusion of others and defend the received values of that community against outsiders. Such movements equate collective values with dominant values, denying conflict and punishing dissidence within their own ranks.
    • Ellen Willis"The Majoritarian Fallacy" in Don't Think, Smile!: Notes on a Decade of Denial (1999)
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